Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, October 14, 2012


Diaspora Activism

Sunday, 14 October 2012
On the 10th of October the British Tamil Conservatives (BTC) hosted one of the most successful fringe events at the Conservative Party conference, which was attended by several cabinet ministers, ministers of state, members of parliament (MPs) including Dr Liam Fox, members of the European parliament, mayors, councillors and other elected representatives. The event was hosted by Lee Scott MP, the patron of the BTC. The chairman of the Conservative Party, the Rt Hon Grant Schapps PC MP welcomed the BTC into the Conservative Party –their affiliation had been approved by the party board on the 3rd of September and is now officially a constituent of the party. Also present were senior members of the Global and British Tamil Forums. The keynote speech was delivered by the Rt Hon Theresa Villiers PC MP, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.
There is an important theme which should now be apparent to everyone; that is, for the first time in its history, the party of Churchill, Wellington and Disraeli has granted affiliation to a stateless ethnic community reflecting the contribution that British Tamils have made to the United Kingdom but also because they constitute the largest single issue voting bloc in south eastern England. All other affiliated groups are either country specific or religious. It is recognition of the new political reality that Tamils have an identity which is separate from any state.
The Sri Lankan press recently carried several reports of Conservative MPs visiting Sri Lanka with some quotes, some of whom attended the BTC event. What it did not report was that many of these MPs had been well briefed by their Tamil constituents and were also debriefed following their visit. The MPs also had a debriefing session with the FCO on the 4th of September where many asserted that it was a stage-managed tour. Some of whom they met during the visit wanted private discussions away from the prying eyes of the state apparatus, which was closely following them. As a result several of the visitors left their contact information with them. One MP quipped that those whom they spoke to did not want to join the “ranks of the disappeared”, and, therefore wished to make contact with them in private. Another said that he saw no willingness on the part of the Rajapakse regime to implement the recommendations of the LLRC. They were also scathing about the itinerary, being forced to sleep in a different hotel each night and particularly in Kandy where they arrived at 1.00 a.m. and made to leave at dawn.
The profile of MPs on this trip is suggestive of a lack of understanding of the evolving political ground in the UK and short-termist in outlook. The proposed constituency boundary changes are certain to unseat one if not more MPs on this trip at the 2015 general election. Other MPs hold their seats by wafer thin majorities. Also, the Sri Lankan High Commission seems to have targeted the 2010 intake, some of whom had to quit their jobs in government. Their maladroit approach to the organising of such trips allowed the Tamil Diaspora to lobby other MPs who had been approached and stop them from going. Clearly, the High Commission still fails to grasp that votes, especially from single-issue vote blocs, which can decisively alter the outcome of an election, will always come first for any politician.
It is perhaps this and other miss-steps by the Sri Lankan High Commission that has led many and particularly among the Sinhalese in the UK to question whether the High Commissioner is fit for purpose. There is a growing sense and is reflected in a comment made by one journalist that he is more interested in “selling Mackwoods tea than representing the nation’s interests”. Indeed, Mandarins at the FCO had been gifted several boxes and the irony did not escape Diaspora activists when they were offered it in jest during their meeting to discuss plans to disrupt Rajapkse’s visit during Her Majesty’s jubilee celebrations. The purging of capable professional diplomats from the High Commission such as Hamza, Lengalle and Pathmanathan has also severely weakened the post.
The High Commission is also doubling down on its engagement with the junior members Conservative party after its failure to win over any of its big beasts. Anyway, the Foreign Secretary would block any such interaction. It is also ignoring engaging with other parties to Sri Lanka’s severe detriment.
- Westminster Insider

BTC hopes to get conservative massage to the community and actively partake in conservative activities




Is A Sovereign Debt Debacle Looming?

By Kumar David -October 13, 2012
Prof. Kumar David
Colombo TelegraphBefore getting to my subject, the public debt, I wish to comment on the topic of the month, the community clamour (no longer just a FUTA demand) that government spending on education be increased. Combined government outlay on education and higher education in 2012 is 1.9% of GDP and 6% of government budget and was deemed outrageously low and well below Asian and international norms; Lanka is the worst performer in all of South Asia. What do the 2013 budget proposals laid at the end of September show? Persons of sound mind would expect an improvement. Dead wrong! Believe it or not the precipitate decline in these percentages associated with theRajapakse Presidency has taken another dive.
The 2013 allocation for the education sector is Rs 65.8 billion (37.9 for education, 27.9 for higher education) and the estimated total government expenditure is Rs 1,189 billion. That is the total allocation has been reduced to 5.5%; a sharp drop of 2.5% from 2012’s 8%. (There are education and training related items in other Ministry votes so the exact number will be slightly higher).
The Central Bank says GDP in 2011 was Rs 6543 billion and it estimates 2012 growth at 6.8%, and 7.3% in 2013 which makes 2013 expected GDP (6534 x 1.068 x 1.073), Rs7500 billion. Horror of horrors; 65.8 as a percentage of 7500 is a miserable, miserly 0.88%, that is less than 1% of GDP! While the nation marches for 6% of GDP, Rajapakse slashes his lousy 1.9% of GDP to a wretched starvation diet of 0.88%.
Sovereign debt explosion
All the figures hereafter are from Central Bank (CB) publications and most from one entitled “Public Debt Management: Performance 2011”, dated 31 July 2012; so I’m up to date. All monies are hereafter stated in billions of Sri Lanka rupees, unless otherwise said; this makes writing and reading simpler. As said the CB estimates 2013 GDP at 7500 but my estimate is lower. The CB’s growth estimates are optimistic; I think the numbers will be 6.5% (2012) and 6% (2013). Hence my 2013 GDP estimate is 7390; but let these differences pass, I will stay with 7500.
At the end of 2011 Sri Lanka’s Public Debt (also called sovereign debt or government debt) stood at 5.1 trillion (a trillion is 1000 billion) consisting of a domestic component of 2.8 trillion and a foreign component of 2.3 trillion. This was 78.5% of 2011 GDP and an improvement from 2010 when the number was 82%, and a nearly 10% improvement from 88% in 2006. This improvement is because GDP grew at a faster rate than debt which continued to expand in absolute magnitude. To run a little ahead, a point I wish to establish in this piece is that GDP growth is slowing while debt expansion is accelerating; hence the Debt/GDP ratio will start rising again from 2012 unless something unforeseeable happens, but the unforeseeable is also the unlikely.
Bear with me while I inflict a few more numbers on you but they are needed. Hereafter D stands for domestic and F for foreign. Borrowing in 2011 was 994 (D:671, F:323) of which net borrowing was 457 (D:233, F:224). Net borrowing is the amount by which loans taken exceed loans amortised or repaid. Net borrowing is the measure of how much deeper into debt the country is sinking. This relates to the point about debt growing albeit in recent years at a slower pace than GDP.
Debt servicing
We need to consider interest payment and capital repayment separately. If one takes new loans to repay maturing loans that can be described as the stand-still case. If one takes loans not only for that purpose but also to pay interest on existing loans, that is a dangerous debt spiral; there is a caveat to this gloomy remark that I will concede later.
To keep matters simple I will quote numbers for 2011, instead of using the trend curve. The costs of debt servicing in 2011 was 895 (D:728, F:167) of which the break down into repayment of principal and interest payments were as follows; principal 539 (D:440, F:99) and interest 356 (D:288, F:68). Observe that both in principal amortisation and interest payment the foreign burden in much lighter than the domestic. This is thanks to a large portion of foreign loans being on concessionary, low-interest, long repayment or bi-lateral terms. This is changing as the government, increasingly broke, is compelled to raise funds on tougher commercial terms in international markets (sovereign bonds). Domestic borrowing is at high local-market interest rates and maturity may be quick (T-bills maturing in less than a year) or medium term (3 to 10 year T-bonds). I apologise for so many statistics, they are boring, but if you want to get a handle on the debt hole in which we will soon bury ourselves you have to bear with me.
With this apology I have earned the right to inflict one last debt statistic on you. What are the debt servicing requirements relative to revenue and expenditure? If we stick with 2011 real numbers, instead of estimates (2012) or budgets (2013), 2011 interest payment alone on the Public Debt was 37.6% of government revenue and 26.1% of government expenditure. Wow you will say, but there is worse to come; in the same year debt servicing (amortisation and interest together) work out as 94% of government revenue and 66% of expenditure. How the devil does the government run at all, you may ask, if 94% of its revenue goes to service debt? Ah there’s the trick; notionally it does not use revenue for this purpose at all, it simply takes new debt to amortise old debt and pay interest on debt.
This is conceptual; actually monies are consolidated in a few holdings, so the distinction I am making is not physical but an accounting one. If you pay your club booze bill out of your wife’s savings or your wife raids your unguarded wallet to get that new sari, well it’s a bit like that. But you can’t forever blur the fact that you are boozing out of the family’s long-term nest egg. In fairness there is another point. A part of the amortisation is recouped via new loans – what I called the stand-still option – so it is only when you incur additional or “net borrowing”, and/or when you incur debt because you can’t pay the interest, that you are eroding the nation’s (or the family’s) future.
Now to the caveat that I promised to concede; borrowing for the sake of increasing output, repaying debt, and eventually doing even better, is great. That’s what every growing business does; borrow, build factory, produce, repay loan, after that its money for jam. Government’s can and have done this and many success stories of today are nations who borrowed for growth and are today lenders to their erstwhile benefactors. The point however is that as far as GoSL is concerned this is beside the point; this country is not getting into debt to enhance growth, it is borrowing for all the wrong reasons. More on that later.
Spiralling budget deficit
Recently released statistics show that the budget deficit for the first half of 2012 was a frightening 61% or 38% depending on how you do your sums. The deficit of Rs 303 billion for the first six months is 61% of revenue (Rs 497 billion) or 38% of expenditure (Rs 800 billion) for the same period. There is a theory of increased revenue flows in the second half of a year due to enhanced tax collections, but I think this is exaggerated; most tax is from excise duties, indirect taxes and customs duties, and there is no reason to expect a large spike in revenue during the rest of the year.
Therefore it is reasonable to forecast that the budget deficit for year 2012 will, in round numbers, be about Rs 600 billion, while revenue and expenditure can be pro-rated to Rs 1000 billion and Rs 1600 billion, respectively. Obviously this is not formal forecasting but good enough to convey a flavour of the parlous state of economic health. How does this compare with last year? Quite bad; the end of year budget deficit for 2012 will be about 40% higher than the 2011 deficit; the half year deficits were Rs 217 billion and Rs 303 billion in the first six months of 2011 and 2012, respectively.
The trade imbalances
Putting it in round numbers, which is the best we can do at this stage since the first seven months only provide a trend line for where we may be at the end of year, gross 2012 import outgoings will be about $22 billion and export earnings about $11 billion. With an aggressive policy of import discouragement the government may be able to reduce this mountain of $11 billion deficit in the foreign trade account by a little, but not too much. Exports certainly cannot be grown by anything above trend by any policy formulations that can take effect within three months and in any case everyone is at the mercy of a contracting European market and a doggedly slack US economy. Hence it is reasonable to forecast that export earnings will only cover 50 to 60% of import expenditure in 2012 and frankly I do not expect better in 2013. The Central Bank research unit’s forecasts in the accompanying figure are more pessimistic than mine.
If we are out of pocket to the tune of $11 billion on foreign trade and services how to balance the books and cook what cannot be balanced – that is reconcile the balance of payments. Remittances, that is what the ladies (and a few gentlemen) who work mostly in the Middle East send home, may reach $6 billion in 2012. Tourism may with difficulty bring in another $ 1 billion. The government has pipe dreams of attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) of $ 1.7 to $2 billion in 2012. This is pie in the sky, a significant shortfall is certain. Truthfully, all this together will cover say $8 billion of the shortfall in the trade account. Short-term cash flows into portfolio accounts (stock market and private currency inflows) and bank borrowing of foreign currencies can help a bit, but in the end GoSL will resort to massive high interest foreign commercial borrowings by issuing sovereign bonds. Grants and the ever faithful IMF will help. I would not be surprised if GoSL’s total foreign indebtedness increases by a further $ 3 billion in year 2012.
The way out
From the start of the GoSL-IMF deal more than two years ago I maintained that stories of slashing budget deficit to 6.2% of GDP and lowering the total sovereign debt to 65% of GDP were fables. Palpable trends have vindicated my doubts. The basic error in government economic policy is that it is chasing a financial myth of blossoming into an Asia miracle, relying on soft and volatile sectors like tourism, and it is putting its eggs in grandiose white-elephant baskets. This strategy has failed; the way out is to shift out of what my friendSumanasiri Liyanage calls shallow development and for the state’s emphasis to turn to the real economy of industry, agriculture and real services, not an illusory financial economy and soft sectors.

ATTACK ON JSC SECRETARY: BASL EXPECT IMPARTIAL, INDEPENDENT INQUIRY

Attack on JSC secretary: BASL expect impartial, independent inquiry Investigations into the assault on the secretary of Judicial Service Commission (JSC) have to be impartial and independent, says the President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka Wijedasa Rajapakse.

The Bar Association gathered yesterday (13) to discuss action that needs to be taken regarding the incident, which had prompted accusations of a tension between the Executive and Judiciary.

It was discussed during the meeting that no pressure should be exerted on the independence of the judiciary and that it should be devoid of intervention by any party, Rajapaksa said.

The President’s Counsel and MP added that it was also decided that they would meet the Chief Justice to discuss the matter and that a letter will be forwarded to the President. 

Saturday, October 13, 2012


Executive-Judicial Tensions Should Not Be Resolved By Choppe Aiya




By Malinda Seneviratne -October 13, 2012
Malinda Seneviratne
Colombo TelegraphThere is the executive. Then the legislative. And there is the judiciary. ‘Separation of powers’ refers to lines demarcating territory and jurisdiction. These are certainly not hard lines, but nevertheless the very existence of boundary makes for checks and balances. When the lines are soft and pliable, when they are porous, it means that anarchy of the worst kind is around the corner. Thankfully we are nowhere close to that. There are tensions, yes, and there always have been, not just in Sri Lanka but all over the world. When tensions are not sorted out through established procedures, democracy inevitably suffers.
A ‘situation’ has arisen with respect to this ‘territoriality’. The Judicial Services Commission (JSC) perturbed by allegations that the Chief Justice(CJ) had been ‘summoned’ by the President, issued a statement demanding that the executive keep its hands off the judiciary. The Secretary of the JSC, who authored that demand, was later beaten up by unidentified assailants. The response from Government spokespersons have ranged from condemnation to trivializing.
It has been pointed out (see ‘This is my nation’, September 30, 2012) that ‘if there was a concerted effort to undermine the independence of the judiciary, this would not be the first occasion and more pertinently, this is a government that has the least need to do so’.
It is not common for the executive to be peeved by the judiciary and vice versa. J.R. Jayewardene’s hand-picked CJ, Neville Samarakoon, upon appointment steered clear of executive reach, prompting harassment from JR. Samarakoon was brought in from nowhere in 1978, when the 2nd Republican Constitution came into effect. JR brought down the number of Supreme Court judges from 19 to 7, effective demoting 12 of them to the Court of Appeal. At the time, he let them retain the ‘Justice’ title and dismissed demotion-complaint by saying it was part of the new constitution. Seven of these twelve were in a ‘pool’ of judges. When the executive brushed aside a salary hike request, Samarakoon responded by detailing the President’s salary while addressing a gathering at the Raja Sinnathurai Educations Institute at Mile Post Avenue, Colombo 3. JR retorted that the CJ was out of order. When JR was sworn in for his second term, the CJ not only arrived late, but looked askance during the ceremony. After Samarakoon retired, JR appointed Parinda Ranasinghe ahead of the more senior and reputedly ‘harder’ Justice Mark Fernando.
Sarath N Silva, who was similarly hand-picked by Chandrika Kumaratunga, was certainly not a yes-man. His determinations certainly helped Mahinda Rajapaksa win the Presidential Election, even though they may not have been designed to facilitate this outcome. Silva was not just independent to a fault, he even transgressed boundaries, venturing on several occasions into executive territory.
There are two points that need to be made. First, that even though the President does the appointing, once appointed, the CJ, on account of position-stature and probably acquired standing warranting appointment in the first place, comes into his/her own. It is not impossible to remove a CJ constitutionally, but quite about the legality of such an eventuality, good faith needs to be established and obtain general public approval. The latter is easier said than done. Impeaching a CJ is out of order for many reasons and it is heartening that Minister Nimal Siripala Silva has effectively squashed such rumors.
Secondly, Chief Justices show a pattern of being more assertive and less concerned about hurting executive sentiments when the relevant President is at term-end. Sarath N Silva’s ruling on when Kumaratunga ends her term came late in the day. Similarly, he started chewing on executive territory only when there appeared to be a possibility of Rajapaksa being defeated by Sarath Fonseka. The current tension may be traced to similar perceptions.
These tensions are therefore not abnormal or unprecedented. A sense of responsibility, especially with respect to the need to separate powers, by all parties generally helps iron out issues which also tend to be subject to media-inflation. Harassment is possible by both parties but is best avoided.
One thing is clear. Problems between the Executive and Judicial arms of the state should not be resolved byChoppe Aiya. That would spell doom for both spheres and the general public too.
*Malinda Seneviratne is the Chief Editor of ‘The Nation and his articles can be found at www.malindawords.blogspot.com .Courtesy  www.nation.lk

Sri Lanka Fights US Resolution


Easwaran Rutnam-Sunday, October 14, 2012
The government has launched a campaign through the Sri Lankan Embassy in the United States to lobby against a resolution presented by a US Congressman on Sri Lanka.
External Affairs Ministry sources told The Sunday Leader that the Sri Lankan Embassy had already managed to have the resolution withdrawn from the calendar for this year.
However there are fears the document, House Resolution 177, may be re-submitted and passed in Congress before January next year.
The resolution, first presented to Congress in March 2011 by Republican Representative Michael Grimm, seeks the establishment of an independent international accountability mechanism to investigate Sri Lanka.
Despite being presented in 2011 the document was never taken for a vote and last month it was submitted again just as Congress convened after a six-week recess.
Sources at the External Affairs Ministry said that Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the US Jaliya Wickramasuriya and other top Embassy officials had urgent discussions with Congress members and managed to have the resolution removed from the calendar.
However sources added that Michael Grimm is still lobbying for the resolution to be submitted again and passed in Congress before the end of this year.
“Ambassador Wickramasuriya and officials from the Sri Lankan Embassy in the US are working hard to discourage support for the resolution and attempt to withdraw it completely or change the resolution to be supportive of Sri Lanka and focus on positive developments,” sources said.
Congress members are being told that following the war Sri Lanka has seen tremendous progress including in the economy, tourism and in the area of resettlement.
The government feels that the resolution in its current form will be counter-productive for the country. Meanwhile the External Affairs Ministry said that intelligence collected by the Embassy confirms that Congressman Grimm had received a number of campaign contributions from Sri Lankan-American constituents who are the sole supporters behind the push for the resolution. Grimm is already under a federal grand jury investigation following accusations that he accepted contributions over the legal limit from non-citizen donors.

Video:Interview With Frederica Jansz







Journalists For Democracy in Sri Lanka=Lasantha-


Video:Interview With Frederica Jansz

Colombo Telegraph On this program Sanjana Hattotuwa talks to Frederica Jansz, Former Editor-In-Chief, The Sunday Leader.
(Date of first Broadcast October 14,2012 – courtesy  Young Asia Television)



BBC HARD talk - Democracy Sri Lankan-Style: June 2010

Jaffna-based <i>Uthayan</i> newspaper Editor Gnanasundaram Kuhanathan
Jaffna-based Uthayan newspaper Editor Gnanasundaram Kuhanathan Courtesy: Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka
‘Can’t do anything with her. She must somehow be got rid of’- MaRa: impeachment motion against CJ
(Lanka-e-News- 12.Oct.2012, 11.30AM) A most secretive and slyly planned impeachment motion is to be brought against the chief justice (CJ) by the MaRa regime , based on reports reaching Lanka e news. It has been concluded that Mohan Peiris , the former Attorney General (AG) and present legal advisor to the Cabinet be appointed as the CJ .Since Mohan Peiris is now 61 years old , he can continue in service for another four years.

The regime chief MaRa in his characteristic belligerent mood had yelled out before the other party leaders of the regime ‘ ‘can’t do anything with her . She must be somehow got rid of’ like Hitler of the past gave orders to his murder squads .He had referred as ‘her’ to the present CJ. With this in view , Mohan Peiris and Kalinga Indratissa who was appointed as a President’s counsel on the 11th are together preparing the necessary documents hastily, it is learnt.
However , when a media personnel questioned yesterday (11) from Minister Nimal Siripala De Silva who is a Lawyer on whether a impeachment motion is in the pipeline against the CJ , he denied it. The reason behind this refutation is to mislead the media .

On 27th September night when MaRa summoned senior SLFP Lawyers and tried to promote an impeachment motion against the CJ , all of them opposed it. Later , an attack was launched on the secretary of the Judicial service Commission (JSC) of which , the Chairman is the CJ . In addition , through the speaker in Parliament the supreme court was severely criticized.

TNA Statement From Delhi: Manmohan Singh Reassured That India Will Do Its Best For The Tamils

Colombo Telegraph“The TNA urged the need for urgent action to redress this situation. The discussions were free and frank, and the Prime Minister and the others reassured the TNA delegation that India was firmly committed to and would contribute its best efforts to ensure that the Tamil People in Sri Lanka secured a future marked by equality, dignity, justice and self-respect” says Tamil National Alliance.
Manmohan Singh
Issuing a press statement after visiting the meeting with Indian officials and politicians including Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, the TNA says “The TNA however intimated its grave concerns over the lack of progress by the Sri Lankan Government in the effective implementation of the constructive recommendations of the LLRC and the lack of a genuine commitment on the part of the Government of Sri Lanka to the evolution of an acceptable political solution. The TNA also observed that without meaningful action with regard to the above issues, the Tamil People in Sri Lanka cannot secure a future marked by equality, dignity, justice and self-respect.”
We below reproduce the TNA statement in full;
A Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Parliamentary delegation led by its leader R. Sampanthan and comprising, S Senathirajah, K Premachandran, A Adaikalanathan, A Vinayagamoorthi, Pon Selvarajah and M A Sumanthiran visited New Delhi on the invitation of the Ministry of External Affairs between the 10th and 13th of October 2012. During the visit the delegation met with the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, the Minister for External Affairs Shri S M Krishna, the Leader of the Opposition Shrimati Sushma Swaraj, the National Security Advisor Shri Shiv Shanker Menon, the Secretary of External Affairs Shri Ranjan Mathai, the Joint Secretary Shri Shringla and other officials. The TNA delegation conveyed to the Prime Minister its sincere thanks on behlaf of the Tamil People in Sri Lanka for the substantial multi-faceted assistance being provided by the Government of India to enable the Tamil People to recommence life and rebuild their future. The TNA also thanked the Prime Minister for the consistent interaction by the Government of India with the President and the Government of Sri Lanka to bring about reconciliation between the Peoples in Sri Lanka through the effective implementation of the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission(LLRC) and the evolution of an acceptable political solution to the national issue.
The TNA however intimated its grave concerns over the lack of progress by the Sri Lankan Government in the effective implementation of the constructive recommendations of the LLRC and the lack of a genuine commitment on the part of the Government of Sri Lanka to the evolution of an acceptable political solution. The TNA also observed that without meaningful action with regard to the above issues, the Tamil People in Sri Lanka cannot secure a future marked by equality, dignity, justice and self-respect. The TNA urged the need for urgent action to redress this situation. The discussions were free and frank, and the Prime Minister and the others reassured the TNA delegation that India was firmly committed to and would contribute its best efforts to ensure that the Tamil People in Sri Lanka secured a future marked by equality, dignity, justice and self-respect.

SL Police in Champoor appropriates public playground in Naavaladi


Thadcha'naamaruthamadu Claymore attack
.NESoHR Report: Claymore attack on School bus

SL Police in Champoor appropriates public playground in Naavaladi

[TamilNet, Friday, 12 October 2012, 20:07 GMT]
TamilNetSri Lankan government officials in Colombo have instructed the divisional secretary of Moothoor to hand over a play ground, about four acres in extent, situated at the centre of several villages in Champoor area to the occupying SL police, civil officials told media. The Moothoor DS is the sole authority of the playground. The Divisional Secretary has handed over the playground for the use of the SL police camped at Champoor without seeking the consent of the people of the area and the school administration. 

Before the fall of Moothoor East in to the hands of Sri Lanka Army in the year 2006, the villages Cheanai-yoor, Kaddai-pa'raichchaan, Chaalaiyoor, Chanthoashapuram, Amman Nakar, Kanesapuram, Chantha'na-veddai, Champoor, Kooniththeevu, Choodaik-kudaa, Navaratnapuram, Ilakkanthai, Veeramaanakar, Paaddaa'li-puram, Nalloor, Iththik-ku'lam, Chinnak-ku'lam, Srinivasa-puram, Pa'l'lik-kudiyiruppu and Thangka-puram were under the LTTE administration. The said playground is situated in the middle of these villages. 

The said land was cleared and used as a playground in 1948 under the administration of the then Kaddai-pa'richchaan Village Council. With the introduction of Piratheasa Chapai (PS) system the playground was taken over by the Divisional Secretariat.

Attack On The JSC Secretary: Fooling The Masses On ‘International Scrutiny’

By Laksiri Fernando -October 13, 2012
Dr Laksiri Fernando
Colombo TelegraphThere is a new pattern of argument by government spokesmen (no women!) denying the last Sunday (7 October) attack on the Secretary to the Judicial Services Commission (JSC), Manjula Tilakaratne. They in essence ask, ‘could the government be so foolish to indulge in such attacks on the Judiciary when Sri Lanka is at the scrutiny of the UN Human Rights Council?”
I am positive that the ‘argument’ was collected from Mahinda Rajapaksahimself who roamed around the corridors of the then Human Rights Commission (now Council) in Geneva in early 1990s. Unfortunately this is not 1990s!
Geneva 
Those days several Latin American countries, particularly El Salvador, Guatemala and Chile, were on the spotlight of the UNHRC, but abductions, disappearances and other human rights violations nevertheless continued stealthily. The argument on the part of the government spokespersons (there were women!) were the same: ‘are we so foolish to do these things when we are willingly under your scrutiny, they argued.’ Even the human rights advocates who came from these countries were perplexed at the beginning; more so were the human rights observers from other countries including government representatives.
But this was only a passing phase. Within few years, the speculation disappeared and before that Mahinda Rajapaksa disappeared from Geneva. Human rights research and investigations on those countries very clearly proved that the governments and their various agencies were the real perpetrators of human rights atrocities except where armed or terrorist organizations (like the LTTE) were in existence.
Under normal circumstances, when a country is under the international scrutiny it works as a deterrent on government violations. This is largely the case in Sri Lanka, after March 2012, when the UNHRC managed to pass a resolution against the government (not necessarily against Sri Lanka). Suddenly the government changed the tune. This sudden or abrupt change was quite suspicious considering the whole ‘show-off’ and ‘browbeating’ that they demonstrated in Geneva. They have agreed, as if wholeheartedly, for a ‘full body check’ from top to bottom.
As they have ‘agreed’ they now believe that they can claim anything found suspicious in the body (politic) as an ‘implantation’ or result of ‘conspiracy’ of other parties. This is fooling of masses on ‘international scrutiny.’ Without insulting women, I may add that the pretended innocence of the government is like the proverbial ‘virginity of the prostitute.’
Among several government spokesmen who put forward this argument before the media; while Keheliya Rambukwella badly mumbled; perhaps Wimal Weerawansa was the most articulate on the argument, as usual. I am quoting from News 1st yesterday. He asked and argued, “What is the benefit that the government can accrue through this action when the UNHRC in Geneva is ready to blame the government even on false accusations? It is like roping its own neck. Do you think the government would do that when there is international scrutiny?”
Pre-empt Speculation                             Read More

Genocide as Counterinsurgency – Brief Notes on the “Sri Lanka model”

October 10, 2012
by Karthick RM
sanhatiCountering insurgencies is as old as states and empires. As a concept, however, study in Counterinsurgency (COIN) gained momentum in the colonial period so as to deal with frequently occurring rebellions in colonies as well as to counter the “communist menace”. COIN grew as a science with late modernity and the rise of what ‘Taraki’ Sivaram) called “counter-insurgency nation-states”. We must understand that COIN has developed as a science, deployed by specific actors in specific conditions as a science. And by virtue of its being a science, each deployment is closely followed, studied and applied by various states engaged in COIN operations according to the particular conditions they encounter. Some refined political analysts, understanding the geo-strategic importance of Sri Lanka, have argued that the Sri Lankan war machine was ideologically and materially equipped in its COIN operations against the Tigers by a confluence of world powers. Reflecting on this, Mark Whitaker writes in his biography of ‘Taraki’ Sivaram that “by the middle 1990s Sivaram had come to view Sri Lanka’s conflict as a kind of military-political laboratory in which the various repressive forces of late modernity (local and international) were testing their clever, often cruel, counter-insurgency tactics”. Just that the lab rats favoured by the world powers in the island had genocidal intentions, Karthick RM argues in this article.
Speaking at a conference at Trinity College, Dublin on 24th May 2012 titled ‘The Local and the Global: The Geopolitics of Peace and Conflict’ exiled Sinhala journalist Bashana Abeywardane, opined that genocide was used as a Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategy by the Sri Lankan state to crush the armed struggle for a sovereign state of Tamil Eelam led by the LTTE. Citing British military strategist Frank Kitson, who had played an important role in suppressing the Mau Mau uprising and the insurgency of the Malayan Communist Party, Mr. Abeywardane said that when you want to neutralize an insurgency movement, you must destroy its “genuine subversive element” – arguing that in the case of Sri Lanka, the genuine subversive element in the island was the Tamil population as such. He further cited geo-political factors that influenced the decision of the world powers to support the Sri Lankan state’s military offensive leading up to May 2009, arguing that the island held geo-strategic importance only if it was a unitary political entity.
COIN, as the term suggests, is a war manoeuvre used against insurgents by states. While the principal feature of COIN is to ensure that a state facing an insurgency does not lose its constitutional-legal monopoly over violence in the territory it controls/seeks to control over to the insurgents, there are specific cases where COIN gains additional features as well. According to David Kilcullen, a leading COIN expert based in the US, counterinsurgency “is an umbrella term that describes the complete range of measures that governments take to defeat insurgencies. These measures may be political, administrative, military, economic, psychological, or informational, and are almost always used in combination.” He further adds that to understand strategies deployed in particular conflicts it is necessary to take into consideration “the nature of the insurgency being countered, the nature of the government being supported, and the environment—especially the human environment—in which the conflict takes place.”
As a phenomenon, countering insurgencies is as old as states and empires. As a concept, study in COIN gained momentum in the colonial period so as to deal with frequently occurring rebellions in colonies as well as to counter the “communist menace”. As a science, it grew with late modernity and the rise of what ‘Taraki’ Sivaram (iconic Eelam Tamil journalist, military analyst and senior editor of TamilNet who was assassinated by Colombo in 2005) called “counter-insurgency nation-states”. We must understand that COIN has developed as a science, deployed by specific actors in specific conditions as a science. And by virtue of its being a science, each deployment – whether successful, partially successful, or failed - is closely followed, studied and applied by various states engaged in COIN operations according to the particular conditions they encounter.
Some refined political analysts, understanding the geo-strategic importance of Sri Lanka, have argued that the Sri Lankan war machine was ideologically and materially equipped in its COIN operations against the Tigers by a confluence of world powers. Reflecting on this, Mark Whitaker writes in his biography of ‘Taraki’ Sivaram that “by the middle 1990s Sivaram had come to view Sri Lanka’s conflict as a kind of military-political laboratory in which the various repressive forces of late modernity (local and international) were testing their clever, often cruel, counter-insurgency tactics”. Just that the lab rats favoured by the world powers in the island had genocidal intentions.
From here, we need to chalk out those points that need to be outlined so as to further study the ‘Sri Lanka model’ of COIN – both objective conditions and subjective forces that existed in the island.
Objective conditions:
1) Location of the island of Sri Lanka makes it geo-strategically important. The position of the island between the routes of the Straits of Malacca and Hormuz make it an excellent base for a power seeking to exert influence in the Indian-Pacific waters;
2) Demographic distribution in the island, with the Eelam Tamils identifying the North and East region as their traditional homeland (i.e. Tamil Eelam).
Subjective forces:                                                           Full Story>>>