Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, June 22, 2012

Seven LTTE suspects injured in prison clash in Sri Lanka
ZeenewsColombo: Seven LTTE suspects housed in Vavuniya town's jail in northern Sri Lanka have been hospitalised following a clash among them, prison officials said on Thursday. 

"This was a clash between LTTE suspects triggered by an argument due to personal reasons", PW Kodippily, the superintendent of prisons told reporters. 
"Two of them have already been discharged from hospital. We have sent a senior prison official from Anuradhapura to investigate and report", Kodippily added. 

The LTTE suspects often cause unrest in jails across the island. They demand their cases be expedited. 

The government pledged last month to set up two special courts to deal with the backlog of cases against the LTTE suspects. 

PTI 

Refugee journalists are particularly vulnerable and need better protection

REFUGEE JOURNALISTS ARE PARTICULARLY VULNERABLE AND NEED BETTER PROTECTION

PUBLISHED ON TUESDAY 19 JUNE 2012. UPDATED ON WEDNESDAY 20 JUNE 2012.Reporters Without Borders
    On the eve of World Refugee Day, Reporters Without Borders is alerting United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres to the need to provide refugee journalists with better protection and is publishing an updated version of its guide for journalists who are forced to flee into exile.
Around 80 journalists fled abroad in 2011 to escape the fate reserved for them by governments hostile to freedom of information. The exodus is continuing this year. Dozens of Syrian, Iranian, Somali and Eritrean journalists have had to flee their countries in the past six months.
Faced by the probability of imminent arrest, physical violence, harassment or even murder, these men and women have had to abandon family, friends and colleagues in a quest for greater security.
Because of a lack of funds or because they departed in haste, they often end up being stranded in neighbouring countries that are accessible to refugees but also to the agents of the governments they are fleeing. As a result, their safety is far from being assured in these countries of initial refuge.
Reporters Without Borders wrote to UN High Commissioner for Refugees Guterres on 30 May alerting him to the situation of refugee journalists in countries such as Turkey, Uganda and Kenya. Today, we are releasing the letter and the recommendations it contains.
We call on UNHCR, the UN refugee agency, to establish an alert mechanism with a designated referral officer within each of its local offices so that cases involving refugee journalists and human rights activists can be identified and handled more quickly because they are particularly exposed to danger.
We also urge the High Commissioner to ensure that refugee journalists and human rights activists get better access to appropriate individual protection, to the emergency resettlement process and to the UN’s mechanism for temporary evacuation to a safe third country.
Finally, Reporters Without Borders is convinced that UN member states have a duty to help protect journalists who are forced to flee into exile because of their work. It therefore urges Guterres to publicly acknowledge that the UN’s traditional protection procedure is not appropriate for refugee journalists and human rights activists, who continue to be in danger in countries of initial refuge, and to urge member states to take the necessary action.
The latest version of the Guide for journalists who flee into exile, which Reporters Without Borders first published in 2009, contains some 30 pages of advice for refugee journalists about UNHCR protection procedures and seeking asylum in Europe and North America. Journalists who have had to flee their country will find information, tips and contacts that will help to guide and assist them during the long and difficult process of starting a new life.
Copy of the letter sent by Reporters Without Borders to United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres

Ceylon Today Saga: After Seven Days FMM Issued A ‘Soft’ Statement


June 21, 2012

By Colombo Telegraph - 
FMM Trustee Hana Ibrahim
Colombo TelegraphSeven days after the sacking of Ceylon Today Editor in Chief Lalith Allahakkoon the Free Media Movement released a ‘soft’ statement today claiming the issue had ‘caught the serious’ attention of the media rights group.
The statement was delayed several times over the last 72 hours and was a result of furious lobbying on the part of journalists and civil society activists during the past week.  It comes one day after theSri Lanka Working Journalists Association issued a strongly worded release, in which it said that the sacking of Allahakkoon was “a disturbing development in the context of media freedom inSri Lanka, where the demarcation of the editorial independence and the ownership control has been increasingly blurred.”
The FMM says in its Sinhalese language release: “As a media organization which stands for media freedom and the betterment of the media industry, we are deeply worried and saddened about the incident. In a context where media institutions are under the jackboot of the government and media freedom is largely suppressed, incidents of this nature do not augur well for the functioning of media.”
A former FMM Convenor criticized the FMM statement, telling the Colombo Telegraph that it was a watered down and flimsy statement by the media rights group, that had chosen to act on the issue very late in the day. The SLWJA statement was far more concrete and formidable in its sentiment, the former FMM activist said.
Colombo Telegraph reliably learns that four senior journalists who resigned in protest of the sacking Editor in Chief wrote to Lalith Allahakkoon’s successor at Ceylon Today, Hana Ibrahim earlier today, appealing to her to allow the FMM to go ahead with its statement about the upheaval at the newspaper. Ibrahim is the former Treasurer of the FMM and presently serves as a trustee of the media rights group.
Below we produce the full statement issued by the Free Media Movement on the sacking of the Ceylon Today Editor in Chief and Senior Cartoonist, Wasantha Siriwardane:
June 21, 2012
Media Release
The Free Media Movement notes with grave concern the decision made by the management of Ceylon Newspapers Ltd to terminate the services of Ceylon Today Editor in Chief and Editorial Director Lalith Allahakkoon and Senior Cartoonist Wasantha Siriwardane.
As per the statement sent to us by Mr. Lalith Allahakkoon about the incident, he has received notification of his termination only verbally and there has been no charge sheet issued and no written confirmation of his dismissal so far. Furthermore, Ceylon Newspapers has also not taken steps to justify the termination of Cartoonist Wasantha Siriwardane.
As a media organization which stands for media freedom and the betterment of the media industry, we are deeply worried and saddened about the incident.  In a context where media institutions are under the jackboot of the government and media freedom is largely suppressed, incidents of this nature do not augur well for the functioning of media. Therefore, we urge the Sri Lanka Publishers Association, the Editors Guild of Sri Lanka and other media organizations to set the platform for a dialogue where a consensus can be reached on editorial independence and the rights of newspaper publishers.

Friday Forum Wants A New Social Contract Between Government And The People


June 21, 2012 

By  Jayantha Dhanapala and Savitri Goonesekere -
Dr. Jayantha Dhanapala and Prof. Savitri Goonesekere
Colombo TelegraphThe Friday Forum comprises a group of concerned citizens who have come together to consider current issues of public interest with a view to making meaningful contributions towards peace, democracy, good governance and social justice in Sri Lanka. To pursue this objective, the Forum engages in regular discussions on matters of national interest, articulating its views and concerns. The following interventions are made in a spirit of democratic engagement to stress the need for a new social contract between Government and the people.  
The end of the war with the military defeat of the LTTE has shown us that these events alone will not ensure the emergence of a stable peace with democracy and pluralism. It is the responsibility of the Government and the people of this country, in the context of the concept of sovereignty of the people, to rebuild the institutions and values that sustain peace, democracy and pluralism. Three years after the end of the war, we are deeply concerned about the continuing violent political culture, the deterioration of our national institutions and the undermining of our religious, cultural and social values.
In recent months, the pluralist character of our society has been strained by polarising forces. Instead of rebuilding inter-ethnic relations and inter-religious dialogue the Government and our political leaders have, through their commissions and omissions, contributed to their deterioration. The recent attack on the Dambulla Mosque is the most prominent among a number of attacks on the places of worship of religious minorities. The police merely watched and failed to act as thugs disrupted Friday prayers, vandalising the Mosque and threatening to demolish it. This clear demonstration of a breakdown of law and order, an issue of continuing concern, has met with silences and confusing messages from Government and public officials. Furthermore, the lack of broader citizens’ initiatives, including of the clergy of all faiths to address the situation, have contributed to weakening the confidence of religious minorities.
The representations to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) by civil society leaders, religious clergy and concerned officials and the subsequent LLRC Report highlighted the critical importance and need for good governance and an environment of religious and ethnic dialogue and mediation. Furthermore, LLRC recommendations on demilitarisation, ending impunity, the treatment of former combatants, bringing an end to abductions, killings and political violence, the political process to find a political settlement are of utmost importance at this time. These recommendations should be highlighted by the Government in its public statements and addressed immediately. Furthermore, there needs to be a strong commitment towards the rule of law and mechanisms and legislation to address dangerous incitement to violence and hate speech. These abominable attacks are against the spirit of reconciliation and blunt the political opening provided by the LLRC.
The serious lapses in good governance and the deterioration of the rule of law are clearly manifested in a number of cases of political violence and abuse which have far reaching implications. The recent firing at the JVP meeting at Katuwana in Hambantota, leading to the gunning down of two individuals with many more injured is a reminder of the continuing violent political culture. The public murder of Bharatha Lakshman last year, in the lead up to the local government elections is yet to see an effective response from the law enforcement authorities. There seems to be a pattern of justice delayed becoming justice denied. The disappearance of journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda remains unaddressed. Former Attorney General Mohan Peiris’ statement in Geneva that Ekneligoda is safe in a foreign country has come under scrutiny in a court of law in Sri Lanka, where, according to media reports, he has declined to explain why he made this statement or provide his source of information. Such irresponsible comments by high officials in international forums combined with ineffective law enforcement and judicial procedures have added to the culture of impunity that prevails in the country. Minister Mervin Silva’s preposterous comments about attacking dissenting journalists and human rights defenders have gone unchecked by the Government and the ruling party. Such inflammatory and intimidating speech reflects the lack of respect for rule of law by persons in power. The people have a right to expect that all leaders of political parties and members of parliament should be conscious of the consequences of their political statements which can polarise public perceptions and undermine reconciliation and coexistence. We believe good governance, which necessarily involves the effective functioning of law enforcement mechanisms, needs to be given due importance in the actions of the President, legislators, judiciary and law enforcement officials. Furthermore, engagement by the media, religious and civil society leaders and the broader citizenry to hold the Government and our political leaders responsible will be necessary in order to curb, control and reverse the emerging trends of extremism and politicisation.
The Friday Forum has attempted to meet with the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to provide support towards arresting the culture of impunity, and measures to prevent acts of police brutality and the violent repression of public protests. However, we have neither been able to meet the IGP, nor have our suggestions and support for police training been heeded. Despite public pronouncements by the IGP of priority being given to better relations with the public we have received an unhelpful bureaucratic response.
If the issues inhibiting peace and reconciliation as highlighted by the LLRC report can be addressed, the problems facing the Government in international forums, whether by just or unjust external measures, will likely be neutralised.Sri Lanka’s international image is also important forSri Lanka’s business climate and the broader development of the economy. Merely blaming external actors for the woes inside the country is also unlikely to persuade the Sri Lankan public to ignore, forever, the local realities on governance. Indeed, the mounting protests by citizens against a range of issues from acts of police brutality, the politicisation of the judiciary and law enforcement, mismanagement of public funds and the political manipulation of economic policies, are symptomatic of a broader discontent with governance and abuse of power in the country.
We believe steps towards good governance, respect for the rule of law, peace with democracy and pluralism are a priority for our country at this moment. However, progress towards that goal will require an urgent sense of responsibility on the part of Government and the people. We must draw on our democratic and pluralist traditions and heritage to revitalise our commitments and responsibilities towards a new social contract between Government and the people.
Yours sincerely,
Jayantha Dhanapala                                                      Professor. Savitri Goonesekere
On behalf of The Friday Forum;
Jayantha Dhanapala, Professor. Savitri Goonesekere, Most Reverend Duleep de Chickera,        Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne, Professor Arjuna Aluwihare, Dr. Deepika Udagama,              Suresh de Mel, Lanka Nesiah, Sithie Tiruchelvam, Dr. Devanesan Nesiah, Tissa Jayatilaka,   Mahen Dayananda, Shanthi Dias, Reverend Jayasiri Peiris, Dr. U. Pethiyagoda,                        Anne Abeysekera, Ahilan Kadirgamar, Dr. Camena Gunaratne, Dr. A. C. Visvalingam,                   Dr. Selvy Thiruchandran, J.C. Weliamuna,  Daneshan Casie Chetty, Dhamaris Wickramasekera, Ranjit Fernando, D. Wijayanandana, Prashan De Visser, Chandra Jayaratne

At UN on Sri Lanka, Ban Sat on Hands Six Months, Now Petrie Panel End in July?


By Matthew Russell Lee
Inner City PressUNITED NATIONS, June 20 -- Amid questions about the UN's role as 40,000 civilians were killed in Sri Lanka in May 2009, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said that a four month panel to review what the UN, and even his then chief of staff Vijay Nambiar, had done would start in September 2011.

But when Inner City Press asked nine months later on June 11 what had happened to the panel, Ban's spokesman Martin Nesirky belatedly disclosed that the panel chief, Thoraya Obaid, had never started working in September, and was replaced by Charles Petrie.

Inner City Press asked, "Is there some explanation for the four-month period being more than doubled now?"

Nesirky replied, "This is something that is quite complex and quite important. And the review is under way, as I say. It is being headed by Charles Petrie, and it is in full swing, and when we have something to say further, I will let you know; but we don’t at the moment."

A week later on June 18, Inner City Press asked Ban's Associate Spokesman Farhan Haq
Inner City Press: I have been thinking it through that that panel that was supposed to review the UN's own performance that was announced in September with a four-month mandate under Thoraya Obaid, last week it turned out that she never took the post, Charles Petrie took the post and I just wanted to know: what is the new time frame, where does it stand and when, since it, when it was first began, it was said it was a four-month time period it seems fair to ask: what is the new extended time period?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: We will give them the time that they need to go about their work. There was a delay in the start of their duties precisely because we needed to make sure that it would be headed by someone who could do the duties throughout the time. So now Charles Petrie is in charge of that; Mrs. Obaid was not able to do those duties. And we will give them the time to do the work that needs to be done.
Inner City Press: So when did he start? Is it possible to know what date he actually has begun?
Associate Spokesperson Haq: We’ll check what the start date was, yeah.
But 24 hours later when Inner City Press asked Ban's lead spokesman Nesirky for this simple information, when did Petrie start, Nesirky had no answer.

The next day June 20, though, Nesirky began be reading this out: "I’ve been asked about the UN review of its own actions in Sri Lanka. The review started in April of this year and will be completed by July of this year or thereabouts."

We appreciate answers, how ever belated; we have noticed that asking a follow-up to such an answer only leads to more animosity, as does other factual reporting about Sri Lanka.

So we merely report this new time frame, while wondering: if Sri Lanka and accountability for 40,000 dead is so "important" to Ban Ki-moon, why did he leave the promised panel dormant for six months, after having promised anoutcome or output in four months? Watch this site.
Footnote: not only was Nambiar spotted June 20 outside the Security Council on Myanmar - to his credit he slowed and spoke - but later on June 20 in the General Assembly lobby was a UN Human Rights official who's been made aware of the Sri Lankan roots and threats of the "campaign" against Inner City Press, reported by SLC and now, on June 20, the Guardian. We'll have more on this.

Thursday, June 21, 2012

AHRC LogoJune 21, 2012
A response to the article by Jeevan Thiyagaraja on a Fact Sheet: Prevention of Torture

AHRC-STM-126-2012.jpgThe Human Rights Plan that is being talked of in an article by Jeevan Thiyagaraja entitled, A Fact Sheet: Prevention of Torture is no different to Sri Lanka’s Presidential Task Force for Dengue Prevention. 

Despite the fact that this was instituted quite some time ago and a large sum of money has been allocated to this project dengue fever is on the increase. Over 15,000 cases have been reported over the past five months, and nearly 80 people have died during this period. The so-called human rights plan is a similarly type of hoax and will be equally as effective.

Even the Minister of Health has criticized the dengue fever task force. In a recent interview with the BBC Sinhala Service, he complained that the relevant government agencies do not cooperate with the task force. Therefore, the task force has been unable to prevent the spread of this fever.

However, the problem is much deeper than this. A presidential task force is inherently incapable of organizing the coordinated prevention of dengue fever. The capacity that Sri Lanka had in earlier years to mobilize all governmental and societal resources for halting the spread of a debilitating disease does not exist anymore. The prevention of malaria during the last century was achieved through an administrative system which was capable of leading a coordinated programme to deal with a national problem. Sri Lanka was able to achieve many goals which the world still considers miraculous, such as the dramatic reduction of the child mortality rate, but this was the result of a different kind of coordination under a different governmental administration. The current presidential task force simply cannot achieve that coordinating capacity. 

The presidential system of Sri Lanka is separated from the rest of the civil administration and other government offices in the same way that a dead brain is separated from the nervous system of a human being. The disconnect between the coordinating body and those who are supposed to be coordinated is the disconnect that spreads inefficiency to every area of life. The failure of dengue prevention is the clearest metaphor of this phenomenon.

Another system which exemplifies this disconnect is the system of criminal justice. The criminal justice system has failed to achieve any of the objectives under the Ministry of Defense. The kind of system that existed prior to 1978 when the police and other institutions had the capacities to organize their own efforts does not exist anymore. The dead weight of the Ministry of Defense hangs over the criminal justice system. Consequently, the people of Sri Lanka pay dearly for the destruction of the country’s internal civil administration system. Kindly also see the statement we issued yesterday. 

The reference to the human rights action plan is a repetition of the gimmicks which have been perpetrated in every area of life since the executive presidential system came into being. Numerous commissions which produce nothing, and several task forces which do not achieve any objectives, are examples of these gimmicks. The problem, in fact, is that the destructive effect on the coordinating systems of civil administration by the introduction of the executive presidential system cannot be overcome by action plans and task forces. As such, these efforts are nothing but a show. 

Today’s article by Jeevan Thiyagaraja entitled “A Fact Sheet: Prevention of Torture,” is one more distortion of the issue. Indeed, this article is silent on the most important legislation under domestic law for the prevention of torture. This is the CAT Act, Act No. 22 of 1994, which imposes a mandatory sentence of 7 years and a fine of Rs. 10,000/= for anyone who commits acts of torture.

The initial attempt to enforce this law failed when the police reacted against independent enquiries into torture conducted by a special unit of the CID. This special unit was appointed to focus on investigating torture cases. Over 60 cases were submitted as having sufficient evidence to prosecute, and the Attorney General at the time did file indictments for prosecuting these cases. However, only 8 cases ended in successful convictions. The rest of the cases were not convicted due to defects in Sri Lanka’s adjudication system, such as extraordinary delays in court proceedings and the absence of witness protection.

The silence of state officials on this act is no accident. Over the past two years, there have been no investigations into violations of Act No. 22 of 1994, nor have there been any prosecutions of perpetrators of torture. This was a policy decision made by the government. The Attorney General’s Department has played an active role in discouraging the prosecution from trying torture cases. Independent enquiries by a competent body, like the Special Investigating Unit of the CID, have been abandoned. 

This so-called action plan mentions all sorts of provisions within the law which are far less significant than Act No. 22 of 1994. These provisions have existed since the penal code was enacted but they have never been implemented.

Without effective investigations into allegations of torture, no court can take action to prosecute the perpetrators of these crimes. This is just simple logic that anyone who knows anything about law would be able to understand. It is the effective investigation by a credible investigating unit into complaints of torture that has been prevented. No action plan can replace this primary requirement of criminal investigations. 

Rather than bluff about an action plan, it would be better to implement the law that already exists in Sri Lanka. However, that cannot happen because it is being politically prevented. If there is an action plan, it should be directed towards the abolition of political control over the criminal justice system. Indeed, as long as political control remains the central force which cripples the criminal justice system, no action plan can achieve anything. Any action plan can only function like the Presidential Task Force for the prevention of dengue fever. 

The only action plan needed in Sri Lanka is a political plan to abolish the executive presidential system. Until then Sri Lanka will remain a lawless place as it is now.
'13th Amendment is irredeemable' - Constitutional Expert
22 JUNE 2012
Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne is a President's Counsel who served as a Consultant to the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs from 1996 to 2001. In 2004, he was made a Senior Advisor to the Ministry of Constitutional Affairs and also functioned as a member of the Presidential Advisory Committee on Constitutional Affairs. He played a prominent role in drafting the People's Alliance Government’s 1997 proposals for constitutional reform and devolution as well as the Draft Constitution Bill presented in 2000.
In conversation with the JDS, Dr.Wickramaratne shared his views, hopes and fears about the current and future politics of Sri Lanka. "At the moment we are witnessing a revival of Sinhala nationalism as a result of the war victory. The way these sentiments are being expressed can have an extremely negative impact on the Tamil society" he said.
Excerpts from his interview follow:
JDS: The renewed discussions on the long forgotten 13th Amendment seems to have taken the stage again. But as far as the Sinhala polity in concerned the whole devolution discourse has mostly revolved around the same topic, without making any substantial progress for almost two decades. What are your reflections on this?
Dr.Jayampathy Wickramaratne: First of all we should not forget the fact that the 13th amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution is something that has not been implemented for over two decades, despite it has being a part of the constitution. No government has demonstrated sufficient willingness to practically implement it. The bitter truth is that the provincial councils which were established under the 13 amendment to exercise the devolved political power have been ultimately turned into a extended arm of the central government. It has no authority whatsoever to exercise any powers that has been conferred to them by the relevant constitutional amendment. Frankly speaking, each and every dot and comma in the amendment have been used against the very spirit of the amendment i.e. to reduce and weaken the political powers of the provincial units. The provincial governors - who are in fact appointed by the Executive President himself - and the central government have become the biggest obstacles to the free functioning of these provincial units. Even some of the chief ministers of the provinces who are willing to practice a certain degree of freedom, have come under great pressure to accept the status quo and to back down.
On the other hand, the provincial councils themselves have showed some hesitation to execute the powers bestowed on them by the 13th amendment due to central government's reluctance to send a clear signal on these matters. For example, so far, the government hasn't showed any genuine interest in holding elections to the Northern Provincial Council. I don't understand why the government is hesitating to hold elections in the North, since they have already conducted the regional council elections in the province.

SriLankan chief’s four-million-rupee 

wristwatch recovered



June 21, 2012

By Norman Palihawadana

Police investigating a recent robbery at SriLankan Airlines Chief Nishantha Wickremesinghe’s residence at Mt. Lavinia, have arrested a drug addict and recovered part of the loot.

The police recovered a wrist watch worth about Rs. 4 mn and a large amount of foreign currency. The police earlier said that the robber or gang of robbers had robbed foreign currency amounting to Rs. 4 mn.

The arrest was made following a tip off received from an informant.

A senior investigator said that the suspect had been living at Araliya Gardens in the Ratmalana police area.

Under interrogation, the suspect had claimed that he wasn’t aware of the identity of the person who lived in the house he burgled.

Sri Lankan minister Champika Ranawaka with President Mahinda Rajapaksa  (File image-Daily Mirror)Catholic Church News Image of Displaced Tamils protest for access to land

 Lankan minister threatens Tamils of massacre

Sri Lanka: Minister threatens Tamils with 'hundred more massacres'



18 JUNE 2012
A Sri Lankan cabinet minister has threatened with 'hundred more massacres' unless the island's Tamil population avoid following the politics of the main Tamil parliamentary group. The warning came during a news conference on the 8 June in Colombo.

Sri Lankan minister Champika Ranawaka with President Mahinda Rajapaksa  (File image-Daily Mirror)
Sri Lankan minister Champika Ranawaka with President Mahinda Rajapaksa (File image-Daily Mirror)
A senior Sri Lankan minister considered close to President Mahinda Rajapaksa has threatened the Tamils they would face annihilation if they continued to harbour homeland ambition.
The threat by power and energy minister Champika Ranawaka that there would 'one hundred more Mullivaikkals' has caused deep consternation among the Tamil leaders here, with DMK president M Karunanidhi writing to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to tell Colombo 'to adopt a course of restraint and humanitarianism'.
Mullivaikkal in northeastern coast of Sri Lanka was the final ‘killing field’ in the Eelam war that saw the death of thousands of Tamils—including civilians and LTTE cadres led by Velupillai Prabhakaran—in May 2009. International communities, including the UNHRC, have been demanding investigation of army excesses during that last brutal phase of the war.
By threatening that there could be a hundred Mullivaikkals, Ranawaka, was trying to resurrect Sinhala racist hatred against the minority Tamils, said PMK founder Dr S Ramadoss and VCK chief Thol. Thirumavalan.
His remarks “are highly provocative and therefore condemnable”, said Karunanidhi in his letter to the PM, adding, “The Tamils all over the world are very much perturbed over the reprehensible remarks of the Sri Lankan Minister”.
Ranawaka, who is the leader of the Sinhala rightwing Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), a constituent of the ruling coalition, had made his incendiary statement at a news conference in Colombo on June 8 while reacting to the speech of Tamil National Alliance leader R. Sampanthan at the national convention of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK), which is part of the TNA.
Expressing anguish at the failure of the Rajapaksa government to come up with a solution to the Tamil issue, Sampanthan had said that the position that the north and the east of Sri Lanka are the areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking people “cannot be compromised”.
“We must have unrestricted authority to govern our own land, protect our own people, and develop our own economy, culture and tradition. A meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. If the Sri Lankan state continuously deny this right, we will claim our right under international law to external self-determination”.
Angered by Sampanthan’s speech, minister Ranawaka said, “Does Sampanthan want to create 100 more Mullivaikkals? We are ready to forgive and forget the past and think about the future. But if Sampanthan is calling us to fight, our nation would proudly accept the challenge”.
This is not the first time that Ranawaka has provoked anger from the Tamils and even the rights activists among the majority Sinhala population in Sri Lanka.
The ‘National Movement Against Terrorism’ (NMAT), a hardline Sinhala outfit campaigning against pro-Tamil activists and media persons during the peak of Eelam war early 2007, had put up posters calling for ‘annihilation’ of ‘white Tigers, media Tigers, leftist Tigers’ and Ranawaka said though he was not a member of NMAT, he backed that poster.
He had then called pro-Tamil protesters 'scum feeding on foreign money' and even advocated extra-judicial methods to eliminate the 'treacherous bastards'.

Gota sends his hunting dogs behind Dr.Nirmal, President of FUTA

 (Lanka-e-News-20.June.2012, 11.55PM) The hunting dogs of Gotabaya Rajapakse had been let loose after the President of the The Federation of University Teachers' Association (FUTA, Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri, the latest of the victims ,according to reports reaching Lanka e news.

A group that had identified itself as from the defense Ministry had entered the neighbor’s house of Nirmal and collected details about him. When the inmates of the house had inquired why they are asking for details , they have stated that Nirmal’s daughter had applied for a job in the Defense Ministry and they are doing a screening.

Nirmal’s daughter however is still attending school. When questioning about Nirmal’s movements , and the times of his arrival and departure , they have made a slip, and questioned what School his daughter is going. One of them had also asked permission to jump over the wall to note down the vehicle number of Nirmal. The women folks have declined.
The University lecturers had been agitating in the past demanding the Govt. to fulfill its promise given to them. As not one of its promises is fulfilled, they are getting ready to stage a campaign . It is very clear therefore that this measure adopted by the Rajapakse regime is to frighten and intimidate the leaders of these campaigns. 

When the Doctors held a conference today regarding the campaign of the lecturers , this sending of hunting dogs by Gotabaya was questioned. The Minister S B Dissanayake had pretended that he is innocent and dodged the issue . 

Meanwhile the strike of the University non academic staff is on for the last two weeks without a solution in sight.


June 21, 2012
Dr. Laksiri Fernando
Colombo TelegraphThree major evils of the present ‘degenerated democratic system’ inSri Lankacan be identified as violence, corruption and communalism. While these three ills are not of recent origin, they are also not the only ones that have affected the political system negatively. It was the Donoughmore Commission (1929) that first identified ‘communalism as a cancer in the body politic.’ That time communalism was not violent. But since then it has not only become violent, but violence has also spread into other areas of political and social life. The most harmful for democracy is the violence used to acquire and retain political power both at the electoral and the national levels.
The motive behind power or position for most politicians today seems to be to acquire wealth but not to serve the people unlike in the olden days. At least wealth acquisition has become an integral part of politics. This is happening through blatant corruption. If you compare the assets of politicians before and after politics, it would become abundantly clear how much wealth that they have acquired through politics. The present obligatory declaration of assets to Parliament is not sufficient for this assessment; even that is not properly compiled with by many of the MPs or Ministers. This is what has denigrated the democratic system.
Instead of the election or representative aspect of democracy, cutthroat contest or winning dimensions have become predominant. The elected ‘representatives’ believe that they win elections not because of the ordinary voters; it is attributed to their own strength or merit. The winner gets all credit. The accountability thus has become a major casualty. This is partly because of the present electoral system with aggressive preferential voting competition. But that is not the whole story. The degeneration of democratic values, expensive election campaigns and the nexus between power and wealth are some of the other reasons. No one would say that politicians should be paupers. No one would object to the wealthy taking to politics. But, what is objectionable and detrimental to democracy is the use of political power as well as influence to acquire wealth through corrupt means.
Root causes of conflict        Read More

India flexes its muscle on the world stage


The Star

Image
By Haroon SiddiquiEditorial Page-
India's External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna belongs to the Gandhian breed of Indian poiticians who never seem to get ruffled. (June 15, 2012)-----ENRIQUE DE LA OSA/REUTERS
India's External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna belongs to the Gandhian breed of Indian poiticians who never seem to get ruffled. (June 15, 2012)You are the external affairs minister of the world’s largest democracy, which is emerging as an economic, military and geopolitical power. It’s being wooed by the United States, Russia, Europe, Canada and just about everybody else. Issues and people tug at you every waking minute. What should your priorities be?
First, stay calm. S.M. Krishna always is.
The 80-year-old lawyer — he studied in the U.S. as a Fulbright scholar — is a veteran politician. He was first elected in 1962 to the provincial assembly of Karnataka (home of high-tech in Bangalore). He has since been chief minister (premier) of that state, and also an MP and a federal minister, twice, before being named to his present post in 2009.
He belongs to the Gandhian breed of Indian politicians who never seem to get ruffled. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, 80, is also like that. Krishna proved it last year, albeit in embarrassing circumstances.
At the UN General Assembly, he was well into his speech when his horrified staff realized that he was reading the text left behind by the previous speaker, the foreign minister of Portugal.
Indian media had much fun, as did the opposition. But he sloughed it off, saying it can happen to anybody (as it did in 2009 at the White House to Irish prime minister Brian Cowen, who started reading Barack Obama’s speech).
Krishna has been in his job long enough for us to discern a pattern, keeping in mind the caveat that it’s the prime minister who dictates foreign policy and the minister merely carries it out, well or badly.
Singh’s two signature initiatives have been to forge close ties with the U.S. (highlighted by the landmark 2008 nuclear deal) and keep a peace dialogue going with neighbouring Pakistan, despite the 2008 attack on Mumbai by Pakistani terrorists.
Krishna was in Washington last week for his third annual “strategic dialogue” with Hillary Clinton and other senior Obama administration officials. He then came to Toronto where Foreign Minister John Baird hosted a dinner. To score brownie points, Baird brought along the Conservative Indo-Canadian cabinet contingent, such as it is — junior ministers Bal Gosal and Tim Uppal, plus parliamentary secretary Deepak Obhrai.
Canada is low among Indian priorities, bilateral trade being just $5 billion a year, as opposed to India’s $60 billion with the U.S., $74 billion with China and $100 billion with Dubai.
Canada hopes to sell more oil, gas, minerals and uranium for India’s 20 reactors and several new ones being planned. And it wants a piece of India’s $1 trillion infrastructure program over the next five years.
India’s booming economy has slowed down, from near double-digit growth for years to below 6 per cent this year. But that’s still impressive, considering what’s happening in Europe, the U.S., Japan and elsewhere.
Beyond economics, Baird engaged Krishna on Afghanistan, Iran and Sri Lanka — for good reason.
While India long ago abandoned its pro-Soviet Cold War era policy, it’s not taking orders from Washington. It’s pursuing an independent foreign policy. Last year, it bought European fighter jets, not American ones. It has held American nuclear companies at bay with its insistence on holding them liable for accidents.
It twice voted with the U.S. on Iran at the International Atomic Energy Agency but strongly opposes an American/Israeli attack on Iran, which the Stephen Harper government sounds gung-ho about. War on Iran would disrupt the security and economy of the entire Gulf region, where 6 million Indians work and repatriate $40 billion a year in remittances.
India has reduced oil imports from Iran but also won an exemption from American sanctions for continuing to do business with Tehran.
The U.S. needs India as a counterweight to China. And it needs India’s help in Afghanistan, especially given Washington’s deteriorating relationship with Pakistan.
India has been quietly effective in Afghanistan, doing $2 billion in development work (“The Afghan people have been our security,” goes the Indian mantra). It has a deal with Turkmenistan to pipe gas through Afghanistan and Pakistan to India. A consortium of Indian companies is set to extract Afghan iron ore.
India’s dialogue with Pakistan is focused on improving trade and the movement of people with easier visas. A recent Pakistani fashion show in India drew rave reviews.
While trading heavily with China, India is competing with it in Africa. There it has provided $5 billion in aid, connected 47 countries on the continent with a fibre-optic network, and given 34 of the poorest countries duty-free access to India.
In its immediate area neighbourhood, India is pursuing a “string of pearls” diplomacy — a $1 billion soft loan to Bangladesh; $300 million in aid to Sri Lanka, for which India is the biggest trading partner and also the biggest source of tourists; training civil servants in Nepal and Bhutan; and joining the Indonesian navy in patrolling the Straits of Malacca, the main shipping channel between the Indian and Pacific oceans.
With its broad agenda, India wants to be, in Krishna’s words, “the voice of consensus and a force of stability” in the region and beyond.

Julian Assange Claimed Asylum In Ecuadorean Embassy: Leading Supporters Face Losing £240,000 In Bail Money


Colombo TelegraphJune 20, 2012By Colombo Telegraph -
“Sureties posted at Westminster magistrates court by group of celebrities and activists now in jeopardy after WikiLeaks founder seeks asylum in Ecuadorean embassy”, the Guardian’s  reports.
Julian Assange outside the high court last year. Photograph: Rex Features
Some of Julian Assange‘s most prominent supporters stand to lose up to £240,000 in bail money, provided to secure the WikiLeaks founder’s freedom when he first faced extradition proceedings.
A leading criminal lawyer said that following Assange’s decision to seek asylum in the Ecuadorean embassy in London and breach the terms of his bail, they would have to persuade the courts why they should not forfeit their money and prove they had done all they could to prevent him breaking the court order.
A group of celebrities and activists, including the socialite Jemima Khan, film director Ken Loach and publisher Felix Dennis, posted cash security of £200,000 to Westminster magistrates court with a further £40,000 as promised sureties when Assange was freed in December 2010.
“The people who have posted the money would have to go to court and plead their case as to why they shouldn’t lose their money,” said Oliver Lewis, partner at solicitors Powell Spencer and Partners. “There would have to be a pretty good reason why the money shouldn’t be forfeited. Usually the court says ‘thank you very much, you have lost your money’. You have to show that you have been vigilant and put every effort in to stop it happening.”
Vaughan Smith, the founder of the Frontline Club for journalists, hosted Assange at his Norfolk home for over a year and stands to lose £20,000.
“It is not clear to me whether I have a liability but either way I am concerned,” he said. “I do believe Julian genuinely feels he will be sent to America – and of course I think the money is important because it relates to the welfare of my wife and children, but they don’t feel they are at risk of being sent to America.
“I remain a supporter and it is important we recognise he is a western dissident. There are a lot of people who believe the work he did at WikiLeaks was in the public interest.”
Khan confirmed on Twitter that she had also posted bail money for Assange. “I had expected him to face the allegations,” she said. “I am as surprised as anyone by this.”
Tracy Worcester, the model and actress turned environmental campaigner, confirmed that she had put up a surety for Assange but said she had not yet been able to speak to his legal team about the latest developments and declined to comment further.
The human rights activist Bianca Jagger denied reports that she had contributed to the bail money, tweeting: “I would like to set the record straight. I didn’t post bail for Julian Assange.”
A spokeswoman for the courts service said it was normal for breaches of bail to be considered at the court that set the bail conditions in the first place, in this case Westminster magistrates court.
“What happens to the money will be decided by a judge if and when he is brought back before the court,” she said. “It depends on what the police say about what they think a person has done and what should follow on from that.”