Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, September 23, 2012


Views From The Diaspora: Meena Serendib


Colombo Telegraph

Meena Serendib is a filmmaker, actress, dancer, and spoken word poet-born in the UK and raised in Northern California. Meena talks to YaTv ‘Connections’ about her visits to Sri Lanka and her work particularly in relation to the Sri Lankan experience and situation.
Connections | September 17, 2012
http://connections.youngasia.tv
IDPs reseltled: Ampalavanpokkanani 
Written by Administrator   Friday, 21 September 2012 09:28
Shelter, toilets, and water are regularly unavailable or restricted access for returnees. The jungle is usually not cleared and they have to do this themselves or pay someone to do this - they often stay on the side of the road until their land is clear. The returnees receive a few thin pieces of timber and some tarpaulin and have to construct a shelter. Lack of toilets is of particular concern to women who go into the jungle together because they fear attacks or harassment. Mine risk and UXOs is an ongoing concern and has become even more so in the recent rush to get IDPs out of Menik Farm. Many UXOs are found in the houses and lands of returnees.


Malaka-Major incident: CCTV clip with Police

Malaka-Major incident: CCTV clip with PoliceLogo
  • By  Srian Obeyesekere 
  • Sunday, 23 September 2012
  • The CCTV camera relating to the alleged assault on the Army intelligence officer involving a group of people including sons of two prominent politicians is in police custody, Police Media Spokesman SP Ajith Rohana told The Nation yesterday.
    However, he declined to comment on what was in camera since the matter was pending before court.
    “Until the identification parade is held on October 1 it is unfair to comment on what is contained in the CCTV camera since the case is before court,” SP Ajith Rohana said.
    Meanwhile, the assault case on an Army Major attached to its intelligence wing took a new turn with him had reportedly recanting his recent statement. A three-member committee commenced probing the assault of the Army Intelligence Officer.
    The officer had reportedly told the Fort Magistrate last week that he made the statement under shock induced by the incident and that the sons of the two politicians had not assaulted him and he was ready to settle the issue.
    Consequent to his statement, the Fort Magistrate Kanishka Wijeratna on Friday released Malaka Silva and Rehan Wijeratna on a cash bail amounting to 100,000 rupees each and remanded the other suspects till Monday (24).
    The incident took place near the car park of the Jaic Hilton Residencies. Minister Mervin Silva’ son Malaka Silva and former Minister Mano Wijeratna’s son Rehan Wijeratna along with five others were remanded under suspicion for the assault.
    The Major has further said in the court that he was in charge of the Sri Lanka Army’s Colombo-South Intelligence wing and had come to the place of the incident for an investigation on drugs after informing the relevant authorities.
    Meanwhile, the Army committee is to question the other officials who worked under the Major. The committee will investigate the liability of the Major’s visit, and if a disgrace occurred to the Army with the official’s conduct.
    The magistrate directed the police to investigate if the Major attempted to mislead the court through making false statements. 

Malaka-Major incident: CCTV clip with PoliceAssault on army Major outside JAIC Hilton -Sachine Jayawickreme

Saturday, 22 September 2012
(The writer is the elder brother of Rehan Wijeratne-Jayawickreme who is at the centre of the controversy regarding the assault on an Army Major outside the JAIC Hilton.)
I am NOT proud of what has occurred
First of all I must say that I was indeed surprised when I read the Sunday papers early this morning. I was expecting a bloodbath to say the least. Instead, what I read was both thought provoking and humbling and this is why I believe I should write this. I have given this matter a bit of thought and I thought I might contribute towards the debate in constructive manner.
During the next few paragraphs I will be wearing many hats, ranging from that of a son, a grand-son, a nephew, a brother and a law enforcement officer. Importantly, I must emphasize that this is NOT a defence of my brother by any means, nor is it meant to appear that I am jumping on the "My ancestors were great people" band-wagon. It is meant purely to emphasize certain points made in the POLITICAL WATCH Column yesterday, and to possibly add to the debate.
I will start off by saying that I am in a way happy to a certain extent to see that the social media is contributing towards helping create and sustain debate in relation to news stories of public interest. It is necessary that such debate take place, especially in an environment where there is debate in relation to the freedom of the media. After all, a free media is integral in the path towards having a robust democracy.
One issue that I take umbrage to and I will gladly engage in any debate with anyone at anytime, is the insinuation that the parents, grand-parents and other family members are to blame for the short-comings and failings of my brother. This is an antiquated theory which is to a certain extent true. But to ignore all other factors, such as the impact of friends and peers, the erosion of values, and a warped sense of reality amongst many others and focus solely on a person’s upbringing is prejudicial to the argument.
Yes, my brother and I are from privileged backgrounds. And I do not apologize for that. In fact I am proud to call Lofty Wijeratne and Mabel Wijeratne my grand-parents. I am proud to have a mother who
during most of her early life managed to raise her children as a single-mother (an achievement in western nations which is held in high regard). I am proud to have a father who has recovered from life-threatening illness and is back walking again. I am proud that I have uncle’s and aunties who have showered me with love, respect, and patience. I am proud that I had the privilege to meet and get to know my step-father, the late Mano Wijeyratne.
BUT, I am NOT proud about what has occurred in relation to my brother and the choices he has made in life. In fact it saddens me. It angers me, and it frustrates me. And that is me feeling this way, down under in Australia. I could only imagine the stress and anxiety it is causing those back at home. I could also understand the frustration that the citizens in the country feel but I will leave that argument to those who actually live there. I do not have the right to comment or pass judgment while being away from the country for almost 11 years.
No one can turn around and say at any stage that my family from all three sides, the Wijeratne’s, the Jayawickrame’s and Uncle Mano Wijeyratne have been corrupt or have amassed wealth in ill-gotten ways. I challenge anyone to say otherwise and if they do, to produce evidence to suggest as such. Privileged we may be, but corrupt we are not. So, for those who are insinuating on online forums that this is the case, I say put your money where your mouth is and produce some evidence, even a whisper.
When people here in Australia get to know about my back-ground, they say "...you are rich". I say to them, "I am not rich...my family maybe rich and they have worked for every penny they have". My wife and I pay a mortgage, we both work full time, pay our tax, our bills and we live quite a comfortable life. Hardly the life of a sibling who’s family is corrupt. I am currently a Law Enforcement Officer in Australia and have been for over three years. I have completed my University Education prior to that and I am also an amateur bodybuilder. Integrity, Respect and Ethics are things that are integral to the sort of work I do and these come easily as I have been instilled with these values from a young age.
So, the question is where have things gone wrong? What are the root causes of what culminated last week, which prompted calls in the wee hours of the morning informing me that my brother might get locked up for assaulting an army officer? I will try and keep my thoughts short and succinct.
Friends and Peers: I can proudly say that the friends that I keep in touch with on a regular basis in Sri Lanka have contributed to me being where I am today. They do not come from privileged backgrounds but are hard-working, loyal, respectful and have the same values that I hold in high regard and have mentioned earlier. Some of them I have known from school, others as neighbours or as people who share common interests. What is glaring though is the fact that I do not have any friends, even acquaintances who are from a political back-ground.
We used to go out, get drunk, walk home for miles or 15 of us pack into a three wheeler and scrounge around to collect Rs. 200 so we can go to the beach and buy another bottle. We also used to take the bus to school, go to the shop for a plain tea and a bun and (try and sneak a cigarette before school).
Later on after finishing school, most of us got jobs. Wore a tie and a shirt and went in the bus to work (I got a job as a salesperson at Janashakthi Insurance for a year). We could not afford to go to clubs every week and run high tabs. We did not have armed guards following us around everywhere and we certainly did not even know what cocaine looked like.
Change of political culture: Once upon a time in Sri Lanka, politicians were educated, had university degrees, were great public speakers, did community work before they got into mainstream politics and instilled those same values in their off-spring. Fast forward to now and the landscape has changed. Sometimes you wonder if you are watching a scene out of a mafia movie. When I came back to Sri Lanka before getting married, I went to a couple of clubs with my friends.
What I saw both surprised me and saddened me at the same time it also educated me on how lucky I am to have parents and family who would have never condoned this type of behaviour and the things that went around in the clubs.
To this day I can confidently walk into any night club or night spot alone and not worry for my safety. Unfortunately I cannot say the same about my brother or the company he keeps.
Drugs, women, alcohol and the underworld: I have seen a lot of drugs in my time as a Law Enforcement Officer, but I am yet to see the quantities I have seen when I was in some clubs in Sri Lanka.
Furthermore, I have not seen anywhere else, the amounts that are spent on the bar as I have in Sri Lanka. It is obscene to say the least. But that is the sad reality, Drugs, and women, in most cases foreign women from the Ukraine, Russia, Poland etc and the underworld. I can waffle on and on and on ... but I will stop by speaking to my brother directly.
"You are an adult now, and well past being a teenager. The choices that you make in life will define not only who you are, but will also reflect on your family and friends. They will reflect on your ancestors and all that they have built in respect to a legacy and reputation which to this day people hold in high regard, but has been immeasurably damaged due to the poor choices you have made in life.
But, there is a light at the end of the tunnel, a tunnel albeit which you have got yourself into through your own doing. That light is that you dedicate the next few years to repair that damage you have caused, to right the wrongs of the past by proving that you can be a good citizen, a good son, a good grand-son, a decent human being. The path forward to you is now to realise that life is not about wine, women and song. That to change the mentality in Sri Lanka that it is "Who you know and not What you know", requires people like you to change their attitude towards life in general. That, you have a responsibility to honour the work done by your ancestors by working towards the betterment of the country, by doing community work away from the camera’s and publicity, by devoting your time towards helping the under-privileged and those without voices in our society. If it’s a political profile you want to build, then the easy way forward would be to continue the way you are going. But, if you want to do the honourable thing, the manly thing then you would change the priorities in your life and take the long and hard road towards  vindicating yourself and your family and creating a legacy which you can call your own".

Is ISI recruiting Lankan Tamils to spy on India?

(Pakistan's ISI agents are…)TNN Sep 22, 2012, 08



CHENNAI: Agents of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) are actively attempting to recruit Sri Lankan Tamil refugees who have returned to the island nation after the end of the Eelam war, theTamil Nadu state intelligence has informed the Centre's Intelligence Bureau.
Thamim Ansari, a Thanjavur man who was arrested recently for suspected links to the ISI, was in Sri Lanka when ISI operative Haji made contact with him.
Intelligence sources say the ISI is hiring the refugees because they are familiar with India and can collect information from the country without raising suspicions.
Sleuths of the 'Q' branch of the state police, who have been monitoring Sri Lankan Tamils, said they have registered a case against ISI operative Haji, his associates Shaji and Amir Zubair Siddiqui , who works as the counsellor in the visa section of the Pakistan high commission in Sri Lanka.
"We have named the accused in the first information report based on Ansari's statement," a police officer said.
State intelligence officials have sought police custody of Ansari for one week to collect more information . A judicial magistrate's court in Trichy has granted police custody of Ansari for one day so investigators can interrogate him.
Inspector-general of police (internal security) Abash Kumar and other senior officials will question Ansari. Police will produce Ansari before the magistrate's court on Saturday seeking that he be remanded in judicial custody.
Bondage risen to the level of slavery

Sunday 23 September 2012

Vikramabahu18-2P
ro government media claims that conspiracies are launched by imperialists of the West to destabilize the regime. This seems funny when one considers the loyalty of the government to IMF rulings and to their advice in relation to the whole programme of development. The Mahinda regime is one of the most loyal among the developing countries to the imperial global system. In the present context, the word ‘imperialism’ is not adequate to classify the global capitalist mechanism. Today, military actions have taken second place to the domination executed through financial agreements. In Lanka, the Western pressure is to stabilize the capitalist rule of Mahinda by compromising with minority bourgeoisie parties. They are interested in outwitting communists who would thrive on democratic issues in society. 
NGOs supported by the West do not help agitations by the left; on the contrary they concentrate on giving a liberal way out to consolidate the capitalist regime. In that sense, such NGOs are the biggest headache for the revolutionary socialist currently in society. One pro government media pundit said that agitations taking place in Russia, demanding human rights and democracy, are conspiracies supported by the West against the progressive regime of Putin! Russia today is one of the most authoritarian capitalist states in the world. Wikipedia says ‘The political system under Putin was primarily characterized by some elements of economic liberalism, a lack of transparency in governance, cronyism and pervasive corruption, which assumed in Putin’s Russia “a systemic and institutionalized form,” according to a report by Boris Nemtsov as well as others. Simon Tisdall of The Guardian pointed out that “just as Russia once 18-3exported Marxist revolution, it may now be creating an international market for Putinism,” as “more often than not, instinctively undemocratic, oligarchic and corrupt national elites find that an appearance of democracy, with parliamentary trappings and a pretense of pluralism, is much more attractive, and manageable, than the real thing.”
The problem with these media elements is that they are not aware that Russia today is a part of the global capitalist system and a partner in the G8. Before the First World War, as Lenin indicated, there were several imperialist powers fighting among themselves to become the world leader. Lenin also said that peace among them is temporary and bogus while a war of domination was inevitable. What he said came true and today, after two world wars and many local wars, the imperialist system has become an integrated global complex managed by the IMF/WB and the WTO. The big powers are united in this economic system and others are roped in to complete the global capitalist system. 

Bonded agents
Sri Lanka is also bonded into this system and under Mahinda this bondage has risen to the level of slavery. We can witness it now. Blake has arrived like an imperial viceroy in the days of Queen Victoria. Mahinda has knelt down and promised to be a good servant. Blake shouts. “Speak to the TNA leaders!” Mahinda promptly does so. Blake orders election for NPC. Mahinda says “yes of course.” Blake shouts “where is the LLRC?” Mahinda cries out “we are at it, please give us more time.” 
Never in the recent history of Lanka was a ruler of this country pushed around in this manner by a foreign official. We have to watch this drama grudgingly where democracy is forced in, from the top.
While leaders who have become bonded agents of the global capital are openly intimidated, new imperialism has not completely abandoned the military method of intimidation and control. It developed in many directions even though open invasion is almost completely abandoned. If we search carefully we see that since the end of World War II, the Anglo-Saxon “Empire” has covertly supported the deployment of foreign and domestic “foot soldiers” including terrorists and paramilitary brigades to bring about regime change and further its agenda of world domination. American citizens were not exempt from such scheming. The string of still unresolved US political assassinations throughout the 1960s suggests how such practices were not restricted to foreign countries. Nor were they solely the terrain of intelligence agencies. The recruitment of paramilitary armies and death squads has played a key role in the conduct of US foreign policy. With the Soviet-Afghan war, these “secret soldiers” were turned into highly visible “freedom fighters,” waging the Empire’s war at the forefront and in plain sight: Afghan Mujahideen, Nicaraguan Contras, etc. As recent history has proven, Western powers are still using this virtuous terminology to describe their foot soldiers, their terrorists in the Middle-East, and elsewhere. These methods were used in Lanka as well, in anti terrorist operations, both in the South as well as in the North.

Sri Lanka should treat Tamils with equality: CM to Rajapaksa


Place: Bhopal | Agency: PTI
Published: Saturday, Sep 22, 2012-


In the backdrop of protests against President Mahinda Rajapaksa's visit to Madhya Pradesh, Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan on Friday said it was expected from Sri Lanka to treat Tamils with equality and Colombo should highlight steps taken by it in this direction to clear doubts in the minds of people of both the nations.
Stressing on strong and cordial relations between India and Sri Lanka, Chouhan said that "it was expected from the island nation to treat Tamils with equality and the President should highlight the work being undertaken by his government in this regard" during a brief interaction with Rajapaksa in the State Hangar, official sources said.
"This will help in clearing all doubts on the minds of the people of the two nations," Chouhan said.
Rajapaksa arrived in Madhya Pradesh to lay the foundation stone for the Sanchi University of Buddhist and Indic studies amid protest by MDMK with its leader Vaiko along with his supporters being arrested as they tried to move from Gadchicholi to Sanchi to protest the Sri Lankan President's visit.
The Sri Lankan President also agreed to launch a flight between Bhopal and Colombo thrice a week.
The chief minister also told the visiting President that the state administration is willing to help Sri Lanka if they decide to constructs a temple where according to mythological stories Goddess Sitaji had given an 'Agni Pariksha'.
In case a temple is constructed at that place then this place will also be included in the Mukhya Mantri Teerth Darshan scheme for the senior citizens of the state.
The Sri Lankan President also gave approval for setting up a study centre at the Sanchi Buddhist University campus in Sanchi.
India confirms support for UNHRC on Lanka war crimes


http://frontierindia.net/wp-content/themes/wyntonmagazine/images/backgrounds/bg_branding.pngBy  | September 22nd, 2012

New Delhi: India would definitely extend its support to the United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) when it would visit Sri Lanka to study the allegations of massive human rights violations during the final phase of the war against the LTTE in 2009, says Union Minister of State for PMO V Narayanasamy.
“Not only in Sri Lanka, if war crimes and human rights violations are reported in any part of the world, India will not remain a mute spectator and will strongly oppose it,” Narayanasamy said.
He said that the Prime Minister will nt allow Human Rights violations to take place in any part of the world.
In march this year, India along with 24 countries voted against Sri Lanka today at a session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva. The US had sponsored resolution for ‘promoting reconciliation and accountability’ in Sri Lanka after the army defeated the Tamil Tigers in a 26-year-long civil war. UNHCR is one of the main providers of humanitarian assistance to IDPs and returnees in Sri Lanka.
India is Sri Lanka’s largest trade partner overall and Sri Lanka is India’s largest trade partner in South Asia. India has emerged as the largest foreign direct investor in Sri Lanka. India also contributes to the largest number of tourists arrivals in Sri Lanka.
Read more: http://frontierindia.net/india-confirms-support-for-unhrc-on-lanka-war-crimes#ixzz27K6uTKyR 
The Bizarreness of Rajapaksa Justice

 by Tisaranee Gunasekara-

September 23, 2012

Sri Lanka Guardian“…they were cunning, ignorant and cruel like old beasts of prey and…if we let ourselves be overcome by fear or piety, they would finally destroy us”.  - Jose Luis Borges (Ragnarök)
( September 23, 2012, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The king can do no wrong’ was a foundational premise of absolute monarchy. The Rajapaksas have taken this anti-democratic concept to the nethermost extreme. In Rajapaksa Sri Lanka the President – and his kith and kin – can do no wrong.

Minister Mervyn Silva occupies an outstanding position amongst Rajapaksa kith. When his son got into trouble with the law, again, it was a foregone conclusion that the Rajapaksas would ride to the rescue. Because that is how the system works: impunity is an axiomatic reward for fealty to the Ruling Family just as persecution is an inescapable punishment for opposing it.

Some actions carry the trademarks of their perpetrators. Only an agency with full official backing can white-van people, with impunity. A mere minister could not have compelled an army officer to commit perjury; only those constitutionally empowered to command the armed forces could have managed that feat.

Less than 24 hours after the ministerial offspring and his companions surrendered to the Slave Island police (two police teams had failed to apprehend any of them, for a whole week), Major Chandana Pradeep of Army Intelligence recanted. On 10th September he had complained to the Slave Island police that he was assaulted by Malaka Silva, Rehan Wijeratne (the son of a political appointee-diplomat) and five others in MSD-like attire.

On 18th September he informed the court that neither the ministerial offspring nor the ambassadorial offspring touched a hair on his head; he was assaulted by the five MSD types, hoi polloi unblessed with a ministerial pater or an ambassadorial mater.

That volte-face dovetailed perfectly with the writing on the wall, in the unmistakable hand of the Defence Secretary. Gotabaya Rajapaksa claimed that Major Pradeep was not on duty at JAIC Hilton; on the contrary, he was“acting as a personal bodyguard of an individual, which is beyond his duties” (Sri Lanka News – 14.9.2012).

The self-appointed Patron Saint of ‘War Heroes’ threw a war-hero under the bus to save the offspring of loyal servitors.

Rajapaksa patriotism is like Tiger patriotism. Fealty to Vellupillai Pirapaharan (alias the ‘Sun God’) was the sole condition of Tiger patriotism. Fealty to Mahinda Rajapaksa (alias the ‘High King’) and his kith and kin is the sole condition of Rajapaksa patriotism.

In this Sri Lanka, none can retain the ‘war-hero’ title if he is not eternally loyal to the Ruling Siblings. Even the most outstanding fighter against the Tiger can fall from grace if he commits the cardinal sin of disobeying the regime. For such a fallen war-hero life becomes unpleasant and dangerous, as the example of General Sarath Fonseka demonstrates. The war-winning army commander lost not only his freedom but also his rank, pension and decorations.

If such a fate can befall a full General, what cannot happen to a mere major? When the Mannar magistrate was allegedly threatened by Minister Bathiudeen, the legal fraternity closed ranks in support. When Mervyn Silva tied a Samurdhi official to a tree, the victim’s colleagues rallied in protest. An army officer cannot expect such support from his uniformed colleagues. Whatever the rights and the wrongs of this case, Major Pradeep is on his own, because taking on the Rajapaksas is a far more daunting task than taking on the Tigers. The LTTE could deprive you of life and liberty; the regime can do that plus destroy your reputation, persecute your family, turn your present into a torment and nullify your future. Better let a couple of political-brats get away with assaulting you rather than run the risk of being dishonourably discharged and your reputation in tatters.

So under Rajapaksa Rule even war heroes are not immune from the senseless violence of bratty politicians and political brats. From now on, it will be as open season on armed forces personnel as it is on other Untermenschen, such as students, workers, trade unionists, academics…

When a plague is threatening the well-being of a nation, the task is not to thrash the symptoms but to identify the malady. And the plague is Familial Rule. It is this that enable the Mervyns, Dumindas, Rishads and Malakas to break the law; just as it is the Rajapaksas who enable S. B. Dissanayake and Bandula Gunawardana to undermine schools and universities; or Nivard Cabraal to disgrace the Central Bank; or the CPC to import substandard fuel…

The underlying message is simple and resounding: support us and the sky is the limit; oppose us and hell is the destination.

Major Pradeep heard it in the South and betrayed himself. Rauf Hakeem heard it in the East and betrayed his voters. A chastened SLMC agreed to back the UPFA in the Eastern PC without even the Chief Ministership in return. All the SLMC got was a Rajapaksa (made-to-be-broken) Promise! Experience demonstrates that Rajapaksa promises are theatre aimed at dissembling and time-buying. The promise to the SLMC will be akin in falseness to the innumerable undertakings the siblings will make at the upcoming UPR of Sri Lanka.

After all, if the basic rights of ‘war heroes’ are not respected, can the rest of us expect better treatment? If an army officer – supposedly a member of a protected species – is denied justice, what can a civilian Tamil, victimized by the war, expect?

Invading the Judiciary

If Rajapaksa democracy is an oxymoron, Rajapaksa justice is infinitely more so.

Rajapaksa opponents can still win some elections, but no one victimised by a Rajapaksa acolyte can expect justice.

Impunity is a quotidian of Rajapaksa Rule.

According to Amartya Sen, “The issue of democratic practice can be closely linked with the existence and use of countervailing power in a society with a plurality of sources of voice and strength” (The Idea of Justice).

As an integral part of their anti-democratic dynastic project, the Rajapaksas want to grab all power. This requires undermining every source of countervailing power – the opposition, the media, trade unions, provincial councils… (Devolution is an impediment to the Rajapaksa-juggernaut; the 13th Amendment helped halt the Divineguma Bill, which aims at extending the economic empire of Basil Rajapaksa).

The judiciary is the primary target of this multi-pronged assault.

The Supreme Court decision on the Divineguma Bill would have strengthened the Rajapaksa resolve to render the judiciary as subservient as the armed forces or the police. “President Rajapaksa wanted the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) to meet him regarding the functions of the JSC but the JSC in an official meeting has decided not to meet anyone regarding its official functions as such discussion would be unconstitutional” (Colombo Telegraph – 20.9.2012). Last week, the Secretary of the JSC, Manjula Tilakaratne, warned the public about attempts to influence and threaten the JSC and asserted that the JSC is committed to safeguarding the independence of the judiciary.

An independent judiciary is not just a sine-qua-non of democracy; it is the last remaining barrier between Lankans and total subjection to Rajapaksa Rule. If we ignore the JSC’s timely warning, it might be our ultimate – and most unforgivably inane – error as citizens.
Subterranean dimensions of Eastern Province PC horse-trading

Leaders and parties are agents of history

Kumar-DavidIt has been said that man makes his own history but that he does it not under circumstances of his own choosing but conditions given and inherited from the past. The parties and leaders now jostling and positioning themselves in the Eastern Province Provincial Council horse-trade are superficially playing for influence, power and posts. True they think they also have an eye on the future. Deeper however, unknown even to themselves, they are setting patterns of community, class and power-block relationships that will define the political constellation of Lanka for the next period. The next period I have in mind is up to the next parliamentary and presidential elections. 
The permutations look like this. Handsome Rauf Hakeem of the SLMC is hotly pursued by Mahinda Rajapaksa and Rajavarothayam Sampanthan both ardently seeking his favours. A spanner in the works by DEW Gunasekara of the Dead Left, which did not win a single seat, is the proposal for an all-party provincial government. All this may seem crude power play, but the way it turns out will influence national politics for the next period. I am writing now, before the outcome is known, and I want to keep it that way because it allows me to better explore the inner implications of the options.
First however, we need a few statistics. The demographics of the Eastern Province are: 40% Muslim, 35% Tamil and 25% Sinhalese. The outcome of the elections: UPFA 12 seats (plus two bonus), the ITAK 11, and the SLMC 7 seats. The UNP managed just 4 seats and Wimal Weerawansa’s NFF grabbed one seat, adding up to a total of 37. Of the UPFA elected 12, seven are Muslims, and one UNPer is a Muslim, with the SLMC’s seven this makes a total of 15 Muslims; but crucially they lie scattered and spattered across three political entities. This is significant because the Muslims have long been snivelling that they have no political 11-2clout in the country, not even in the Eastern Province which has a Muslim plurality.

What men think they are doing
The simple options are for Hakeem and the SLMC to bestow their favours on the ITAK or the UPFA. If the former, the SLMC will hold the provincial Chief Ministership and the broader reigns of power for the first two years, and the ITAK for the next two. This would to some extent address the concerns of the Muslims since this is the first Chief Ministership the community has held and it will give Muslim leaders the opportunity to formulate and implement a programme for the improvement of their much depressed community. 
The second option is to stick with the government. If Hakeem stays with Rajapaksa he will protect his cabinet portfolio and make those SLMC parliamentarians who are in it for perks and money, legitimate or illegitimate, happy. However, if he bows before Rajapaksa and rejects the ITAK offer he will be remembered as the leader who threw away an opportunity for asserting Muslim identity and implementing a Muslim led programme. Either way it’s an agonising decision and will likely involve a split among his elected councillors now, or down the road.
The logistics of the all-party option are a nightmare. Who will hold the trumps and for how long? Will the SLMC, ITAK and UPFA (probably a Sinhalese) hold the Chief Ministership and the reigns of power for one-and-one-third years each? Sounds perfectly crazy. Will this all-party circus be able to evolve some circuitous formula whereby it can actually arrive at a working arrangement? I don’t see how and it will so dilute Muslim influence that, de facto, it will be a betrayal of the Muslim masses who have at last raised their heads, albeit through three parties.
The concomitant issue is that this all-party formula is actually a three-party formula since it will and is probably intended to isolate and exclude the UNP. This may turn out to be a blessing in disguise for the UNP helping it emerge as the principal oppositional power in the Eastern Province.

What men are actually doing                                                  
Read more..  

Space Created By LLRC And Role For Civil Society



By Jehan Perera -
Jehan Perera
Colombo TelegraphThe government has overcome several formidable challenges to itself in the past few weeks.  It has now secured control over the Eastern Provincial Council even though it failed to win the majority of seats in it.  The government’s ability to thrash out an agreement on favorable terms with the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress is an indication of its virtually unassailable political position in the country. Although the SLMC was clearly not happy with the terms being offered to it, the leadership of the party has evidently decided that joining the government is better than being in opposition to it.  Those who politically oppose the government and considered a threat run the risk of losing all.
An indication of the difficulties faced by those who act in opposition to the government can be seen in the case of developments taking place in respect to the ongoing university crisis.  The university teachers have been on strike for three months, with little sign of the problem being settled through mutual compromise.  The President of the Federation of University Teachers Association which is spearheading the strike has complained once again that he has been at the receiving end of death threats.   The arrest of the convener of the Inter University Student Federation is related to this ongoing struggle.  The government has accused the teachers and students alike of being party to a political conspiracy against it.  The IUSF convener has been remanded on the grounds that he used violence in one of the demonstrations against the government.
There is a reasonable apprehension that the action against the student leadership is a preliminary indication of repression to follow in order to break the strike by the university teachers. The government has shown that it continues to have public support by winning successive elections.  But no amount of electoral mandates can justify the coercive or extra legal suppression of dissent. In the past,Sri Lanka has experienced several occasions where drastic measures were used to overcome protests against them.  In recent times this has included even at protesting garment factory workers and fishermen, which resulted in a death in each case.    In the more distant past there was even the selective assassination of trade union leaders that cowed the rest of the protest movement into giving up the struggle.
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Elections in the East, reconciliation and politics: In conversation with Javid Yusuf


Groundviews
Javid Yusuf is an Attorney-at-Law and former diplomat. Groundviews last featured him over two years ago, just after the Presidential Election in early 2010.
In this programme, we talked about the recently concluded elections in the North Central, Sabaragamuwa and Eastern Provinces in Sri Lanka and more generally, on politics and reconciliation in post-war Sri Lanka.
We begin by looking at why this election and voting in the Eastern Province in particular was perceived to be so significant. Javid responds by noting the election was, in general, a barometer of the government’s popularity and in the Eastern Province, a barometer of how minority thinking. We talk about the very different narratives from government, the opposition and other independent political analysts after the results of the election, and what could be read into these divergent viewpoints. Javid notes that the government did quite well in getting the votes it did in the North Central Province and Sabaragamuwa, and said that there was an alarming polarisation of the communities in the Eastern Province. Javid doesn’t mince words when it comes to his take on the campaigning of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, noting that people would have at laughed at the party’s stance, and opportunism. Javid also goes on to say that voters don’t have any confidence in the United National Party.
Moving away from the election, we talk about the viability of political parties that are anchored to a specific community or are ethno-centric in orientation and policymaking. Javid notes that he doesn’t see a future for such parties, and that the emergence of communal parties has created a lot of problems (specifically noting the behaviour of the SLMC as a key factor in the deterioration of relations between Muslims and other communities in Sri Lanka). As a counterpoint to Javid’s reservations about ethno-centric parties and those that are created on communal lines, we explore how there could be, amongst voters, a perceived need for political representation of minority interests given the majoritarianism and extremism that is now mainstream in parties and coalitions like the UPFA and even the UNP.
Going back to the results of the election in the Eastern Province, we talk about how the result will pan out in terms of governance in the weeks and months ahead. In this segment we also talk about the communal interdependency in the Eastern Province, and how this will be impacted by what appears to be a growing party political divide. We also talk about the actual role and responsibilities of the Chief Minister (looking at the Eastern Province) and whether this post really matters. Javid’s response is unequivocal, which he goes on to explain in some detail.
We end our conversation by looking at the need and opportunities for civic education especially in this part of Sri Lanka – for example, basic voter education. Javid comes up with a rather novel idea for the vetting of candidates vying for political office, and reiterates that for systemic reform of Sri Lanka’s eroded political culture, PR representation and the Executive Presidency need to be done away with.

Crime and criminals: hard nuts to crack

Sunday 23 September 2012
DR.-KAMAL-WICKREMASINGHEThe general public’s reaction to the recent spate of violent and sexual crimes in Sri Lanka was one of exasperation rather than anger or finger pointing. The opposition political parties however, took the line that the ‘collapse’ of the economy, maladministration of the institutions that are to uphold the rule of law and the overall social decline were behind the crime wave. The JVP went so far as to demand a broad ‘political transformation’ as the cure for the dismal situation. 
Many observers and commentators who spoke of a crime wave did not appear to have put the recent cluster of crimes in the appropriate contexts of ‘normal’ crime rates in the country, or internationally. For example, the several mass murders that took place in the United States during the same period, including the attack on the Sikh temple in Wisconsin do not appear to have been considered in the analysis. 
With the aid of statistics, the police showed that in reality there was no significant increase in crime rates in the country; the number of murders in 2011 actually decreased from the previous year, nor were the crime rates in Sri Lanka particularly high in comparison to other countries. The police spokesman also 12-3emphasised that there is no political interference in the arrest of criminals. 
Reluctantly granting that there was indeed a ‘crime wave’, and without any intention to be politically partisan, the purpose here is to examine whether the attempts to blame the government, government politicians, the police, and the judicial system were based on sound reasoning or evidence. Absence of any such reasoning is likely to lead to the conclusion that the blame game was a mere political ploy by increasingly desperate opposition groups which do not seem to be able to ‘take a trick’ at the moment.

Causes of criminal behaviour
The levels of shocking brutality that had been perpetrated in some of the murders reported over the last six months, such as the Kahawatta murders, makes one wonder as to how humans could descend to such levels. The appalling inhumanness displayed in the rape and murder of the six year old girl in Kirulapone put the boundaries of human-animal divide into question.
Irrespective of the shocking nature of these crimes, blaming the government, or any other institution or groups of people for that matter, for such heinous acts appears uninformed in the light of the complexities that govern criminality and processes of the administration of justice.
Some answers may lie in the field of criminology, the field of study of factors governing criminal behaviour and other aspects of crime with a view to reduce and prevent crime rates. Criminological theories generally attribute criminal behaviour to a range of factors: Some crimes are simply the result of ‘rational choice’ made by perpetrators after weighing up the consequences including possible capture and punishment. Most violent crimes including rape and murder however are likely to have been committed by individuals influenced by societal environmental factors including community and family ‘disorganisation’, social learning, and labelling.
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