Sri Lanka: The Sarath Fonseka Riddle

22-May-2012

Guest Column by Dr. Kumar David 

Why did President Mahinda Rajapakse, this week, release on presidential pardon, his arch rival and supposed war hero General Sarath Fonseka (SF), imprisoned by a military tribunal in a process which most perceive as a kangaroo court, and on charges that carry little credence in the public mind? Questions of miscarriage of justice to one side, this column will examine a few theories in circulation in Colombo about this turn of events. 

The straightforward explanation is that SF is quite ill and it would be politically problematic if he died in custody. If this were to happen rumours that the government had eliminated him would be impossible to scotch. Fear of state sponsored abduction and assassination is abundant in Lanka since the middle of the President’s first term in office, but till recently have remained allegations with no hard smoking-gun proof. The abduction, and subsequent release from illegal detention in a clandestine location, upon the intervention of the Australian High Commissioner, of a Frontline Socialist Party (New-JVP) leader a few weeks ago, blew the regime’s cover sky high. The point is that the government’s credibility has evaporated, and even if SF died in custody of natural causes, the government will be denied the benefit of the doubt in the public mind.  

Though the Rajapakses are probably not aware of it, events last week in Chile show how long the posthumous arm of the law can be. Nobel Prize winning Pablo Neruda, Chile’s most famous poet, was allegedly murdered in a clinic by Pinochet contracted doctors one week after the 1973 coup. Other Pinochet opponents have also been murdered at this clinic in the same way - a doctor walks in when no one is around and quickly administers an unexplained injection to the stomach. At least one such allegation was held up by a court of inquiry. After nearly thirty years, the Chilean justice system reopened the Neruda case last week. It is no good having high profile political prisoners and prisoners of conscience dying on your hands, even if you don’t bump them off! 

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Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu On Future Of The Motherland

LLRC Recommendation,Geneva Resolution & Future of the Motherland – Convened by Platform for Freedom, 16 May 2012, J.R.Jayawardane Centre, Colombo.

Tamil prisoners on hunger strike in Sri Lanka

May 21, 2012
Colombo: A total of 234 Tamil prisoners in Sri Lanka, most of them former Tamil Tiger rebels, are on a hunger strike the past five days here, said officials on Monday.

Inmates of three prisons, located in Colombo city, Kalutara town and in Vavuniya town, are demanding that they be charged for their crimes or be released, Xinhua reported.

The fast began last week with the participation of 80 inmates of the Colombo prison but the number rose to 234 over the weekend with prisoners from two other prisons joining the protest.
Most of the prisoners have been in jail for over three years without being charged, said Tamil National Alliance (TNA) legislator MA Sumanthiran, adding that a discussion will be held on Monday with prison authorities regarding the long-term detainees.

The European Union had earlier this month called for a fair trial for long-term detainees in Sri Lanka.

Jean Lambert, chair of the European Parliament Delegation for Relations with countries in South Asia, has said that the EU Parliament's position on long-term detainees in Sri Lanka is that they should be either charged or released.

Hundreds of suspected Tamil Tiger rebels and other political prisoners are in Sri Lankan prisons, some of whom have not faced trial or a charge for years or months since being arrested, according to minority Tamil political parties in Sri Lanka.

Most of the prisoners were arrested while emergency regulations were in place during the war between the Tamil rebels and the military.

The war ended in May 2009 with the defeat of the rebels. Most of the emergency regulations were also subsequently lifted.

LJP Backs Tamil Eelam Cause

May 21, 2012

By Tamil Nadu Bureau/The Hindu -

Strongly supporting the creation of Tamil Eelam, the Lok Janshakthi Party president Ram Vilas Paswan on Sunday favoured a referendum under the supervision of international community to determine the future of Sri Lankan Tamils.

National Lok Janshakti Party President, Ram Vilas Paswan along with Party and Dalit Sena activists. Photo: Shiv Kumar Pushpakar.

Participating in a candle light vigil on the Marina in Chennai in remembrance of the lives lost during the final stages of the civil war at Mullivaikkal in May 2009, Mr. Paswan said all those involved in the massacre of Tamils in May 2009 should be punished. With reference to Santhan, Murugan and Perarivalan, the three convicts facing death sentence in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, Mr. Paswan said it was not about individual cases but death sentence should be abolished in total and Socialists had voiced against capital punishment.

Mr. Paswan, along with MDMK general secretary Vaiko and other pro-Eelam leaders in the State, paid homage to a temporary structure on the Marina in memory of the people killed during the war. Hundreds of people turned up for the candlelight vigil.

LOK PAL BILL

Earlier in Tiruchi, Mr. Paswan expressed a strong disapproval of the Jan Lokpal Bill propounded by Anna Hazare. It was nothing but an attempt to bypass Parliament against the spirit of the Constitution.

He demanded that Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims be accorded the status of Scheduled Castes and provided reservation.

SRI LANKA: Legacy of war - unemployment and homelessness

humanitarian news and analysis
a service of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

Photo: Amantha Perera/IRIN

Damage-strewn landscape years after fighting ended in Sri Lanka's north

COLOMBO, 21 May 2012 (IRIN) - Life is slowly returning to normal in northern Sri Lanka, but three years after a decades-long conflict was officially declared over, jobs and housing are the prevailing concerns of returnees. 

Most of the estimated 448,000 people displaced before or during 2008 by fighting between government forces and rebels wanting an independent Tamil state have returned to the Northern Province, according to the latest figures from the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). 

Some 13,000 are still living in temporary camps - mostly from areas infested with land mines, which may take a decade or more to clear due to lack of funding.  

Nevertheless, the worst seems to be over. “It is hard to believe it has been three years, life has changed so much. During the war, our sole focus was how we were going to survive the next day or the next hour,” said Nishanthan, an orphan in the town of Kilinochchi, which was once an LTTE base.

 [ read more ]

The Critic As Cretin?

By Sanjana Hattotuwa -

Sanjana Hattotuwa

Write, and be damned, ridiculed, assaulted and even permanently silenced. Critics in Sri Lanka generally have a raw deal, especially when the arc of their writing illumines inconvenient truths of governance, and violence in government. Remarkably, some of us discovered last week that critics of other traditions invite a disturbingly similar response.

I had just finished reading Irving Wardle’s compelling memoir of reviewing theatre in England for 40 years, published in the Economist’sIntelligent Life, when I was forwarded an email concerning a discussion thread on the official Facebook group of Colombo’s best known and oldest theatre groups. The discussion was about a review of a production staged by them at the Wendt around two months ago. I don’t intend in this column to use names to shame – danno danithi. The initial post and subsequent comments quickly became such an embarrassment for the theatre company, they decided to close the entire Facebook group. I also understand that a letter from the group was sent to the critic apologising for the particularly vulgar expression used. However, the episode raises interesting questions over criticism and its reception in Sri Lanka today.    Read More

I am putting out the serpent without the fangs – regime chief says proudly

(Lanka-e-News-21.May.2012, 11.00AM) The regime chief had told a close Business friend who inquired from the former about the Gen. Fonseka’s release that,’ I am releasing the serpent after removing its poison fangs’, according to reports reaching Lanka e news . ‘ Don’t fear , I am putting out the snake after extracting the fangs. It can only beautifully show off its striking pose . It cant attack with poison. Besides I have entrusted this to a real snake charmer . This snake can only dance according to that charmer’s trumpet. If that fails , I know how to put the snake into the box too.’, the regime chief had further stated with glee and pride.

Even though Fonseka is being released , it is not unconditional , for he will not be eligible to participate in politics for several years , not even express his political views. Meanwhile Tiran faceless (Alles) had stated, the court cases – the HiCorp and the white flag filed by Gen. Fonseka in the appeal court will be withdrawn on the 21st. When Alles the faceless was inquired on the 20th night about the true nature of this ‘release’ secured for Fonseka by him after his much protracted and crowed about discussions for five months , said in a stammering voice, “the release secured is just ‘release’ only. Whether it is a complete release will be known only today (21) after he comes out. If that is not the case, every measure will be taken in the future to secure all that are needed for him”.

Nevertheless the utterances in the earlier paragraph of the regime chief and his parable of snake charmer are most threatening and suspicion prone.

Alles the notorious faceless went on to brag, "some opposition leaders and a few around wanted to disrupt the discussions , keep Fonseka in jail forever , and use his name to achieve their own selfish political agendas. The President must be thanked for releasing him after two and half years. Both the President and the defense secretary ‘warned me’ ……."

According to the current announcements of Tiran Alles the faceless and the Rajapakses, Gen. Fonseka was dragged from his residence most unceremoniously and thrown into the prison by aliens from another planet or by the opposition leaders of SL of mother earth.

So, on the 21st , the Rajapakses from Medamulana the bottomless and Alles the faceless who have arrived not from another planet are releasing Gen. Fonseka on the 21st. The regime chief’s fangless serpent parable can also be understood on this day .

President’s spokesman Bandula Jayasekera said on the 20th morning, that the President Rajapakse had signed the papers for General’ s release on the 18th , adding that the President had handed over these documents to the chief of the Presidential secretariat before his departure to Qatar.

Moves afoot to get UPFA “home grown”policy going
Sunday May 20, 2012


At Temple Trees: The UNP delegation led by Ranil Wickremesinghe discussing the national question with President Mahinda Rajapaksa and senior Ministers.
At the State Department: External Affairs Minister and Secretary of State during their 10-minute public appearance

Moves afoot to get UPFA “home grown”policy going US tells GL to make Secret Action Plan public, insists on accountability for alleged war crimes UNP-TNA set to announce decision to participate in the PSC after successful Mahinda-Ranil talks

By Our Political Editor

Leaders of both the United National Party (UNP) and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) will make separate announcements in Parliament next week on important political issues if behind-the-scene consultations with the government, now under way, bear fruit. READ MORE...

Sri Lanka is a long way from the peace and reconciliation desired by so many

• By Lucy Popescu
• Notebook - A selection of Independent views -, Opinion
• Monday, 21 May 2012 at 10:33 am

Last week, the Frontline Club hosted its second debate to discuss the impact of two documentaries Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields and a follow up aired this March called Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields: War Crimes Unpunished. Callum Macrae’s extraordinary films, presented by Jon Snow, provided compelling new evidence of executions, the shelling of civilians and other atrocities in the final months of the 26-year civil war in Sri Lanka that reportedly left up to 40,000 civilians dead.

Macrae does not shy away from admitting that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) committed their own atrocities in the conflict but he provides shocking video footage (extensively analysed by experts in the field to prove its authenticity) that the Sri Lankan army systematically targeted civilians and committed summary executions, torture, and other war crimes, and that the commands came from the very top of government.

The Sri Lankan Ministry of Defence’s response has been to claim that the footage was falsified by Channel 4. During the Frontline debate, Professor Rajiva Wijesinha MP, adviser to President Rajapaksa on Reconcprovided little in the way of credible argument to support their contention, merely repeating that the Channel 4 “exercise” was “sordid” and that the footage had been edited and doctored.

Macrae stuck to his argument that his aims, as a journalist, had been to get to the truth in order to get justice – that without truth, there can be no reconciliation. He was backed by Yolanda Foster, from Amnesty, who pointed out that without faith in an ordinary criminal justice system there can be no positive progress.

Lobby groups, both local and international, including the Sri Lanka Campaign, of which I am a co-director, are calling for effective humanitarian relief for displaced persons, and a credible war crimes enquiry. But, until now, we have had little success.

The Sri Lankan government refused to allow a UN-led investigation into alleged war crimes, and instead launched its own locally-organised investigation, the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC).

As well as reaching a global audience, many of whom would have previously viewed Sri Lanka as an attractive holiday destination, Macrae’s two films appear to have had a galvanising effect – causing a major shift in the public perception of Sri Lanka and leading to a tougher stance by the United Nations Human Rights Council, the British and Indian Governments and others.

What was clear from the heated debate and palpable tension in the Frontline Club is that Sri Lanka is still a long way off from the peace and reconciliation desired by so many. It was a long and bloody conflict but, just as in other parts of the world, acknowledging the truth of violations on both sides is a crucial first step towards reconciliation and bringing those found responsible to justice.

Macrae and his team have demonstrated the potential of media to have a transformative effect on the political health of a nation. One can only hope that these two films will, ultimately, push the international community to demand an international, independent investigation into war crimes and crimes against humanity. Only by holding to account those responsible for such crimes will Sri Lanka achieve the post-conflict stability it so desperately needs.iliation, 

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The Difference Today Is That Mahinda Started With All Components Of Brutal Repression Activated

May 19, 2012

By Vickramabahu Karunaratne  -

Dr. Vickramabahu Karunaratne

Central bank governor Ajith Cabraal said “This would include the fact that Sri Lanka has recorded a more than 8% growth for two consecutive years in 2010 and 2011, and a projected growth of 7.2% this year. Our country’s foreign reserves are at a level of over USD 6 billion. The recent depreciation of the rupee, although the subject matter of many comments, is one of the lowest ever in our history.  The Public Debt to GDP ratio in our country now kept below 80%, the lowest ever in 27 years.” He said further “Our inflation is at single digit levels during the last 39 months – which is the longest ever continuous period of inflation in single digit levels in our entire history. The unemployment level is now at 4.2%, being the lowest ever in our history. The current poverty level in our country which is at around 8% is the lowest in our history.”

This performance he compares with that of the UNP regime in the post 1977 period. In that period too treasury officials described the excellent performance of the open economic policies and told us that the economy was developing at a rate of more than 8%. But a general strike broke out at a time when inflation as was over 20%. Strike was brutally suppressed and the regime continued using emergency powers. We were imprisoned and I can still remember well the time we spent in the magazine prison. The difference today is that Mahinda regime started with all components of brutal repression activated: detention, abductions. Para military and under world actions, use of court actions against trade unions violating trade union rights, etc. Such suppression controlled the demand for higher wages and protest against cuts in subsidies and welfare measures. Ajith has taken the easy path of referring to the days of JR in order to say that the economic performance is better today. He has proved that JR would have done better if he started with a brutal chauvinist repressive apparatus in hand!  It is obvious that the performance is better, looking from the side of global capitalism! Yes, IMF and other agents of global capitalism have praised the performance and given good certificates. But the protests are suppressed in a manner which the conservative JR regime never could have imagined. Populist turned brutal chauvinist, MR having centralized power, boldly and shamelessly suppress every shade of protest.

Ajith continued “In that scientific measurement exercise, Sri Lanka is recording an inflation rate of around 6% today, even after the increase in the price of fuel.  But, what happens in practice?  When the price of any popular item goes up in price, you as well as many others, talk about such an item only. When the price of some other item comes down, no one talks about it, and everyone is silent.  For example, today, no one speaks about the price of rice coming down – or the price of vegetables decreasing.  Today, no one speaks about coconut prices which have reduced to modest levels.”  Clearly while the prices of imports are going up local products are unable to get even the cost of production. With subsidies and welfare gone the local producer is at the mercy of MNCs. Ajith is correct; farmers, peasants, fishers, and local industrialists are strangled by the mode of the economy. So, not only workers have to mange and cut down their expenses but also the local producers have to bite the shoe string.

Ajith says “Some dress glamorously and spend on expensive clothes and accessories; others do not spend too much on personal grooming.  Some are fully into high social living and entertainment; others prefer to engage in less costly religious activities.  Some like to go abroad and see the world; others prefer to go on internal pilgrimages.  I could go on and on.  But, I think the point is clear. Different people make ends meet, in different ways. That is why I think we should not try to teach people as to how they should spend their money, or as to how they should tackle their individual family budgets.” Thank you Ajith, for not advising us: as to how to live with 2500 Rs a month. As you say the rich bourgeoisie agents of MNCs will live in glamour while we have to tighten the belt. However in addition to less costly religious activities mentioned by you, we are engaged in revolutionary praxis as advised by Marx.

Truth and Dialogue as Theatre: Some Reflections on the Frontline Club Panel on Sri Lanka

Truth and Dialogue as Theatre: Some Reflections on the Frontline Club Panel on Sri Lanka

Groundviews

I watched the Frontline Club panel on Sri Lanka, belatedly and reluctantly. I am skeptical about such public enquiries and debates into complex matters, which threaten to reduce the dialogue and truth into performance.

In my view, the problem with these ‘events’, for that is what they are, is that the truth is reduced to a many-sided thing; the more one counts the sides the more fragmented the truth itself becomes. But of course you never get ‘all sides’ of the story. So, for example, someone keeping a count of the sides could say the Muslim question or the gender dimension figured not at all.

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Mu’l'livaaykkaal: The Slaughter Unheard And Unpunished By Nirmanusan Balasundaram -May 19, 2012 Listen to what they did. Don’t listen to what they said. What was written in blood has been set up in lead. Lead tears the heart. Lead tears the brain. What was written in blood has been set up in lead. The heart is a drum. The drum has a snare. The snare is in the blood. The blood is in the air. Listen to what they did. Listen to what’s to come. Listen to the blood. Listen to the drum. James Fenton Nirmanusan Balasundaram Mu’l'livaaykkaal, is the soil, where the worst crimes and massive human catastrophes of this century have been carried out against the Tamil people by the Sri Lankan regime. Criminal goals of ethnically cleansing as many Tamils by orchestrating the slaughter of at-least 40,000 unarmed Tamils in Mullivaaykaal during the finals day of the war. The denial of food and medicine prior to the final assault was intentionally and strategically coordinated by the regime. It is tragic and unfortunate that powerful actors in the international community could not prevent or stop the slaughter of Tamil civilians through any means. During the Mullivaaykaal slaughter, the solemn cries of the Tamil civilians were unheard. Now, three years remembrance of this immense tragedy marks, but there are no credible and constructive mechanisms to take forward and bring the perpetrators to justice. The worst crimes of the present century remain unpunished. “The international community cannot wait while the Sri Lankan government makes empty promises amid smoke and mirrors. It must establish an independent international investigation immediately. Only then will victims have a real chance at realizing their right to truth, justice and reparations,” Frank Jannuzi, the head of the rights group’s Washington office, said in a statement.[1] / Read More

Fonseka’s release : much against wishes of Rajapakses –tug of war within
Sunday 20 of May 2012
(Lanka-e-News-20.May.2012,3.30PM) The dispute that has erupted within the Rajapakse family over Fonseka’s release is supposedly legal , according to reports reaching Lanka e news. It is being argued , the appeal within the appeal filed by Fonseka against the white flag verdict shall be withdrawn. The President is now going on telling at various places that it is the Ministers who wanted Fonseka to be jailed , and now themselves are telling to release him. 

The President now says , Gotabaya is exerting pressure on him to release Fonseka. The pro MaRa 
unscrupulous media is giving top publicity to this. Meanwhile the Ministers are furious over the double tongued utterances , and are berating the Rajapakses in the choicest language. They say , after jailing Fonseka to pay off the Rajapakse bitter grudges and due to their venoms and vengeances , it is being attempted to blame it on the Ministers. A Minister who spoke to Lanka e news questioned , whether it is the Ministers or one of the Rajapakses , Gotabaya who told the BBC ‘ I will hang him’ in a most vituperative tone.?

The Cabinet which approved the release of Fonseka without any issue , and had been provoked by the Rajapakse false announcements had asked to show the Cabinet approval that was given as alleged by the Rajapakses to put Fonseka in jail.

It is learnt that, yesterday , it is Gotabaya who had opposed the release of Fonseka. The grounds cited in support of this brought forward via the President’s legal advisor Mohan Peiris PC , the former Attorney general, (AG) had been, the appeals filed by Fonseka against the verdicts of the first military court , the second military court and the white flag case . It is argued that the President cannot grant a pardon until these appeals are withdrawn. When the present AG had been asked for her opinion , she had said , there isn’t anything like that in the constitution. Her view had been , if the President decides to give a pardon following a verdict of the court , the appeal thereto also automatically loses validity.

However Mohan Peiris who is a ‘business deal partner’ of Gotabaya had insisted and presented legal arguments that until the appeals are withdrawn , the Presidential pardon cannot be granted . In any event, a Govt. ought to take instructions from the AG, and not from a former AG irrespective of what business deals (fair or foul) Gotabaya has with him.

Though most media were anticipating that the President would make an announcement on Fonseka’s release at yesterday’s (19) war victory anniversary celebrations , surprisingly , he did not utter a word in that regard. It was reported in the newspaper yesterday 19th of Tiran Alles, the mediator in this matter that the President will be signing the papers releasing Fonseka at noon .

It is to be noted that until this point of time even as this article is being written , Fonseka’s release had not been finalized . A secret discussion is in progress at the Temple Trees in this connection , it is learnt. MaRa was also to leave for Qatar yesterday night.
Political analysts are of the view that ,it can be known in the next few weeks whether there is a conspiracy again within the Rajapakses against the release of Fonseka after the President desperately trying to release him before the US discussions on the 18th and make a grand self boosting display exploiting it at the discussions.

Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations 

War Criminal

GENOCIDE

Stage set for Fonseka release

R.K.RADHAKRISHNAN

Sri Lanka's former military chief, Gen. Sarath Fonseka. File photo

The stage has been set for the release of the jailed General Sarath Fonseka, contrary to speculation that a procedural snag was delaying his leaving the hospital where he was shifted to last week.

“President Mahinda Rajapaksa signed the papers on 18th evening and handed over the papers to Chief of Staff Gamini Senerath before leaving for Qatar to enable the release of Sarath Fonseka. Papers will be sent to the Ministry of Justice on Monday,” Bandula Jayasekara, Presidential Spokesman, said early on Sunday.

Speculation on his release date began doing the rounds after The Hindu broke the story on his release, after speaking to the President on the sidelines of a function held here last week to launch a book, Gota’s War.

At no stage did the officials set a date on the release. The President himself is on record, telling The Hindu that details of his release were being worked out, and that he was waiting for MP Tiren Alles, the main negotiator between the President and the Fonseka family, to come back from abroad, before taking steps on procedures ahead of a release. The first formality was a Cabinet approval. This came last Thursday.

Sarath Fonseka, who was arrested on February 8, 2010 by military police and subjected to a court martial on a variety of charges, that included harbouring deserters, and defaming the Defence Secretary, has served more than 2 years in prison. He is now serving a 30-month jail term and has also been convicted for another 3 years last November.

Three Years On After The War: Our King And Machiavelli’s ‘The Prince’

May 19, 2012

By Uvindu Kurukulasuriya -

Uvindu Kurukulasuriya

“The Romans, in the countries which they annexed, observed closely these measures; they sent colonies and maintained friendly relations with the minor powers, without increasing their strength; they kept down the greater, and did not allow any strong foreign powers to gain authority.”-  ’The Prince’ -Niccolo Machiavelli

Did you know that President Mahinda Rajapaksa read the Sinhala translation of “The Prince” which was serialised in the Sunday Lankadeepa, ‘Raja Veediya’ supplement?  Yes he did.  Even three years after capturing the Northern and Eastern provinces we can see that Rajapaksa still follows Machiavellian principles. This short essay is to highlight what I see as the main issue with Rajapaksa with regard to reconciliation after the war.             Read More

Gota’s War The Author’s Account

Sunday, May 20, 2012

By Maryam Azwer

C. A. Chandraprema addresses the gathering and Gotabaya Rajapaksa Autographs a copy of “Gota’s War”

The book which Chandraprema narrates “Gota’s War”

Quote
“Gota was in Weli-oya at that time and one day, Ranjan Wijeratne had visited his headquarters along with Major Gen. Denzil Kobbekaduwa. After the usual briefings followed by lunch, minister Wijeratne had a one to one chat with Gota under a tree in the compound of the brigade headquarters and wanted to know why he was trying to leave the army. Gota explained that he had not made a decision yet, despite the report in the Sunday Island.
Wijeratne told Gota that he was doing a good job and that since he has been in the operational areas throughout, he would like Gota to take a break in Colombo.
Gota said he was quite happy commanding his battalion, but Wijeratne had insisted that he should take up an appointment in Colombo. On minister Wijeratne’s orders, he was posted to the Kotalawala Defence Academy (KDA) as the deputy commandant at the end of 1990. Several weeks later, on 2 March 1991, Ranjan Wijeratne was assassinated in a massive bomb blast just metres from his private residence in Colombo.
It was after the charismatic deputy defence minister was assassinated that Gota put in his papers for retirement. He retired from the army on 1 November 1991. Looking back at this period, Gota says, ‘A lot of good officers left because they thought the way the war was conducted was an exercise in futility.
The LTTE would be cleared from one place only to return the moment the army withdrew. There was no driving factor to remain because nothing worthwhile was happening.”

Unquote

From Gota’s War: The Crushing of Tamil Tiger Terrorism in Sri Lanka, by C. A. Chandraprema

Excerpts from the interview:Gota’s War, a book on Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict and the end of the LTTE, has been the centre of attention since its release on Monday. With some praising the author’s efforts at compiling and narrating these events, and others questioning why the book focuses exclusively on the role played by Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.
In an interview with The Sunday Leader, author and Divaina columnist C. A. Chandraprema discussed the reasons behind writing this book, his choice of the title, and some of the responses to Gota’s War.

Q: What motivated you to write this book? 
A: Motivation comes in different ways. When I wrote about the JVP insurrection in 1990, that too didn’t occur to me on its own. It was just my editor who said to me, write two or three articles about this. So I started, and it became fifty two articles, and it became a book. So that’s how things happen. I suppose every writer has his own story about how he started writing something. Here, I have to say that it was
Kumar Rupesinghe. He kept prodding, over a period of time. He first made the suggestion, and it took me more than a year to get started on it.

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