Election Verdict And Meeting International Challenge

By Jehan Perera -September 10, 2012 

Jehan Perera

The declaration of the results of the three provincial council elections virtually coincided with the announcement of the visit later this week of a three member team from the office of the Human Rights Commissioner in Geneva.  The victory of the government in all three of the provincial elections conveys a strong political message that the government continues to hold the whip hand in domestic politics and that it is pragmatic to work in cooperation with it than in opposition.  This is a message that will go to all sections of society, not least the political parties.  On the other hand, the visit of the UN team in fulfillment of the resolution on Sri Lanka passed at the UN Human Rights Council in March of this year, and over the strenuous opposition of the Sri Lankan government, shows the international underside of the government’s triumph.

Independent election observers would not call the elections that were held as meeting their criteria of free and fair elections.  The election campaign was grossly flawed by the abuse of state machinery by the government and politicians contesting on its platform.  This conferred an unfair advantage on government candidates who utilized state resources such as vehicles and even government staff to their maximum and offered handouts and made public announcements of new recruitments to the public service to induce voters to their side.  The Police and Election Commissioner were successful in controlling some unlawful campaign activities, especially in removing of illegal posters, hoardings and cut-outs.  The Election Commissioner in particular used the limited powers at his disposal in a manner that evoked appreciation from election observers and the contesting political parties.

The Election Commissioner closed illegal campaign offices, stopped new recruitment the public service, prevented the distribution of goods to voters which were deemed to be inducements and ordered the seizure of state vehicles being illegally utilized for campaign purposes.  These actions reflected the continuing integrity of the public services in the country in the face of difficult political circumstances.  However, it is unrealistic to expect the Police and other government officials to be impartial where there is no structural mechanism to protect them when they act in a non-partisan manner.  At the same time it would be difficult to dispute that the election results represented the actual balance of political forces at the community level.  The day of polling was largely peaceful throughout the three provinces.  The elections in the Eastern Province were remarkably different from the last occasion in 2008 which was carried out with military might that drove the opposition Tamil parties out of the contest.

ELECTION HIGHLIGHTS

The main highlight of these elections was the continuing show of strong electoral support for the government within the ethnic majority Sinhalese electorate.  In the areas where the Sinhalese were predominant the government obtained more than 60 percent of the vote.  By way of contrast, the performance of the UNP as the main opposition party slipped further down.  The government’s strategy of rewarding those who support it with jobs, economic infrastructure and development projects would have weighed heavily in the calculations of voters.  The misuse of the machinery of state is a continuing practice that has been taken to new heights by the present government.  One of my colleagues told me that his village, which had traditionally voted for the UNP, had decided to vote for the government as this was the only way to access resources, such as an electric fence to keep out raiding wild elephants.

At the same time Sinhalese nationalism and the memory of war victory, which is fueled by regular government celebrations over the crushing of the LTTE, also showed itself to be a potent vote getter.  This was most clearly seen in the Eastern Province and, ironically, at the government’s expense.  One of the government’s coalition allies, the National Freedom Front, contested outside of the government umbrella due to pique over the allocation of seats, and bested the government in that duel.  The main opposition party has yet to find its answer to the siren call of ethnic nationalism that precludes the possibility of inter-ethnic reconciliation.  Its leadership still continues to be viewed with suspicion for the effort made to engage in a peace process with the LTTE which had the aim of a political resolution of the ethnic conflict rather than military victory.

The ethnic cleavage was most manifest in the multi-ethnic Eastern Province where the Muslim, Tamil and Sinhalese populations are significant in terms of numbers.  Although the government succeeded in winning the most number of seats in the province, it did not get an absolute majority as it did with ease in the other two provinces which had a substantial Sinhalese majority.   The TNA which had boycotted the 2008 provincial election got the vast majority of Tamil votes to become the second largest party.  This can potentially give it a strong say in the governance of the province even if they have to stay in the opposition.  They are also in a position to form the provincial government in coalition with the main Muslim party, the SLMC, and in fact have already called on the Governor of the province to appoint them to form the administration.

CONVINCING MESSAGE

The results of the three provincial council elections would be satisfying to the government which went into them facing a host of serious problems.  The university teachers have been on strike for nearly three monthsand the higher education system is in shambles with thousands of students and their families in a situation of despair.  Boatloads of Sri Lankans are leaving virtually on a daily basis to foreign countries in the hope of a brighter future despite government propaganda that Sri Lanka is well on its way to being the Wonder of Asia.  The credibility of the government with international investors is low with scandals in the stock market and in major economic projects, such as power generation, going uninvestigated.  The rule of law is in question with lawyers and doctors going separately on strike due to their lack of faith in the government’s sense of accountability where it concerns its own members who engage in lawless behavior.

The government’s ability to trounce its opponents even in these circumstances reveals its political strength and its general resonance with the majority population.  This is a strength that the government will need to use if it is to deal with the international challenge that comes from a range of powerful actors including the international human rights community, the governments of Western countries and India.  The challenges that they pose are long term ones and will not go away unless they are dealt with wisely.  In the case of other countries, the international human rights watchdogs have bided their time, sometimes for 20 to 30 years before bringing their target to justice.  The sooner the government gets this albatross of its neck the better.  The key indicator that the international community is looking for is real progress on the ground in terms of inter-ethnic justice and reconciliation and a political solution that will consolidate these.

The outcome of the provincial elections opens up new possibilities for the government to increase its credibility as one that seeks reconciliation both within the country and with the international community.  In recent weeks the government has come up with a plethora of policies and action plans that include the national policy on social integration, the national human rights action plan and the action plan on implementing the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission.   The manner in which the government deals with the Tamil and Muslim parties in the Eastern Provincial Council where they are now strongly represented will send a more convincing message about progress on the ground in terms of inter-ethnic justice and reconciliation.  It is here that the government can best show the spirit of bargaining and mutual accommodation and concern for the victims of war that will be the foundation for a political solution that includes the sharing and devolution of political power.

Another insult by Sri Lanka: It’s time India took a stand

by G Pramod Kumar Sep 10, 2012

A shockingly vulgar cartoon published by a Sri Lankan newspaper featuring Tamil Nadu chief minister J Jayalalithaa and the prime minister Manmohan Singh in extremely bad taste is yet another instance of the proxy-speak of the island nation that should ideally provoke a tough reply from India.

On Sunday, Lakbima, a well-circulated Sinhala language daily in Sri Lanka, published a cartoon lampooning both Jayalalithaa and Manmohan Singh, ostensibly peeved at the recent tensions between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka, where a school football team was sent back, and a number of Sri Lankan pilgrims in the state came under attack.

Earlier picture of Sri Lankan monks protesting against the Prime Minister: Reuters

The cartoon, gross and nasty, has created some ripples in Sri Lanka as well, but the government of India is yet to react. Presidential spokesman Bandula Jayasekera reacted on Twitter saying that the government did not condone the ‘vulgar’ cartoon, but there has been no official reprimand from the Sri Lankan government, and one of the employees of the newspaper has defended the cartoon, saying they were merely exercising their right to free speech.

Using proxies to target, smear and even attack opponents, while the government officially takes a conciliatory position, is a time-tested Sri Lankan practice of silencing dissent and running down people. That the newspaper is owned by Thilanga Sumathipala, a Colombo district MP of the National Freedom Party, (an ally of the ruling SLFP), is an easy giveaway of the State’s complicity.

Within the island, this double-speak of the government, while unleashing its proxies to do the dirty-work, is a common practice.  For instance, when the tensions with Tamil Nadu came to a head, the country’s deputy External Affairs Minister, Neomal Perera, told the Daily Mirrornewspaper that the matter could be discussed in a cordial manner without the need to create diplomatic discord.

On the other hand however, powerful Sri Lankan Minister Wimal Weerawansa addressed a media conference and issued a not-so-veiled threat, asking what would happen if Sri Lankans chose to treat thousands of Tamil Nadu citizens who regularly visited Sri Lanka in a similar manner. (Read more)

And the practice is by no means a new one. Some time back, powerful minister Mervyn Silva led a video documented attack on the State run Rupavahini TV, but continued to be in the cabinet despite the government promising action.

The government then said that it stood for freedom of speech, but the minister under its patronage did exactly the opposite. The only punishment he got was a reprimand.

The attack against journalists, including disappearances, was rampant both during and after the war and in all the cases, the “investigations” reached nowhere. The attack on privately run Sirasa TV, and the murder of an outspoken editor Lasantha Wikramatunga, were among the possible examples of the extra constitutional proxy operations that mute difference of opinion in the country.

The role of the proxies was evident in the attack against Sirasa because the station’s cameras captured and broadcast the assailants arriving in a state transport bus and pelting stones at the TV station. Despite video evidence of people involved and the details of the bus and the operation, there was no action taken.

Similarly, a state role was alleged in the murder of Lasantha, for the precision and impunity with which it was executed in a heavily guarded Colombo. The real culprits are still at large.

The proxy-attack spares nobody. Not even the UN.

At the height of the war, while the government used diplomatese to deal with the UN pressure, its proxies called the organisation names, attributed motives and planted stories. And cabinet minister Wimal Weerawasana laid siege to the UN building along with a mob of unruly party workers. Perhaps it was a rare instance anywhere in the world when a minister picketed the UN while the government looked the other way. The newspapers also carried rabid anti-UN stories.

Similarly, in the recent past, the Sri Lankan high commissioner to India attributed motives to some politicians in Tamil Nadu for supporting the cause of the island nation’s Tamils. And it was only a couple of days ago when the same high commissioner said, in the wake of the recent developments, that “India is a relation while China is a friend”.

The point is proxy-speak, proxy-attacks and proxy-campaigns are a way of life for Sri Lanka’s ruling establishment and it spares nobody. And these are as vicious as physical attacks. Their language is rabid, nasty and sometimes outrightly vulgar as in the case of the Jaya-Manomohan cartoon.

The cartoon against two top leaders of India, which strives to side with Sri Lanka against the sentiments of Tamil Nadu and the international community, should be a strong wake up call for India on the way it deals with its island-neighbour.

The government of India is one of the top aid donors for the reconstruction of the post-war Sri Lanka, and goes out of its way to indirectly protect the latter’s regime from international action including from the UNHRC.

Sri Lanka might justify that it is a democracy, it believes in free speech and it cannot silence a free media although evidence as described here points to the control it can exercise. But as it has proved in the past, it can take action when it so desires.

Jayalalithaa and the politicians of Tamil Nadu should certainly intensify their demand to the union government to be tough with Sri Lanka, even if the PMO doesn’t feel ashamed of the way Manmohan Singh has been ridiculed in the cartoon.

It’s time they demanded that Sri Lanka came clean and stop its silly double-speak with us

On Kumar And Nimalka: The Single-Issue Debate

By H.L. Seneviratne -September 9, 2012

H.L. Seneviratne

I admire Professor Kumar David’s principled stand in general on the issues confronting us as a nation, or what could have been one. I would like to offer the following observations on the single issue idea he has proposed that deserves the attention it has been receiving.

My first concern about Professor David’s idea of a single issue candidate, of which he is aware, is the assumption that the candidate, in this case theVenerable Sobhita, will conform, after election, to the requirement of singularity, and indeed whether he can, considering the pressures that would inevitably be exerted on him, especially by the Jatika Cintanaya and other components of the lunatic fringe. It is my understanding, although I am not certain, that the Venerable Sobhita is or was a member or sympathiser of the Cintana Parishad, the ideological and organizational command centre of the Jatika Cintanaya. This is obviously related to Nimalka Fernando’s question as to whether a Buddhist monk can be secular and non Sinhala. “Of course he can” says Professor David, but I am not so sure. Professor David is of course right in theory, because, though rare, socially and politically sensible monks do exist. But I doubt very much whether there is any such who would also be a winning candidate. The very thought of identifying the Venerable Sobhita as a possible candidate is based on his existing religio-political stature, which is an admission that a complete stranger to the political scene would not be an effective candidate; and I would be very skeptical that any monk with the semblance of such a religio-political stature, and thus would be an effective candidate among the Sinhala Buddhist voter, would be free of the conception of the glorified and idealized Sinhala Buddhist State the establishment of which started in 1956 replacing, insidiously as we can see with hindsight, the secular and multi ethnic state founded at independence.

I think Professor David also is too quick to dismiss Nimalka’s point about the possibility of the present president preempting the whole exercise by abolishing the Executive Presidency  (EP) himself. He inquires, “What’s wrong with that?” and proposes immediate action: “pump up the mobilisation and dump down the EP”. This again is excellent on paper, but underestimates a wiliness that can teach a few lessons to Machiavelli and Kautilya.

Further, in my view, given the alternatives, a single issue approach is as much the easiest way out as it is the least likely to succeed. Even if the single issue election is won, the multi issue election still needs to be fought, which means we are at square one, and on the arduous path, yet the most likely to succeed. That’s where the real “pump up mobilisation” is, the hard work of putting together a rainbow coalition of as many colours of the spectrum as possible, obviously minus the blue. This should include all persuadable political parties, prominently including the UNP, JVP, TNA, and the Muslim parties, the Clergy, NGOs, Trade Unions especially the FUTA, Civil Society and Student organizations. It should be a pragmatic inclusivism that covers even the pathetic “traditional left”, however despicable its bootlicking collusion with tyranny is.

Norochcholai - a metaphor for inefficiency

By Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury/IBNS

It is no secret that the Chinese have made deep inroads in Sri Lanka particularly in the various infrastructure sectors thereby consolidating its position in the strategic Indian Ocean Region country. Chinese Defence Minister Liang Guanglie’s recent five day visit to Sri Lanka led to announcement of new grants to build and modernise the country’s military training establishment.

 But the Rajapaksa government should be cautious in the backdrop of Chinese assisted power plant that has a poor track record.

In fact Norochcholai (it is a coal-fired power station in Puttalam, North-West Sri Lanka) has become a metaphor for inefficiency in Sri Lanka. Every passing day brings this Chinese aided and built power plant close to more ridicule. The Chinese are not known for inefficiency though quality is not their USP. Otherwise they would not have emerged as the challenger to the policeman of the world, the United States. Nor would they have made in roads into India’s infrastructure sector and African economy. More over, coal used for firing Norochcholai comes mostly from Indonesia.

If Norochcholai has failed and if it has brought disrepute to the Chinese, who should bear the cross –the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) or the Rajapaksa government. Because, though Norochcholai has been repaired, it is still to live down the ignominy that it remains operational for one day and closed down for a month. Compared to it, Polgolla power plant has no break down in its 50-years of existence. Even the Victoria power plant, which is nearly 35 years old, has never found itself in the same Norochcholai league.

By virtue of Polgolla and Victoria’s track record, the CEB would like to escape the blame game. That exposes the flanks of the government to ridicule of being a Norochcholai, as the UNP media spokesman Gayantha Karunathilaka would like the nation to believe.

The Chinese have not made matters easy for the government with their publicly hurled charge that Norochcholai failed after overuse. In so many words, the Chinese are saying that Sri Lankan engineers do not know how to run a power plant. Only an insipid will accept such a charge.

Norochcholai is designed for 900 MW by July 2014 in three phases of 300 MW each. The first phase was commissioned more than a year ago on March 2011. Frequent break downs made the CEB award the operation and maintenance contract also to the China Machinery & Engineering Corporation, (CMEC), which erected the plant, after resisting the demand for two long years. With this decision the plant has become 4C - China financed, China built, China maintained and Chinese machinery. Last year though the Chinese authorities had refused to change Norochcholai technology to facilitate the use of low calorific coal.

Yet, things have not improved. In fact, Norochcholai metaphor has acquired a new meaning. For three reasons -- One the disclosure that the plant is a refurbished second hand unit; -- Two the CEB Technological Engineers Union’s view that Chinese may also be ‘intentionally’ creating the break downs to become indispensable for Norochcholai; -- Three the Lanka Electricity Board Employees’ Union’s concern over the ‘standard’ of equipment used by the Chinese company.

Postmortem is no solace though it is essential; the country is saddled with a white elephant. Not only that all the hopes of a power nirvana on Norochcholai have disappeared and the country experienced power cuts in July for the first time since 2001.
Had the Sampur plant gone on stream as expected in February, it would have added 500 MW and the power scene would have been different. That hope has not materialized; Sampur (in Trincomalee district) was first conceived more than forty years ago and there have been many false starts since then. The coal based plant is to be a joint venture of CEB and India’s power major, National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC).

Anura Senaka Wijayapala, a CEB top honcho, hopes to see the construction begin by the end of 2012, provided both sides ink the final agreement in the next month or two. He ducks the question on the reasons for the delay. Well, the blame cannot be of the Electricity Board.

Like wise, who gave the go ahead to Norochcholai is unclear in the face of government’s deafening silence. The rabble-rousing Power Minister Champika Ranawaka has also chosen to keep mum now though four months back he told the Sunday Times that he was not happy with the project going the Chinese way.

Ranawaka agrees that President Mahinda Rajapakse resurrected the venture which was in a limbo for several years because of environmental and other objections but believes that the buck should stop at elsewhere.

The government owes it to Sri Lankan citizens to tell what had gone wrong and why with Norochcholai. And who has delayed the Sampur. Accountability is the sine qua non of democracy. The buck must stop somewhere where it matters.

(Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury is New Delhi-based commentator on international & strategic affairs. The views expressed in the article are of the writer and not IBNS. He can be contacted at dips762000@gmail.com ) 

Protests And Reactions – Hong Kong, India, Pakistan And Sri Lanka

By Basil Fernando -September 10, 2012

Basil Fernando

Last week I wrote on three great protests taking place in Asia. I will now add a fourth from Pakistan where there was a worldwide protest against the charging of a 14-year-old girl, Rimsha, under the notorious blaspheme law.

We can now briefly look at the partial results of these protests. In India the protestors at the Omkareshwar Dam, who took to standing neck-deep in water to protest the failure of the government to implement the orders of the Supreme Court relating to their lands, won worldwide attention as the media in India and also the international media highlighted their protest. There was an expression of outrage within India and strong calls on the government of Madhya Pradesh condemning their neglect and demanding immediate attention to the problem. This led to a reaction from the government of Madhya Pradesh which initially promised to send two ministers to meet the protestors. The Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, agreed to reduce the water level in the Omkareshwar dam to 189 metres and set up a 5-member panel to review the demands of the local people within the next 90 days. He also agreed to rehabilitate the displaced protestors.

This is a partial victory for the protestors. However, the protest will continue until the final settlement of all the issues which led to the protest.

In Hong Kong the hunger strike and occupation by the students demanding the immediate withdrawal of the proposed introduction of a new curriculum to include moral and national education replacing civic education which, in the past was not compulsory, gained massive support from the local population. By last Saturday (September 8 )  huge crowds gathered at the occupation site to support the hunger strikers and the students. By Saturday night the government announced that it was scrapping the mandatory Chinese civic education subject, leaving each school to decide on the implementation of moral education. The hunger strikers and the students engaged in the occupation saw this as a partial response by the government to their demands and called off the hunger strike and the occupation. However, the university students will continue with their proposed plan for a one-day strike demanding the complete withdrawal of the government proposal. The students will continue their protest until the entire plan is completely withdrawn.

In Pakistan the protest against the filing of blasphemy charges against 14-year-old, mentally disturbed Rimsha, led to a global protest and the court granted bail and released her. The government provided armed guards to move her out of the court and take her away to a waiting helicopter. Meanwhile, the cleric who made the false charges against her was arrested and charged with instituting a false case and also for committing blasphemy for burning some pages of the Koran which he used to plant the evidence on the girl. This is the first time a cleric has been charged with instituting false charges of blasphemy.

In Sri Lanka the students who were protesting in Colombo in front of the Grants Commission were arrested by the police and tear gas was used to disperse the students engaged in a peaceful demonstration. Later the government spokesman announced that the students would be investigated and charged for allegedly attacking the police.

While all three of the other protests led to partial responses from the authorities, the response of the Sri Lankan government was completely negative, and further the government also used violence against peaceful demonstrators. It has become the usual practice of the Sri Lankan authorities to take a completely negative approach to protests and to use violence to stop such protests and thereafter blame the protestors for instituting the violence themselves. Even the slightest space for democratic protest is denied to protestors who take to the streets on the basis of very genuine demands. The Sri Lankan government has closed the democratic space for all protests. Besides this while in all the three other protests there was wide coverage in the media, inSri Lanka the media has been so suppressed and the coverage of the student’s protests was minimal. Intimidation and generating a fear psychology is the strategy that the government adopts relating to all protests however peaceful and legitimate these protests are.

The Z-score imbroglio: Towards a fair and simple solution

The Z-score imbroglio: Towards a fair and simple solution

Image courtesy Tharunaya-Nishan de Mel-10 Sep, 2012

Groundviews

I will assume in this article the general acceptance of two principles of fairness with regard to university admission. Fairness principle 1: That, apart from any affirmative action criteria used, admission should be based on merit rankings. Fairness principle 2: That affirmative action criteria and the merit ranking scheme should not be arbitrary, but must follow fixed transparent principles or past precedence.

It is possible to show that the current solutions being debated to the Z-score imbroglio fails to meet these principles. An explanation and solution is given in the twenty numbered paragraphs below.

1. The G.C.E A’level exams: in 2011 were administered under two syllabi. One set of students sat papers set according to the new syllabus; another set (presumed to be repeaters) according to the old syllabus.

2. Admission to university: is based on a national merit ranking of all students who sit the exams, and a long standing affirmative action criterion which creates quotas for each district. The Z-score is a statistical method of expressing the performance rank of an individual within a group.

3. Precedence: In the past, when two syllabus’ were used, the Z-scores were calculated separately within the syllabus group (in statistics jargon – treating each group as a separate population) and the resulting Z-score was used to compare all the students and create a single national ranking.

Continue reading »

FUTA Slams Rajapaksa’s Statement On Its Strike Action

By Colombo Telegraph -September 10, 2012

“We wish to register our disappointment regarding media reports on the 7^th of September quoting H.E the President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa that as a policy he does not engage in discussions with unions while they are on strike action. He is further quoted as saying that if FUTA wants to settle issues through negotiations, it should first suspend trade union action.” says FUTA.

Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri

Issuing a statement FUTA says “ FUTA has no desire to prolong trade union action any longer than necessary. We appeal to H.E the President and the government to refrain from delaying negotiations and to take immediate steps to resolve the current crisis in the education sector. The strike action has gone on for over 2 months not because FUTA was unwilling to engage in a negotiated settlement but because of the government’s inability to provide specific answers to the issues raised by FUTA.”

We below reproduce the FUTA statement in full;

FUTA Statement regarding Right to engage in Trade Union Action

We wish to register our disappointment regarding media reports on the 7^th of September quoting H.E the President Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa that as a policy he does not engage in discussions with unions while they are on strike action. He is further quoted as saying that if FUTA wants to settle issues through negotiations, it should first suspend trade union action.

This statement by the President has very serious implications not just for FUTA but for other trade unions as well. The right to engage in trade union action is a fundamental human right and it is a right which is constitutionally guaranteed in Sri Lanka. By refusing to engage with trade unions engaged in strike action, the President is questioning this fundamental right. If the Executive takes such a position with regard to a fundamental freedom and right enshrined within the constitution, it suggests a lack of respect and regard for basic democratic principles from the highest authority of this country which is extremely alarming.

H.E the President is well aware that prior to resorting to trade union action, FUTA has been engaged in discussions for almost a year to resolve issues in the education sector. The lack of a proper response from the government drove FUTA to resort to strike action in July 2012. Since then, FUTA has participated in discussions with the various members of the government and has expressed its willingness to resolve the issue through discussions. Discussions were held with Mr Lalith Weeratunga, Minister Basil Rajapaksa and Dr P.B Jayasundera. However, the government has yet to provide a specific solution that signals to FUTA a willingness to resolve this issue. The Cabinet note that was shared with FUTA does not address the salary issues of university academics nor does it commit to a specific plan for increasing investment in education. Mechanisms for addressing the issue of university autonomy and politicisation have also not been specified. Although the salary issue has been discussed with the Secretary to the Treasury, FUTA still awaits a specific plan from the government in this regard. In such a situation, FUTA is not in a position to suspend trade union action.

FUTA has no desire to prolong trade union action any longer than necessary. We appeal to H.E the President and the government to refrain from delaying negotiations and to take immediate steps to resolve the current crisis in the education sector. The strike action has gone on for over 2 months not because FUTA was unwilling to engage in a negotiated settlement but because of the government’s inability to provide specific answers to the issues raised by FUTA.

Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri

President

 

Provincial Councils: A money-eating monster? - Editorial

MONDAY, 10 SEPTEMBER 2012 

When the provincial council system was introduced to Sri Lanka with the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, it was more of a gesture to please India than to fulfil the needs of the natives. India, with a federal constitution to govern an enormous entity, thought such a system would be the best solution to Sri Lanka’s so-called ethnic problem. After almost 25 years since its inception, India has been proven wrong; and Sri Lanka that gave way to the former’s pressure, has been rearing a money-eating monster, which does not serve any purpose.

The fifty percent voter-turnout at the elections on Saturday speaks aloud the level of importance people placed on the system and their own franchise. If half of the voter population thought, staying at home was better than queuing up in front of the polling stations, it sends out the clear signal that the system needs an upgrade or an efficient replacement that served the people better.

With the current administrative system, which is largely supported by the local government authorities, the role of provincial councils has always raised many eyebrows. Other than the mini-parliamentary structures strewn around the country and the perks and privileges enjoyed by their members, it is none other than a step in the ladder for those who wish to end up in the highest echelon of the country’s governing body - the Parliament.

Especially at a time when Sri Lanka is trying to tighten the ties between its communities, which ought not to suffer the consequences of any more impediments, it cannot be too optimistic about the fact that the white-elephant that has been lavishly devouring public money will metamorphose itself into a workhorse overnight.

Besides, the decision by the government to go without a provincial council election in the North with the excuse that, the condition of the province has not yet returned to normalcy, is hard to believe. In fact, it is this war-ravaged citizenry who feel the need to systemise their lives the most. And what is better than granting them the right to appoint their representatives as assured in the Constitution!

  If the government assessed them to be fit enough to cast their vote in the two major elections - parliamentary and presidential - the logic behind not establishing a provincial council in the North is beyond the comprehension of the general public.

The incumbent government like its predecessors opts to the method of holding elections when it is at advantage of winning. Despite the cries of concern by independent election monitors and observers against the misuse of public property and voter intimidation, those who are in power would see that they gain permanent power.

While all eyes are turned to the East with the release of the poll results, the only concern of the public is whether the new faces of the same hue would take the shape of the elephant’s trunk or tail; for they have been silent witness to the rest of the repetition.

Education for Whom and for What?

Young and the Bright Should Lead Sri Lanka!

By Laksiri Fernando -September 10, 2012

Dr Laksiri Fernando

“Intellectuals are in a position to expose the lies of governments, to analyze actions according to their causes and motives and often hidden intentions.” – Noam Chomsky

It was quite reassuring to see positive comments with equally valuable suggestions from over a dozen of people to my last article on the “Need for Peaceful Regime Change.” Of course I have got nasty and hostile comments as well. Among the positives, many emphasized the FUTA example and called for the young to take the lead. Whoever she is, one Sunila Mendis summarised the sentiments of many commentators as follows:

“We failed in nation building from the very outset and launched divisional politics hiding behind a facade of patriotism. Religion and ethnicity were used to propagate heroism and patriotism. As someone has commented we have overused the senior politicians. We have to go in search of shiny new leaders from the younger generation where there will be plenty.”

Yes, there will be plenty of ‘shiny new leaders from the younger generation.’ I first wish to reflect on some local experiences and then relate my main theme from Chomsky about the ‘role of intellectuals’ again with some overseas experiences to break away from the usual monotonous writing. I beg your pardon however from those who are ‘allergic’ to first person narratives which might give an appearance of self-indulgence!

Tsunami Experience                 Read More

Education for Whom and for What?

( September 10, 2012, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) Noam Chomsky, a world-renowned linguist, intellectual and political activist, spoke at the University of Arizona. His lecture, Education: For Whom and For What? featured a talk on the state of higher education, followed by a question-and-answer session.

Chomsky has been concerned with a range of education-related issues in recent years:

• How do we characterize the contemporary state of the American education system?
• What happens to the quality of education when public universities become more privatized?
• Are public universities in danger of being converted into facilities that produce graduates-as-commodities for the job market?
• What is the role of activism in education?

With unprecedented tuition increases and budget struggles occurring across American campuses, these are questions that are more relevant than ever.

Youth in Sri Lanka need a chance

Youth in Sri Lanka need a chance

Zaynab Zubair-9 Sep, 2012

Photo courtesy Beyond Borders

Groundviews

The Sri Lankan government shut down state universities on the 23^rd of August in a bid to prevent an “Academic Spring”, rising amidst calls for 6% of GDP to be spent on Education. Other countries in the region spend between 3-6% of GDP on education. Academics have been on strike, exam papers remain unmarked and student’s have no indication of the trajectory of this stalemate; effectively leaving them in limbo.

For Sri-Lanka this is not good news, because in the past we have seen both the ignition of the ethnic conflict and the JVP insurrections stemming from Universities. It is therefore a hotbed; but for what? These students are either being fed with crazy ideals, of terrorism or nationalism or as in the present case, their right to a competitive education and opportunity. Since 2005, Government spending on Education has been reduced from 2.9% of GDP to 1.9%, whilst in the meantime Sri-lanka has secured infrastructure development projects that are providing below marginal returns and are only increasing foreign debt servicing.  Reading the Mahinda Chintanawhich is the current Government’s roadmap to development, we can see that the focus for Sri-lanka’s development efforts are placed on manufacturing, harbours, electricity, and villages. Their successes are all debatable to varying degrees. The document however has completely glossed over and disregarded our greatest national asset even after a 30 year civil conflict; YOUTH.                                      Continue reading »