Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, September 27, 2012

TNA to take up HSZ issue with India

By Ravi Ladduwahetty-September 26, 2012
The TNA plans to take up the Jaffna High Security Zone issue with Indian leaders and request them to urge the Lankan government to dismantle the HSZs in the North.

TNA Spokesman and Jaffna District MP Suresh Premachandran told The Island yesterday that his party had been invited to meetings with Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and Foreign Minister S. M. Krishna and the issues to be taken up with New Delhi had not been decided on, but certainly the HSZs would be discussed.

A TNA delegation will meet the leaders of the Indian government in New Delhi on October 10.

Premachandran said the TNA parliamentary group would discuss and prepare the agenda. He predicted that it was likely that matters relating to the Parliamentary Select Committee, resettlement of remaining displaced persons and the condition of Lankan refugees in India would be on the agenda.

Premachandran pointed out that the HSZ issue would definitely be there as 28,000 civilians in the North Valikamam area could not still return to their homes.

The MP said that although President Mahinda Rajapaksa had said that there were no HSZs, the District Secretaries in Jaffna and Batticaloa could not resettle people in the areas they had lived some two decades ago as there were HSZs.


Berty asks D.M. not to resign

Thursday, 27 September 2012
Prime Minister D.M. Jayaratne had not handed his resignation letter from the post before traveling to the US for medical treatment although Presidential Secretary had requested for it, a senior government minister said.

The President had asked the Presidential Secretary to provide all the funds required for the medical treatment from the President’s Fund. The Presidential Secretary had been directed by the President to ask the Premier for his resignation letter as token of gratitude for providing funds for his medical treatment.
The Prime Minister after agreeing to the request had later ignored it. Former Chief Minister of the North Central Province Berty Premalal Dissanayake had advised the Premier not to hand his resignation.
The President had learnt that Dissanayake had made this request from the Premier through Jayaratne’s daughter, who is Dissanayake’s daughter in-law.
Angered by the situation, the President had asked the Presidential Secretary to even make a telephone call to the US and call for the resignation letter.
The Prime Minister’s daughter has traveled to the US with him and has not connected the Premier with the Presidential Secretary on Dissanayake’s advice. The senior minister who gave us the information said the President was livid over the situation and is now considering spending a special representative to the US to collect the Premier’s resignation letter.

‘The resettlement’ is a lie

logoThe displaced masses that were at Manik Farm were taken to Seeniyamottai at Mullaithivu for resettlement while 110 families were abandoned in a jungle in Keyapilav area in Mullaithivu say reports. The government had stated once this group of people were resettled the resettlement process would be over.
However, the masses who were taken to be resettled have stated that their valuable lands have been taken over by the Army and they have been abandoned in a jungle area. What the authorities have done is to release them to a jungle area that has been cleared with bulldozers. A woman who had been released to the area had said she had received a ‘token’ and tokens for plots of lands are given according to the extent the jungle is cleared. The people abandoned in the area complain that they don’t have even minimum facilities and pointed out there is not even water to drink in the area.
When journalists inquired regarding this from the Mullaithivu District Secretary he had stated he could not say anything as it would be recorded. He had, however, said 10 water tanks had been sent to the area and temporary toilets would be constructed soon.
The Mullaithivu District Secretary has admitted to the journalists that nothing had been prepared before the people were taken to the area for resettlement.
However, the President had stated that resettlement process had been successfully completed and completing it in such a short time was a reason to be happy.

Playing Democracy In Paradise




By Lasantha Pethiyagoda -September 27, 2012
Lasantha Pethiyagoda
Colombo TelegraphThe middle class in Sri Lanka has shrunk to “an all-time low” while the income of the wealthiest continues to climb. There do not seem to be credible statistics on the poverty rate, with genuine and business-oriented urban beggars swept off their feet and dumped in distant  places out of sight and therefore out of mind. The Gini Index, a measure of income inequality, would possibly be at record levels since statistics had been kept, with perhaps a bigger annual increase each successive year.
By some accounts, this should not come as any surprise at all. Middle-class wealth has taken a staggering blow since the economic ‘revolution’ in 1978 with a free for all market-determined open season declared overnight. This disaster, linked to the paradigm shifts in political culture, has had a side-effect. Money flooding out of households and into the coffers of the incredibly wealthy and their corporate cronies has also been flowing back down in tidal amounts often in pursuit of political campaigns.
In other words, the less than one percent of the population are using money vacuumed out of the ordinary people’s world to invest in “democratic” politics,  and as with any other investment, they naturally expect a return, whichever the competing  party colour or symbol.
The ritual performance of the legend of democracy promises the conspicuous consumption of enough money to prove that our country is still there. Forbidden the use of words apt to depress a Z score or disturb a genuine poll, the candidates stand as product placements meant to be seen in larger-than-life cutouts instead of heard in genuine intent, their quality to be inferred from the cost of their maintenance.
The sponsors of these events, generous to a fault but careful to remain anonymous, dress them up with lurid photo opportunities, abundant assortments of multi-flavoured sound bites, and the candidates so well-contrived that they can be played for jokes, presented as game-show contestants, or posed as flamboyant movie characters setting forth on vision quests, enduring the trials by camera lights, until the next popular election has been done with.
Best of all, at least from the point of view of the commercial oligarchy paying for both the politicians and the media coverage, the issue is never about the why or who owes what to whom, only about the how much and when. There is no room for talk about what is meant by the word democracy or in what ways it refers to the cherished hope of liberty embodied in the history of a courageous people who had for centuries, endured colonial oppression and now grin and bear a home-grown variety.
The campaigns do not seem to favour the voters with the gratitude and respect owed to their standing as valuable citizens participant in the making of such a thing as a common good. They stay on message with their prostituting of ‘democracy’ as the ancient Greek name for the secret Swiss bank account, picturing the greatness of Sri Lankan history as a Trincomalee resort hotel wherein all present receive the privileges and comforts owed to their status as valued customers, invited to convert the practice of citizenship into the art of shopping, to select wisely from the campaign advertisements, texting their preferences on their mobile phones.
The prevalent sales pitch descends to the electorate as if to a crowd of children fainting and exhausted in the heat of midday, deems the body politic incapable of generous impulse, selfless motive, or creative vision, delivers the insult with an up-market restaurant headwaiter’s condescending smile. How then can they expect the people to trust  governments that invests no trust in them? Why the surprise that over the last thirty-odd years the voting public has been silently contemptuous of any and all politicians, no matter what their colour, creed, or party affiliation?
If democracy means anything at all, it is the holding of one’s fellow citizens in thoughtful regard, not because they are beautiful or rich or famous, but because they are one’s fellow citizens. Democracy is a shared status of the imagination among people of myriad talents, aptitudes, interests, voices, and generations that proceed on the premise that the government is us, not them.
In contrast to the present view of politics as a rat’s nest of swindling it should be reclaimed as the most worthy of human endeavours when supported by a leadership possessed of the will to act on citizens’ behalf rather than the wish to be cared for by them. Politics should be the freedom of the common people to “mutually and naturally support each other.”
Nowadays, all governments, no matter what their names or form, incorporate the means by which the privileged few arrange the distribution of law and property for the less-fortunate many. Recognizing in themselves the sort of people who have the most wisdom to discern, and the most virtue to pursue, the common good of  society, they undertake to develop and maintain a system that employs a “pseudo-aristocratic” means to achieve a wholly undemocratic end.
If we accept the fact that whereas a truly democratic society puts a premium on equality, a capitalist economy in a poor country does not, a contrivance designed to nurture both the private and the public good, accommodate the emotions of the masses as well as the movement of the markets, the institutions of government are meant to support the freedoms of law-abiding people, not the ambitions of the state.
In today’s society, good intentions, like mother’s milk, are a perishable commodity. As wealth accumulates,  people’s morals decay, and sooner or later the pseudo- aristocracy that once might have aspired to an ideal of wisdom and virtue becomes rancid in the burning sun, becomes an oligarchy distinguished by a character that leaves its members so besotted by their faith in money that they therefore imagine there is nothing that it cannot buy.
The hostile and insidious intent of creating and maintaining an enemy of choice has been conscientiously sustained over the last thirty years, no matter which party had been in control of parliament, and no matter what issues had immediately been at hand; the “terror” of the LTTE or the external debt and IMF, military contract commissions or university administration, spending on imported milk powder or substandard saline and petrol. The concentrations of wealth and power express their fear and suspicion of the people with a concerted effort to restrict their liberties, while beefing up their own security apparatus.
The major mass media serve at the pleasure of a commercial oligarchy that pays them handsomely, for their pretense of speaking truth to power. On network television, the giving of voice to real opinions does not set up a tasteful lead-in to the advertisements for hair shampoo or tea with more tannin. The prominent figures in our contemporary press corps regard themselves as government functionaries, enabling and interdependent. Their point of view is that of the country’s landlords, their practice equivalent to securitising the junk they disseminate.
Our own contemporary political discourse lacks force and meaning because it is a commodity engineered, like baby formula and musical shows or cricket matches, to dispose of any and all unwonted risk. The forces of property occupying both governments and the mass media do not rate politics as a serious enterprise, certainly not as one worth the trouble to suppress.
Presidential pardon to Hudson
Thursday, 27 September 2012
The President has said that he would grant an immediate pardon to Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC) Chairman Hudson Samarasinghe if he was punished for insulting courts.
The President had made this comment when several heads of state media institutions had inquired about the resolution presented by Attorney Upul Jayasuriya to the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BALS) on Samarasinghe’s conduct that was unanimously passed by the Association.
The President had re-iterated that Samarasinghe had spoken the truth and that he should not fear to speak the truth. The President had added to the media heads that he would always stand by persons who stood for the truth.
The resolution presented by Jayasuriya that legal action should be taken against Samarasinghe for making derogatory statements about the judiciary and challenging its independence was unanimously passed by the BASL. A committee comprising four President’s Counsel has been appointed to initiate the necessary legal action. State media heads have therefore been discussing in the past few days that Samarasinghe would definitely be punished by the judiciary for his conduct.

Sri Lanka to purchase Chinese buses
China Daily WebsiteCOLOMBO -2012-09-27- Sri Lanka is continuing discussions with China to purchase 3,000 new busesdespite protests by private bus operators in the country, a minister said on Thursday.
Minister of Transport Kumar Welgama told Xinhua that discussions are continuing with Chinesecompanies but a final decision has not yet been reached.
“We are looking at purchasing these buses but we are still having discussions,” the ministersaid.
The Sri Lankan government announced last week that it hoped to import buses from China tomeet the demand in the public transport sector.
However the announcement was greeted with stiff opposition from the private transport sectorwhich threatened to strike if the government goes ahead with moves to purchase 3,000 busesfrom China.
Welgama said the state transport board has around 5,000 buses, of which some 3,500 areover 15 years old and need to be replaced.
As a result, he said the government was looking at importing 3,000 buses from China as thosebuses are also suitable for Sri Lankan road conditions.
President of the Private Bus Association Gemunu Wijeyratne earlier threatened to launch astrike if the government goes ahead with the deal, saying it will have an impact on private busoperations in the country.
Wijeyratne alleged that the move to purchase new buses is an attempt by the government togain control over passenger bus operations in the country.
Private bus operators have a virtual monopoly over passenger bus operations in the country asthere are more private buses than state owned passenger buses.

India dismisses reports about missiles targeting Sri Lankan sites

India TVColombo, Sep 27: India today dismissed reports that its missiles targeted strategic Sri Lankan locations, calling them “completely baseless and fabricated.”
India dismisses reports about missiles targeting Sri Lankan sitesIn a statement, the Indian High Commission here said that India has a longstanding indigenous missile development programme, which is defensive in nature and not directed against any country.

“Speculation on such sensitive issues in a manner calculated to mislead, is out of tune with the spirit of the friendly and close relations India and Sri Lanka enjoy, including in the fields of defence and security,” it said.  

The statement, which dismissed these reports as “completely baseless and fabricated”, came as Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa expressed his satisfaction over his personal meeting with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New Delhi last week.

“The visit was successful. It helped in further strengthening of our long and historical relations with India as our closest neighbour,” Rajapaksa said during his monthly interaction with media.

Rajapaksa visited Madhya Pradesh on September 19 to lay the foundation stone for a Buddhist University in Sanchi and met Singh in Delhi.

His visit to India came against the backdrop of attacks on Sri Lankan pilgrims in Tamil Nadu, forcing the government here to issue a travel advisory warning against travel to the Indian state.

Rajapaksa’s secretary Lalith Weeratunga, who was with the President at the media interaction, said Sri Lanka was keeping a tab on the latest developments.

Action would be taken to review the advisory depending on the developments, Weeratunga said.

Resettlement farce disproves claims of IOM and UN



TamilNet[TamilNet, Thursday, 27 September 2012, 00:04 GMT]
No one from the UN or any other international humanitarian body had come to witness the plight of the people who were forcefully relocated from IDP camp to Vattaappazhai in Mullaiththeeu and then dumped at a plot of land cleared after burning jungle at Chooripuram. The people belonging to more than 110 families languish without potable water or any basic facilities. Many of the remaining families have also been dumped at similar sites at Kaiveali and in other pockets of Puthukkuidyiruppu division. TamilNet brings out photos of Kaiveali and Chooripuram and a video clip from Chooripuram. The visuals tell the story, while the UN and IOM, who have not taken any effort to visit the site, pat their own backs and that of Colombo on fulfilling the ‘commitment’ and resettling people back in their ‘homes’ with safety and dignity. 


The country of Eezham Tamils has become a fertile ground for a number of international forces to test all their state-of-the-art techniques in conducting genocide and at the same time making it not an issue to the world. There is no international mechanism to indict responsible international organizations like the IOM that tell lies. During the war, the UN lied on the number of people surrounded by a genocidal military and now it comes out with similar lies in shielding the structural genocide to give a clean chit to Rajapaksa, political activists in Vanni told TamilNet. 
Uprooted Tamils dumped at Choori-puram in PTKUprooted Tamils dumped at Choori-puram in PTK
The international organizations of the establishments are now openly working in complicity with the structural genocide and annihilation of the nation of Eezham Tamils in the island, the activists further said.

The remaining families at Cheddiku'lam camp were opposing to relocate themselves as they already had witnessed the plight of those who opted to move out of the camp not getting back their original homes and lands, grabbed by the occupying Sinhala military.
361 families, from the villages of Manthuvil and Keappaapulavu were fighting till the last moment. But, despite their opposition, the SL military run ‘resettlement’ officials threatened the families and forcefully transported them to Vattaappazhai and from there dumped the families of Manthuvil at Kaiveali and the families from Keappaapulavu at Chooripuram. 

The SL military has been heavily guarding the localities at Kaiveali and Chooripuram. The military is manning the posts, including the toilet pits at the localities, and are blocking journalists and humanitarian activists from interacting with the people. 

The uprooted families, with elderly persons, pregnant women and children, are forced to drink the water, which was to be used for cleaning at the toilet pit side, as the water tank which was there when they were brought to the spot, had been removed by the SL military, the people say. 

People who feared wild elephants at Cheddiku'lam camp after fences were dismantled by the SL military and were prodded to move out, are now dumped at a jungle plot full of poisonous snakes, the families told TamilNet over phone on Wednesday. 
Uprooted Tamils dumped at Choori-puram in PTKUprooted Tamils dumped at Choori-puram in PTK
They were putting up temporary shelters using clothes in their possession and the felled trees. There was no NGO to assist the people at Chooripuram or Kaiveali. 
Kaiveali, PTKKaiveali, PTK
Kaiveali was the home of several humanitarian organizations under the LTTE run de-facto state administration before the genocidal onslaught carried out by Colombo with international abetment. 
Selvarajah Kajendren, the general secretary of the TNPF managed to sneak into Chooripuram on Wednesday to witness the plight of the people. Crying women were telling their story to the former parliamentarian. 

“We were living a hard life at Cheddiku'lam for almost four years. The visiting humanitarian agencies only favoured people associated with them. My family had to sell rice to make a living there. And after all the difficulties, now we are dumped here. I have not washed my body for 3 days. There is no drinking water. We had to drink the water supplied for toilet,” a lady told the visiting Tamil politician at Chooripuram. 

At Kaiveali, despite the promise given by the divisional secretariat officials that they would supply food, there has been no assistance forthcoming, the people told journalists over the phone. The families at Kaiveali are also in the same situation like those who were dumped at Chooripuram. They sleep under the trees. 
Kaiveali, PTKNone of the officials, including the village officer (GS) or those from the divisional secretariat have visited the people. 
People putting up their own huts at Kaiveali in Puthukkudiyiruppu
In the meantime, SL president Mahinda Rajapaksa has visited Vanni on Tuesday to open a market in Ki'linochchi. 284 million rupees was reportedly allocated to construct the market, but the money has been subjected to mismanagement, civil official said adding that only 14 percent of the allocation had been spent on the project. 

Likewise, a new building for Karaithu'raippattu divisional secretariat, completed one year ago, was put on hold until Rajapaksa to come and declare it open. 

An electricity supply arrangement constructed with Japan's aid to ‘integrate’ the power grid of the North with the rest of the island was also declared open by the visiting SL president who was joined by his sibling Basil Rajapaksa and progeny Namal Rajapaksa, together with Douglas Devananda. 


PTF, General Debate Item: 9 (cont'd), 31st Meeting
25 Sep 2012 - Ms. Dhamayanthi Rajendra, Pasumai Thaayagam Foundation - General Debate Item: 9 (Continued), 31st Meeting, 21st Regular Session of the Human Rights Counc
Action Plan, But No Action
 
Opening of 21st Session of Human Rights Council, 10 September 2012. Photo: UN Photo
With the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) meeting again this month in Geneva, Crisis Group took the opportunity to write to council members with an update on the Sri Lankan government’s continued failure to address its grave human rights problems. Six month’s after the HRC’s important resolution on Sri Lanka, the government still has taken no concrete action to address the host of issues noted by the council. The following briefing, shared with HRC member states, analyses serious weaknesses in the Sri Lankan government’s recent “National Action Plan” to implement the recommendations of its own “Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission”. The briefing also puts the “action plan” in the context of Sri Lanka’s continued human rights violations and crisis in the rule of law. It urges members of the council at this session, at the  Universal Periodic Review in early November, and at the HRC session next March to press the government of Sri Lanka for real reforms.
1. Overview
In the six months since the Human Rights Council’s March 2012 resolution on “Promoting Reconciliation and Accountability in Sri Lanka”, the government of Sri Lanka has taken no meaningful steps to implement the resolution’s core requirements or otherwise address the country’s culture of impunity and deepening crisis of the rule of law. The publication of a“national action plan” to implement the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) does nothing the change this: the government continues to resist launching any independent investigations into alleged war crimes or other serious human rights violations and has done nothing to establish independent institutions able to hold accountable state agencies, the military, or president Rajapaksa and his family.
The past six months have also seen more murders and disappearances of political critics and proposals for new restrictions on political reporting on the internet. Despite a flurry of government claims to have reduced the role of the military in the Tamil-majority north and east, reports from the ground confirm that military control over development, the civil administration and the population at large – analysed in Crisis Group’s two March 2012 reports on the northern province – remains intact. The government still refuses to restart negotiations with Tamil political leaders or hold elections to the long-promised northern provincial council. These policies are increasing frustration among Tamils and weakening support for the moderate, pro-engagement approach of the main Tamil party, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA).
Member states of the Human Rights Council need to demand action, not action 

Wednesday, September 26, 2012

Muslim academics condemn Rajapaksa politics of SLMC
TamilNet[TamilNet, Wednesday, 26 September 2012, 14:31 GMT]
“As a member of the Eastern Muslim community, I am ashamed and take this opportunity to condemn the deceitful actions of the SLMC,” says Dr. Mohamed Ismail Zulfika, responding to the politics of Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) that has joined the Rajapaksa government in forming the Eastern Provincial Council administration after getting the Muslim votes by campaigning against the government. This is betrayal of trust of the Muslim voters and even if projected as means of ‘bargaining politics’ it will affect the long-term goals of the war-torn society of the North and East, Zulfika who is now in the diaspora further said in a feature received by TamilNet. Meanwhile, Professor M.A. Nuhman and Dr. M.S.M. Jalaldeen, two prominent Muslim academics from the East, serving universities in the island, have also come out with similar views. 

M.A. Nuhman
Professor M.A. Nuhman
M.S.M. Jalaldeen
Dr. M.S.M. Jalaldeen
Dr. Mohamed Ismail Zulfika
Dr. Mohamed Ismail Zulfika
Speaking to Jaffna-based Uthayan daily a few days ago, Dr. Nuhman, Senior Professor or Peradeniya University, criticized the ‘bargaining’ politics of the SLMC and said that its modus operandi only shows the absence of any policy in the party, caring people’s interest or regional interest.

Dr. Jalaldeen, Senior Lecturer of the South Eastern University was saying that the consequences of the SLMC politics would be disastrous.

SLMC that should have stood up like TNA to Tamils, rejected the hand extended by Tamils and has gone to the side where it should not go. There was anticipation that along with this provincial election, a political unity would unfold between Tamils and Muslims, but the golden opportunity is lost, Dr. Jalaldeen further said. 

Dr. Zulfika echoed the same opinion.

“The actions of the SLMC have caused a severe damage to the reconciliation process between these Tamil and Muslim communities that live together in the Eastern province. SLMC has not only made a historical blunder that goes against the will of the Eastern Muslim community but also damaged the social environment for a healthy co-existence of both communities. Further, both communities have lost a fresh and long awaited opportunity for reconciliation to build a long lasting peace with justice, equality and respect. A golden opportunity was lost,” she said.

Alternative political activists among Eezham Tamils urged the civil society of both the Tamils and Muslims in the island to facilitate the emergence of a joint people’s movement for the edification of their political parties.

TNA as primarily a political party in the clutches of powers is gagged from coming out with a mass movement spearheading a people’s struggle, the activists said.

They cited to the TNA taking the decision of contesting a farce election against all warnings just because of power pressures, the alleged ‘assistances’ the TNA was receiving from India in the elections, the alleged role TNA played along with India in silencing independent Tamil national voices in Tamil media, including the editorial change in a leading Tamil daily, and the kind of candidates it fielded in the elections – all ultimately serving the designs of the international Rajapaksa abetters to bail out the state and regime, the activists said. 

Urging people’s movements to independently develop in the island and in the diaspora, they were hopeful of the opinion steps taken by the Muslim academics.

Full text of the feature by Dr. Zulfika, sent in response to some questions put forth by a TamilNet contact in Canada, follows:

In the 2012 eastern provincial council election, out of 33% of the total Muslim voters in the East about 20.98% voted for the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC). This represents the voice of 63% of the total Muslim population in the Eastern Province. This percentage is equal to the percentage of total anti-government vote in the eastern province in this election. The Muslim people in the east now, have strongly demonstrated their anti-government stance. 

Dr. Mohamed Ismail Zulfika
Dr. Mohamed Ismail Zulfika
In my opinion, the SLMC has betrayed the trust of Eastern Muslims by taking a covert decision to joint the very government that was vehemently criticized by them in the election campaign. The SLMC has not only failed to respect and represent the aspirations and concerns of Eastern Muslims; it has also abused the power and mandate given to them by the Muslim people of the east.

Since the majority of the Eastern Muslim community has clearly expressed their dissatisfaction with the ruling United People Freedom Alliance (UPFA) government, the decision by the SLMC to joint the government should be seen as abuse of people’s power for the benefits of the leaders of the SLMC.

The decision also contravenes the SLMC’ s promises to the Muslim community during election campaign and goes against the aspirations and concerns of the Eastern Muslim community. The SLMC’ s decision to support the very government that acts openly against the minority rights and wishes, behaves like a ‘big brother” (in the words of a SLMC leader), works in favor of ‘majority’ and implements a chauvinistic agenda is deplorable.

The ‘bargaining politics’ with the ‘majority government’ can be considered as a ‘life saving strategy’ to bring maximum benefits to ‘minority’ community when and if it is based on justice, short term and long-term benefits for the whole community without jeopardizing the rights and interests of other community. When considering a war-torn North –East society’s short term and quick development needs, one should be mindful of the compromises that affect the long-term goals in the selfish interest of the short-term benefits. 

The SLMC has deceived the Muslim community for the sake of its dominant individual’s power hungry and narrow economic interests. Once again, The SLMC has betrayed the Eastern Muslim community. 

The Muslim people voted to elect their own counselors. They voted for the SLMC in the hope that the party would represent and fight for the ‘unique and specific goals of the Muslim community’, for which the party was originally formed. This time around their vote was also a solid protest vote for the UPFA government’s attacks on Mosques and other anti-Muslim activities. As a member of the Eastern Muslim community, I am ashamed and take this opportunity to condemn the deceitful actions of the SLMC. 

In the future, as in the past, the government would use the support of the SLMC to garner more support from Muslim countries of the world for its racist and discriminatory agenda. In that sense, the support will be used against minorities, particularly against the Tamils. The support extended by the SLMC is a classic example of ‘using your hand to hurt your own eye’!

The actions of the SLMC have caused a severe damage to the reconciliation process between these Tamil and Muslim communities that live together in the Eastern province. SLMC has not only made a historical blunder that goes against the will of the Eastern Muslim community but also damaged the social environment for a healthy co-existence of both communities. Further, both communities have lost a fresh and long awaited opportunity for reconciliation to build a long lasting peace with justice, equality and respect. A golden opportunity was lost.

[Dr. Zulfika, coming from Kalmunaikkudi in the Eastern Province had her schooling there and graduated from the University of Jaffna. She received her doctorate in psychosocial wellbeing and education in post-disaster context from the University of New England in Australia. She is currently a counsellor in the field in Toronto and also an executive director of the Muslim Women Research and Action Forum in the island of Sri Lanka. She is a noted Tamil poet credited with three published collections.]


Basil to fix Berty


Minister Basil Rajapaksa has told several ministers that former Chief Minister of the North Central Province Berty Premalal Dissanayake has overstepped his limit and that steps could be taken to send him to prison like Sarath Fonseka.
Basil Rajapaksa has made this statement when Berty, who boycotted the swearing in ceremony of provincial councilors to the North Central Province, had said he was not too keen to take over the parliamentary seat offered to him.
He has added that Berty, who owned only a push bicycle in 1994, has earned millions in the past few years through fraud and corruption and that S.M. Ranjith had won the election because the people in the North Central province were aware of Berty’s corruption. Basil has said that he had all the files related to these transactions and that he would reveal the details if Berty tried to overstep his limits again.
However, Basil spent millions of public funds to help S.M. Ranjith win the North Central Provincial Council election. We published a special report in the website on how Minister Maithripala Sirisena has come to Berty’s aid. (http://lankanewsweb.com/sinhala/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2242:2012-09-13-17-09-27&catid=1:general&Itemid=53)
Berty’s son, Deputy Minister Duminda Dissanayake has said that many senior SLFP members and ministers have telephoned his father and expressed their support to him for standing by his principles.

Joint Letter to the Commonwealth Secretary-General regarding Sri Lanka
SEPTEMBER 25, 2012

HRWWhen Commonwealth countries announced at the 2011 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Australia that Sri Lanka could host CHOGM 2013, they agreed to actively promote and uphold the fundamental values and principles of the Commonwealth, including human rights and the rule of law. We therefore urge you to press for adequate and satisfactory human rights progress in Sri Lanka by CHOGM 2013. We believe that the failure of the Commonwealth and its members to do so would be contrary to the Commonwealth’s values and principles, and undermine its credibility.
It has come to our attention through the media that you have called for Canada to forego its human rights related objections and fully participate in the CHOGM 2013 in Sri Lanka – where you reportedly saw no deficit in the spirit of democracy. If true, such a call to drop human rights concerns is unprecedented in Commonwealth history.
We draw your attention to grave human rights violations in Sri Lanka that have been internationally recognised and reports of ongoing human rights violations that are regularly highlighted. Despite Sri Lanka’s repeated denial, these serious and persistent violations have been widely documented by the UN Secretary-General’s Panel of Experts on Sri Lanka in 2011. They also led to a UN Human Rights Council resolution on the country earlier this year. In fact on the same day your statement was reported, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights named Sri Lanka as one of 16 countries in the world that have gone unpunished for intimidation and reprisals against critics.
Even by the relatively lower standards of recommendations made by Sri Lanka’s own Commission of Inquiry on Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation (LLRC), little or no progress has been made. Within the country, most mechanisms set up to comply with international and domestic standards are more cosmetic than real.
In the light of serious international criticism of Sri Lanka over its human rights record, the absence of convincing evidence on Sri Lanka’s willingness to work with international human rights concerns and the absence of any publicly known Commonwealth benchmarks for progress in Sri Lanka ahead of CHOGM, we are surprised at the Commonwealth Secretariat’s willingness to canvass Heads of Governments to participate in CHOGM 2013.
We urge the Commonwealth Secretariat to require that Sri Lanka must demonstrate the ‘spirit of democracy’ with practical steps to tackle patent gaps in human rights, democracy and governance which have repeatedly attracted international concern.
The Commonwealth Secretariat must lay down benchmarks of discernible, quantifiable and measurable steps that the government of Sri Lanka must take before it can hope to host a CHOGM that has the wholehearted participation of both Heads of Governments and civil society. We believe such benchmarks must at a minimum lead the government of Sri Lanka to:
1.       Fully restore the rule of law;
2.       Lift restrictions on the enjoyment of all fundamental freedoms for all people within its borders ;
3.       Restore Constitutional provisions that guarantee separation of powers and re-instate the independence of the three branches of government;
4.       Restore the independence of government institutions such as the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission and ensure meaningful domestic implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;
5.       Repeal or amend laws, including the Prevention of Terrorism Act, that do not conform to international human rights standards,
6.       Institute effective mechanisms to protect journalists, civil society groups and human rights defenders who work for the promotion and protection of human rights;
7.       Allow full and credible international investigations into all allegations concerning violations of international humanitarian law in the country; and
8.       Fulfill all recommendations directed to it by the UN Secretary-General’s Panel of Experts and those recommendations of its own LLRC that are consistent with the recommendations of the UN Panel.
In the context of the ongoing Commonwealth reform process, only such principled action by the Commonwealth Secretariat will be indicative of the official Commonwealth’s willingness to truly reform itself and to apply values of human rights, good governance and democracy.
As a part of this reform process, at the 2011 CHOGM it was agreed that your office would work with the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) to address all serious or persistent violations of Commonwealth values. This was to be an important step in strengthening the CMAG. In pursuing this commitment it is imperative that your office and CMAG do not leave grave international concern over human rights violations in Sri Lanka unaddressed.
We understand that as the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth your duties include implementing political decisions taken by Commonwealth Heads of Governments, including the 2009 decision to let Sri Lanka host the 2013 CHOGM. At the same time, your position as the highest official of the Commonwealth comes with an obligation to strongly uphold, at all times, all the fundamental values of the Commonwealth. At this time of Commonwealth renewal, we believe that upholding the core values of the Commonwealth naturally has precedence over other concerns.
Sincerely,
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
Human Rights Law Centre (Australia)
Human Rights Watch
Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace & Justice
United Nations Association of the UK

Diaspora Muslim academic reasons out SLMC politics

TamilNet[TamilNet, Thursday, 27 September 2012, 00:28 GMT]
Colombo-born Dr. A.R.M. Imtiyaz, who is currently teaching in a US university, cautioned this week the SLMC in alliance with Rajapaksa that it “should be able to read political logic of the Rajapaksa regime.” The Tamil-speaking academic, while reasoning out the bargaining politics of the SLMC, and delineating on the areas of lacuna in Tamil–Muslim understanding, further cautioned the SLMC that “Any failure or any deception, would very likely trigger tensions and distrust between Tamils and Moors.” Using the term Moors in his responses to questions put forth by a TamilNet contact in North America, Dr. Imtiyaz commented on the SLMC decision that “ It is easy to win diamonds for elites and politicians in coalition politics, but what is hard is to effectively win rights and security for the masses”. 

Dr. A.R.M. Imtiyaz
Dr. ARM Imtiyaz
“As long as the island of Sri Lanka confronts tensions and conflict between the Tamil and Sinhalese, it is very likely that the Moor politicians from the North and East will play a greater role in bargaining politics,” Dr. Imtiyaz observed in answering to a question on the ‘minority’ perspective of Muslim politics and said that the bargaining politics went very well in the past for Muslim politics. 

On SLMC collaborating with a regime that has gone on record for anti-Muslim activities, Dr. Imtiyaz said that the SLMC is a political party, not a mass movement.
Power is the aim of any political party and Muslim politics think that the strategy of the past still holds good. But sadly the cooperation this time is not winning any substantial concessions for Moors with respect to security, land and autonomy. It is based only on political portfolios, the academic commented adding that he would be happy “if the SLMC would demand for the devolution of Land and Police powers to the Provincial Councils.”

Agreeing that there was a great opportunity that should have been used by the SLMC to build better relations between Tamils and Moors at popular level, Dr. Imtiyaz shared a communication he had from the SLMC hierarchy, reasoning out its decision.

“The SLMC’s top leaders share some concerns about the Rajapakse regime’s tricks. Some of the SLMC top members think that the regime in Colombo may spark further internal tensions, and thus the SLMC may face some difficulties. Also, there is a deep distrust toward the TNA, particularly it’s inability to come forward strongly against the recent developments pertaining to the returning Northern Moor refuges from Puttalam and other southern corners. Some thought that the SLMC-TNA controlled provincial administration would face severe difficulties from Colombo, and making the whole exercise futile. Combination of all of these factors contributed to the SLMC’s decision, and thus they missed the opportunity for better Tamil-Moor relations at popular level,” Imtiyaz said.

Colombo’s plans on demographic changes and political weakening of Tamil-Moor political representation could have been subverted, had the SLMC opted for SLMC-TNA administration of the East, Imtiyaz observed.

On building Tamil-Muslim relationship, the foremost suggestion of Imtiyaz was that “Tamils need to recognize the separate identity of Moors, and they should disclose this in unambiguous language.”

On this point the response of Tamil civil activists in the island was that Tamils shouldn’t have any hesitation in recognizing the separate identity of any people, when the people think that they should assert to it. 

In the same spirit, the need that has come to Eezham Tamils to assert themselves a nation having the right to self-determination has to be understood by the Muslims. Academics of both Tamils and Muslims should work towards finding out a way for the national aspirations of Eezham Tamils and minority aspirations of Muslims accommodating each other for the synthesis and benefit of the both, the civil activists in the island further said. 

The full text of the responses of Dr A.R.M. Imtiyaz to questions asked by a TamilNet contact in North America, follows:

Q: In the Eastern Provincial government elections, the Muslim political discourse was centered on the notion that the Muslims are “minorities” and therefore bargaining with the rulers would be the best way forward for the Muslims. What are your comments?

A: In deeply divided ethnic societies where more than two ethno-cultural groups compete for resources and positions, political elites and politicians belonging to non-major groups often seek alliance and political cooperation with the major/ dominant ethnic group to gain maximum political gains and positions. The policies, behaviors, and actions of Moors’ political establishment since 1948 in Sri Lanka affirms the point I am making about the functions of ethnic parties in deeply divided polities. 

Such political collaboration in the name of Moor masses went very well, and Moor politicians did win significant concessions from the Sinhala polity. When you have a polarized society where two groups compete for political control, ethnic groups like Moors can maximize their interests. The recently concluded Eastern provincial elections confirm this theory. As long as the island of Sri Lanka confronts tensions and conflict between the Tamil and Sinhalese, it is very likely that the Moor politicians from the North and East will play a greater role in bargaining politics, not winning.

Q: The Mahinda regime is guilty of appropriating lands belonging to Tamils and Muslims. The regime and its supporters are also guilty of attacks on mosques and systematically hindering business opportunities of Muslims. Could one justify the decision of the SLMC to support the regime to form the provincial government in the East?

A: The SLMC is well aware of the problems of Moors, particularly the North and Eastern Moors. The SLMC is a political party. It is not a mass-oriented political movement. In any political party the ultimate aim is power. Muslim cooperation with the Sinhala ruling class/political parties, mainly due to the ethnic conflict and war against the Tamils, helped the Moor politicians to maximize their interests. The SLMC and other Moor politicians think that such strategy is still good and would work. But, sadly, the SLMC’s political cooperation this time with the regime did not win any substantial concessions to the Eastern Moors with respect to their security, land, and regional autonomy. The cooperation was made possible mainly based on cabinet portfolios at the regional level, and political concessions at the center. 

I would be happy to see the SLMC’s cooperation with the regime to form a government in the East if the SLMC would demand the devolution of Land and police Powers to the Provincial Councils.

Q: The elections for the Eastern provincial government and the results were a golden opportunity for building Tamil-Muslim relations. In fact, the TNA, the dominant Tamil political party offered to work with the SLMC. Why did the SLMC missed this opportunity?

A: Political parties often take decision to maximize their own interests. The SLMC is no exception. Yes, it was great opportunity, and the SLMC should have used it to build better relations between Tamils and Moors at popular level. My communications with the people associated with the SLMC hierarchy suggest a few interesting reasons for the SLMC’s decision: [1] the SLMC’s top leaders share some concerns about the Rajapakse regime’s tricks. Some of the SLMC top members think that the regime in Colombo may spark further internal tensions, and thus the SLMC may face some difficulties. Also, there is a deep distrust toward the TNA, particularly it’s inability to come forward strongly against the recent developments pertaining to the returning Northern Moor refuges from Puttalam and other southern corners. Some thought that the SLMC-TNA controlled provincial administration would face severe difficulties from Colombo, and making the whole exercise futile. Combination of all of these factors contributed to the SLMC’s decision, and thus they missed the opportunity for better Tamil-Moor relations at popular level. 

Q: The Muslim perspective on the Tamil-Muslim relationship has always been critical of the early negative role played by Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan and later in the 80s and 90 s the atrocities by the Tamil militants against the Muslims that culminated in the expulsion of the Muslims from the North by the LTTE. While these are projected as grave historical errors on the part of Tamil politicians and militants, would you think the decision to support the Mahinda regime in the Eastern provincial government after campaigning against it is a grave mistake? What could be the reasons?

A: The answer is no. It is becoming a kind of style for Muslim political elites to use the brutal behavior of the Tamil militants, including the LTTE to justify their co-operation with the Sinhala political class. Yes, as you correctly said that the Tamil political and military actors had committed crimes against the Moors. But the Moors are no innocent parties either. In my studies on the Moors of the Northern and Eastern provinces, I have exposed the violence by the Moors against the Tamils. The Moor politicians are no angels. The point is that the SLMC, which campaigned aggressively against the Mahinda regime, committed a historical political error. In politics, every decision you make may have grave consequences. Such consequences may help trigger tensions at popular level, or may lead to widen distrust and hatred.

Q: The Eastern province will now have a council of ministers consisting of Sinhalese and Muslims only. Perhaps this is what the Mahinda regime wanted all along: to demonstrate that they can change the patterns of representation in the North and East if they want and east is just the beginning. What’s your take on this issue?

A: Colombo has been active in changing the patterns of representation in the North and East and demography for a while. It wanted to significantly weaken the Tamil-Moor political representations and population control of the region. Actually, Colombo’s plan could have been subverted if the SLMC had opted for SLMC-TNA administration. The SLMC should be able to read political logic of the Rajapakse regime. Any failure or any deception, would very likely trigger tensions and distrust between Tamils and Moors. It is easy to win diamonds for elites and politicians in coalition politics, but what is hard is to effectively win rights and security for the masses.

Q: What are your suggestions for progressive Tamil-Muslim relationships and programme?

A: Politicians have their game and moves to win power. They seldom think about the interests of masses. But political activists and scholars have a role in the society. That is, to educate the masses and to seek common ground for better future. In the context of Sri Lanka, both Tamils and Moors are being denied justice. Both communities have some deep-seated political as well as socio-economic problems. Just because these two communities have problems, would not make these two groups ideal to form a common front. There are political and social forces within and beyond these communities. These forces often run their own agendas to weaken any possible working relations among masses of these groups. These groups often employ distrust and divisions of Tamils and Moors to pursue their own agendas. But the fact is that there is a sense of distrust between Tamils and Moors. Moors of Sri Lanka have some reasonable concerns about the Tamils. These are legitimate concerns. Tamils need to recognize the separate identity of Moors, and they should disclose this in unambiguous language. 

Groups seek their destination and claim their identity not only based on language, but also non-language factors such as religion. Also, Tamil polity should not take any measures against the Northern Moors returnees. Expulsion of Moors by the LTTE was a brutal error that the LTTE committed in their long struggle. Actually, such move progressively weakened the Moors’ trust against the Tamil struggle. On the other hand, Muslim activists and scholars need to acknowledge the errors and violence committed by the Moors against the Tamils. And we need to apply a lot of pressure on Moor politicians to seek better political choices. The politics of collaboration may help political elites and politicians, but its consequences would not put masses in any good position in the long run.

[Dr. A.R.M. Imtiyaz was born in Colombo. He studied political science at the University of Peradeniya and received his Ph.D in World history from Nanjing University in China. He currently teaches ethnic politics, Modern China and Modern India at the Asian Studies program/ Department of Political Science, Temple University, Philadelphia. His research studies cover two major aspects—the symbolic politics of elites and politicization of ethnic differences especially in Sri Lanka. His most recent research examines issues pertaining to Muslims in Middle East and in Xinjiang province, China.]