Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, September 11, 2012

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Assault On Army Major: Police Fail To Nab Minister Mervyn’s ‘Criminal’ Secretaries

 By Colombo Telegraph -September 12, 2012
Police has failed to nab the main suspects of the  Major Chandana Pradeep assault case. Army Major was assaulted by Malaka Silva, Former Minister Mano Wijeratne’s stepson Rehan Wijeratne and five other persons at the Jaic Hilton car park at around 3.30 early morning last Sunday.
According to the detailed statement made by Major Chandana Pradeep, both of them were on duty when they had been assaulted by Malaka Silva and Rehan Wijeratne. Meanwhile main suspect Malaka Silva’s driver came on Sunday evening and handed over the pistol and the cell phone of the Major to Slave Island police.
Both main suspects are government servants. Malaka Silva is the private secretary to his father Minister  Mervyn Silva and the other main suspect Rehan Wijeratne is the Media secretary to the Minister  Mervyn SilvaRehan Jayawickrema Wijeratne is the son of the present Sri Lanka Ambassador to Turkey Bharathi Wijeratne, the second wife of the late minister.
Meanwhile the Minister Mervyn Silva, his son Malaka and Hirunika Premachandra are seen paying homage to the sacred relics at the Kelaniya Rajamaha Viharaya this morning.
Related posts;
Malaka and Rehan
Rehan and stepfather late minister Mano Wijeratne
Malaka and Mervyn           Read More
GroundviewsMullikulam: The continuing occupation of a school by the Sri Lankan Navy

Groundviews

-11 Sep, 2012
“This is my home, this is my sister’s home, this is my neighbour’s home…and now we’re not even permitted to enter our own land,” says *Rajan, a villager living at the Malankaadu temporary resettlement camp, pointing to their homes, where Navy families currently reside. Since their eviction by the Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) in 2007, people like Rajan have been made into “strangers” looking at their beloved homes and farmlands from afar. “We don’t want anything else from the Government, we just want to go back home,” is the recurring lament[1] of the Mullikulam people from June, 2012, when they were resettled just outside their village, which is currently home to the SLN’s sprawling North Western Command Headquarters.
When the Navy first occupied the village, following the eviction of its villagers by the Army in September 2007, the school and the church were also occupied. Due to determined efforts by the villagers and church leaders, the villagers have regained partial access to the Church of Our Lady of Assumption since May 2012, but even after they resettled in an adjoining village, the school continued to be occupied by the Navy. The school originally known as The MN/Mullikulam Roman Catholic Tamil Mixed School, has now been named the ‘Civil Engineering School – SLNS Barana’.
Marking yet another small victory in their efforts to regain the occupied village, the school re-opened on the 3rd of September, 2012, for the first time since the people’s return in June this year. The SLN had instructed the village elders to start school within the church premises (in which compound the school too is situated), on Monday, the 3rd morning, until they received official permission from their Area Commander to re-start school activities. As the school is within the premises of the Navy HQ, the children have to travel to and fro from their temporary resettlement camp each day.
On the 3rd, as there was nobody at both the church and the school buildings when the children arrived at the church at 7am on the first day of school, the 21 children (aged 5-13) and three teachers had started classes as normal within their school classroom. However, as there was no furniture inside the classroom, the children had to make do with the plastic chairs from the church that were remaining after a recently held church feast. Classes which started at 7.30am that day were interrupted at 11.30am (half an hour before school broke for the day) when the SLN called a village elder and asked for the children to be moved to the church premises until they were given the okay from their Area Commander who was arriving at the Base later that day. The Navy had told the villagers that they would be notified of his decision by 5pm that evening. The fence that cordoned off the church from the school, which was there when the people resettled earlier this year, had been removed on the 15th of August, 2012.
The evening meeting chaired by the North Western Naval Commander – Rear Admiral Rohana Perera, was attended by the Vicar General of the Catholic Diocese of Mannar, the Assistant Government Agent, the Assistant District Secretary, Robert Peiris – the Mannar Project Officer for the Northern Reawakening Project, the Parish Priest of Mullikulam , the Secretary and Coordinator of the Malankaadu temporary resettlement camp and six other Naval officers, was held at the Mullikulam (Thammannawa) Navy Camp. It was decided at the meeting that school would recommence at the school premises from the following day onward. However, those present were also told by the Commander, that of the two school buildings there, only one could be used by the children, as the other building was required to continue conducting Civil Engineering classes for the Navy.
Another meeting held with the Dep. Area Commander, Director of Education, the School Principal and the Mullikulam Parish Priest, at the church/school premises concluded that the school would be officially inaugurated on the 12th of September, 2012, as the villagers had to transport and set up all the school furniture and material from Vaalkaipettankandal (which is located approx. 50kms from Mullikulam), where they had stored everything during their displacement.
Of the about 200 families (equating 750 persons) registered, about 153 families (400 individuals) currently live under gruelling conditions at the resettlement camp where there are only two toilets, and where they must walk daily to the nearby tank to bathe. There is only one bus that leaves the village daily to Mannar at 7am, which returns at 6.30pm. “If you miss the bus, then you can’t go into town that day. Most of us work as day labourers, and so travel to Mannar or the neighbouring towns whenever we can find work. The priests provide us with rations and the Navy delivers water to us daily, which fills up our three 1000 litre plastic water tanks which is the entire camp’s supply for the day. The remaining families are those either working or having their children studying in Mannar. However, “if we are permitted to return to our lands, they too will return,” the village elders tell us.
The villagers and Church leaders are determined to continue their dialogues and appeals to the Government and the Navy regarding the plight of the Mullikulam people, and submit their requests to at least regain access to their paddy lands, hospital, church, school and of course their homes.
Having been given the glorified title “(the) Golden fence around the country”, it doesn’t seem likely that the Navy plans to leave these lands any time soon. What then is to become of the people of Mullikulam whose one desire is to return home?
*Names have been changed to ensure the personal security of the interviewees.

[1] For more details on the plight of the people of Mullikulam read The struggle to go home in post war Sri Lanka: The story of Mullikulam.

Written By Sri Lanka Guardian on September 11, 2012

Sri Lanka Guardian( September 11, 2012, Capetown, Sri Lanka Guardian) In August 2012, the Deputy Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Mr Ebrahim Ebrahim, accompanied by a civil society delegation, visited Sri Lanka to meet with the leaders of the Sri Lankan government, the Tamil community, NGOs and other stakeholders. The visit formed part of the on-going efforts aimed at addressing the need for the resolution of the outstanding issues following the end in May 2009 of the bloody civil war in that country.

The visit followed an earlier meeting in March 2012, held in Pretoria, between the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa, Ms Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, and the Minister of External Affairs of Sri Lanka, Professor GL Peiris, where the two ministers discussed, among other things, the need for the two countries to strengthen and deepen their cooperation and people-to-people contacts in the context of the resolution of the Tamil Question in Sri Lanka.

During his visit to South Africa, Professor Peiris also met with Deputy Minister Ebrahim, where the two sides discussed the importance of the need for an inclusive dialogue that would lead to true reconciliation and address the rights and freedoms of the Tamil community in Sri Lanka.

Deputy Minister’s visit to Sri Lanka was his second to that country in a space of eight months, demonstrating the importance and urgency that the South African government attaches to the Sri Lankan situation.

Since the end of the war in May 2009 and the release of the UN Secretary General’s Report of the Panel of Experts in April 2011, as well as the Sri Lankan government’s own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) Report in December 2011, there has been a heightened demand and urgency in the international community for the Sri Lankan government to implement the outcomes of these Reports and other decisions of the UN Human Rights Council, with specific empic emphasis on the need to address the accountability issues following the events of May 2009.

In its continued interaction with the Sri Lankan government and its leaders on the issues of reconciliation and nation-building in the post-conflict era, the South African government has always believed that the domestic accountability issues must first and foremost be sought at the national level and that there should be demonstrable and concrete effort and movement in that regard.

The South African government has further, and on several occasions, emphasized that a durable and lasting peace would come about in Sri Lanka when the reconciliation process is underscored by a broad and truly inclusive dialogue process that addresses the rights and freedoms of the Tamil community and has the support of the international community and all Sri Lankans within and outside that country.

Chinese Defence Minister’s Visit To Sri Lanka: An Indian Perspective


By R Hariharan -September 11, 2012
Col. R. Hariharan
Colombo TelegraphChina’s Defence Minister General Liang Guanglie’s visited Sri Lanka for five days from August 29, 2012. The first-ever visit by a Chinese defence minister to Sri Lanka with an entourage of 23 members indicates the ever increasing Chinese interest in the island nation.
The defence minister called upon President Rajapaksa and met with the Secretary of Defence Gotabaya Rajapaksa. He also visited the Defence Services Command and Staff College (DSCSC) and and the Defence Service College (DSC) – a national school established for children of defence services and police personnel. Even there the defence minister’s visit was limited to interaction with military personnel only. There was no press meet organised for the visiting delegation. Evidently there was a conscious effort to keep the visit at a low key. It would be charitable to think that this was done as both sides were mindful of India’s sensitivities to Chinese overtures in Sri Lanka. But it would probably accurate to say that the Chinese defence minister did not want the Colombo visit to be overplayed as New Delhi was his next stop.
General Liang’s meeting with the President was only briefly reported in official release with traditional averment to peace and friendship between the two countries. On the Chinese visitor’s meeting with Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapksa, Sri Lanka defence ministry said Sri Lanka and China had sought to strengthen their military ties. The Chinese press release was a little more detailed. It quoted General Liang as saying that political trust between the two countries had deepened with the rapid expansion of exchanges and cooperation in various fields. He expressed the hope that the two sides would continue to work hard to maintain the close and friendly relations and strengthen exchanges and cooperation in the field of non- traditional security and improve the ability to respond to crisis together, so as contribute to regional peace, stability and development(emphasis added).
Presumably the reference to non-traditional security and responding to crisis together was related to international counter-terrorism cooperation that China had been promoting for some time. This was mooted in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and joint exercises have been carried out. Probably China would like to promote similar joint efforts with South Asian nations. This is evidenced by the Chinese military participation in the Sri Lanka joint services exercise “Cormorant III” from September 10 to 25 in Eastern Vakarai in Eastern Province. In this exercise along with Sri Lanka troops, Chinese troops would be participating side by side with military personnel from Bangladesh,Pakistan and Maldives.

'Diamond swallower' was a ruse: Sri Lanka police
Yahoo! NewsAFP
COLOMBO (AFP) - A Chinese man accused of swallowing a diamond worth $13,600 at a gem show in Sri Lanka actually ingested a fake stone in an elaborate bluff to allow the real thief to escape, police said Tuesday.
Detectives discovered the ruse after waiting until the man, 32, passed the fake stone that he had swallowed at the Facets Sri Lanka annual jewellery exhibition in Colombo last week.
"The man with the real stone vanished while all the attention was on the man who was seen swallowing a stone that turned out to be fake," police spokesman Ajith Rohana told AFP.
"Investigations are now underway to track down the accomplice and recover the stolen diamond. We think both of them were involved in a racket."
Police said the man appeared to swallow a tiny 1.5-carat diamond -- creating a distraction as the stall owner shouted to nearby police who arrested him.
The accused man was taken to Colombo National Hospital where X-rays showed a stone lodged in his stomach before a dose of laxatives brought it out on Saturday.
Police said the man had been constantly monitored by armed guards to ensure the stone was not lost.
Suresh de Silva, director of the Belgrade International gem store, told AFP last week how the two Chinese men approached his stall and asked to examine some diamonds closely.
De Silva then saw one man put something in his mouth.
"When I shouted, one ran away and we managed to catch the man who swallowed the stone," de Silva said.
Photographs showed the captured man, dressed in a black shirt and jeans with his head bowed, being escorted from the exhibition centre by uniformed policemen.
Sri Lanka does not mine diamonds but it has a large gem and jewellery industry and is famed for its blue sapphires.


FUTA Refuses To Participate In Voluntary Arbitration And Challenges SB

Colombo TelegraphFUTA vehemently objects to the ministers’ uncouth and aggressive conduct and behaviour and request the minister to follow the norms of engagement in resolving the issues that we raise.” says Federation of University Teachers Associations. Issuing a statement regarding higher education ministers’ attacks on the academic community FUTA says “ In most countries, a highly educated, exemplary minister is assigned education related ministries. However, the trade union action by FUTA has shown beyond doubt that we are burdened not only with a minister that does not portray any of these qualities, but actively renounces strategies that would benefit the entire education sector in this country.”
SB
Issuing another statement regarding submitting to voluntary arbitration FUTA says “FUTA is strongly of the opinion that the issues that it has raised through its trade union action cannot be termed an ‘industrial dispute’ between FUTA and the UGC. The issues raised by FUTA are policy related and need to be addressed through good faith discussions. We have sought legal opinion on this issue and we have been advised that we need not comply with the request to seek arbitration.”
Today Federation of University Teachers Associations has issued two statements regarding higher education ministers’ attacks on the academic community and  submitting to voluntary arbitration.
We below reproduce the FUTA statements in full;
11th September 2012
Statement regarding submitting to voluntary arbitration
On the 10th of September, FUTA was requested to attend a meeting at the Ministry of Labour. At that meeting, FUTA received a letter stating that the ‘industrial dispute’ between FUTA and the University Grants Commission (UGC) will be settled through a process of arbitration. FUTA was asked to nominate an arbitrator on their behalf for this process.
FUTA is strongly of the opinion that the issues that it has raised through its trade union action cannot be termed an ‘industrial dispute’ between FUTA and the UGC. The issues raised by FUTA are policy related and need to be addressed through good faith discussions. We have sought legal opinion on this issue and we have been advised that we need not comply with the request to seek arbitration.
Furthermore, FUTA has been participating in negotiations with Minister Basil Rajapakse as well as Dr P.B. Jayasundera. At the last meeting with Dr Jayasundera, the Treasury Secretary informed us of a proposal to find a mutually agreeable long term solution to the problems of university academics. It is extremely puzzling, why less than a week after those discussions, FUTA has been suddenly requested to submit to arbitration. It suggests confusion and worse still, duplicity on the part of the government. FUTA engaged in discussions with various government parties in good faith and with the intention of negotiating a settlement to the various problems affecting the education sector. Instead, through this latest development, the government has demonstrated that it is unable to comprehend the nature of these problems and that its declarations during the negotiation process are worthless. This raises issues of tremendous concern with regard to the state of governance in this country.
FUTA is of the opinion that this attempt to term the issues FUTA has raised as an ‘industrial dispute’ will only serve to deepen the crisis in the education sector. FUTA also wishes to inform the public that it will not consent to voluntary arbitration as the issues it is seeking to resolve cannot be settled in this manner. FUTA requests the government to reveal its position with regard to these issues and to refrain from acting in this contradictory and duplicitous manner.
Yours faithfully,
President/FUTA
11th September 2012
Statement regarding higher education ministers’ attacks on the academic community
In most countries, a highly educated, exemplary minister is assigned education related ministries. However, the trade union action by FUTA has shown beyond doubt that we are burdened not only with a minister that does not portray any of these qualities, but actively renounces strategies that would benefit the entire education sector in this country.
Even after two months into the trade union action, his utterances shows that he does not understand (or pretends that he does not understand) what our demands are about. Though our demands centres around enhancing recruitment and retention capabilities of the university system, safeguarding university autonomy and enhancing free education in Sri Lanka, the minister rather than meaningfully intervening makes arbitrary and unfounded accusations against academics using foul language unbecoming of a public figure.
The uncouthness of the minister has no bounds, which has previously landed him even in jail. Placing a jailbird as a minister of higher education and the meagre funding allocations (to education) in itself shows the attitude of the government to education in the country.
FUTA vehemently objects to the ministers’ uncouth and aggressive conduct and behaviour and request the minister to follow the norms of engagement in resolving the issues that we raise.
Yours faithfully,
President/FUTA
Sri Lanka’s Universal Periodic Review: War Crimes must take Centre Stage

Guest Column by Usha S Sri-Skanda-Rajah
The issue that must take centre stage at Sri Lanka’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) scheduled for 1st November 2012 should be the question of Sri Lanka’s accountability for War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity, bearing in mind the period under review is from 2008 to 2012, covering the critical period before, during and after the war in Sri Lanka.
The major players involved in Sri Lanka’s review process must be ready to meet the issue head on.
In the light of Sri Lanka’s pathetic ‘National Report’ submitted for the UPR, it is imperative that Sri Lanka’s UPR includes a serious debate on the question of War Crimes that took place in Sri Lanka in the set period under review. This notwithstanding the resolution passed at the 19th session now proven with hindsight to be woefully inadequate in addressing the issue of accountability for War Crimes, for nowhere in the ‘National Report’ has Sri Lanka come up with a substantial and precise action plan to address the issue of accountability or the establishment of a credible domestic mechanism to investigate senior military and political leaders for War Crimes.
The ‘National Report’ reads like fiction and deserves to be consigned to fiction and not for consideration at the UPR, being definitely at odds with submissions made by members of the Civil Society to the UPR (both the ‘National Report’ and Civil Society submissions can be read at the OHCHR website: http://www.ohchr.org ) and other recent reports in the public domain for example the situation report released by the Commission for Peace and Justice of the Diocese of Jaffna (CJPDJ, not to mention, the letter Bishop Rayappu Joseph wrote recently to Sri Lankan President Rajapakse, raising serious concerns about the ground situation in the North and East of Sri Lanka.
The UN Panel of Experts report hasn’t been yet seriously addressed at the UN to give credence to the serious indictment contained in it that Sri Lankan government shelling caused more than 40,000 civilian deaths: The UN Panel in looking at “accountability” found "credible allegations", they said “if proven, indicated that war crimes and crimes against humanity were committed by the Sri Lankan military and the LTTE,” and that “as many as 40,000 civilians may have been killed in the final months of the civil war, most as a result of government shelling,” concluding that what took place was "a very different version of the final stages of the war than that maintained  to this day by the Government of Sri Lanka," (Sri Lanka falsely claiming at the outset it pursued a policy of zero civilian casualty) and that “the conduct of the war represented a grave assault on the entire regime of international law designed to protect individual dignity during both war and peace.”
Credible allegations such as these provide a sound basis for an independent investigation; that which prompted US Ambassador Patricia Butenis to send a secret diplomatic cable to the US State Department that stated “the responsibility for many of the alleged crimes rests with the country's senior civilian and military leadership, including President Rajapaksa, his brothers and General Fonseka,” as leaked by Wiki Leaks.                                 Full Story>>>>

SRI LANKA: Enforced disappearances and deprivation of enforceable entitlements have turned Sri Lankans into a broken-hearted people


AHRC LogoSeptember 11, 2012
Yesterday, we discussed several protests that took place in Asia. They are the students protest in Hong Kong; the protests of the people fighting against eviction from their lands by the Onkareshwar Dam project in Madhya Pradesh, India; the fight against the abuse of blasphemy law in Pakistan in the case of Rimsha, the 14-year-old mentally handicapped girl; and the student protest in Sri Lanka. 

We noted that while in all the other three instances there was massive support for the protestors from the local media after the incidents had been revealed, the Sri Lankan media was almost completely silent about the attacks on the students by the government. 

We also noted that in the other instances the governments showed tolerance towards the protestors and there was no use of violence against them. In contrast, in Sri Lanka the police, who arrived in large numbers, used brutal violence. Tear gas and baton charges were used against the peaceful demonstrators and some were arrested and charged. Added to this a heavy propaganda campaign was carried out by the government spokesman, and this was given wide publicity through the state media, which said that the violence was provoked by the students and that there are investigations are being carried out against them.

In all the other three instances the governments concerned at least partially granted the relief demanded by the protestors. The Hong Kong authorities promised not to enforce the proposed new curriculum on moral and national education that the students were objecting to; in India the Madhya Pradesh government promised to grant all the demands of the protestors, who stood neck-deep in water for seventeen days, and appointed a five-member committee to deal with the matter completely within 90 days by giving land for land and stopping the rise of the dam's water levels. In Pakistan, where protesting against the blasphemy law has remained difficult for a long time, the court released the young girl on bail and the government provided her with protection to move out of the location. Also, the police have arrested the cleric that made the false charges against the girl and charged him in turn with blasphemy.

What all this shows is that there is at least a certain degree of willingness to negotiate with the protestors, and to treat protest as a legitimate means by which citizens may express grievances and demand urgent action when they are frustrated with the negligence of the authorities. Such negotiations are possible when the idea of rule by consent is treated as the foundation of the legitimacy of a government. What the Sri Lankan government showed in this instance was that they derive their power purely by physical force and the idea of government by consent no longer has a practical relevance. 

How did Sri Lankans come to accept rule by brutal force? Why have the citizens cowed down to this way of being ruled? How have the mass movements, which were at one time so vibrant in Sri Lanka, become so subdued? Why is the media so self-censored in the face of brutal violations of all the basic norms of democracy and rule of law? Why is everybody so unwilling to lend support for those who come forward to protest for legitimate reasons?

The answer to all this is not difficult to find. It lies in the way enforced disappearances have been used as an effective tool to suppress public protest. The fear of abduction followed by torture and many other forms of harassment, probably ending in an enforced disappearance, is now an impression so deeply embedded in the psyche of the Sri Lankan people. 

While all that happens, the legal machinery of investigations into complaints, prosecution of offenders and even the judicial independence has been so badly undermined. That investigations into complaints against the state's abuse of its powers and of the use of naked violence will not take place is now known to everyone.  The examples are available of such refusals to investigate, not in their hundreds, but in their thousands. 

The Sri Lankan people have being reduced to persons with no enforceable legal entitlements. The Constitution does have a bill of rights and many fundamental rights are mentioned. There are many statutes that have criminalised violence of various forms against the people. However, the enforcement mechanism has been suppressed and by now it can be said that, virtually, an enforcement mechanism against violations of rights no longer exists. 

A long period of the abuse by way of enforced disappearances, illegal arrest and detention, torture, denial of fair trial, suppression of freedom of opinion and expression, publication and association have virtually made the Sri Lankan people into a broken-hearted people who have lost faith in their legal rights.

When there is no possibility of the enforcement of entitlements, the idea of citizenship becomes a hollow one.