White flag case verdict: Waruwawa’s mouth was gagged and computer was off on that day –Ranil reveals

(Lanka-e-News -22.Nov.2011, 7.30PM) A dissenting judgment in a court is delivered only after the full bench judgment is announced in accordance with hallowed traditions and established practices of the court. But , by obstructing Waruwawa the dissenting judge from announcing his view, the court in Fonseka’s case had acted in the most high handed manner and obnoxiously disregarding the lofty judicial traditions and processes. On top of this , his computer had been put out of commission. The opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe stated the foregoing facts when addressing a meeting at Dematgoda junction on the 20th to enlighten the public .

Wickremesinghe speaking further said , as the Parliament has the power over the Judiciary , ‘we shall be raising this issue in Parliament’. Why is former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka incarcerated?, we are questioning. The bottom line is , he is imprisoned on Fredrica Janz’s evidence. During the period of the Presidential elections , when Janz distorted a statement made by me and published it , she was asked to rectify her mistake . Yet she did not do it.
Justice Waruwawa had made a correct assessment on witness Fredrica’s evidence. This is it ….….

The prosecution has depended upon the article 1 (prosecution) written by the witness to prove this case. ‘ Based on the above reasons the witness in her evidence had from time to time made contradictions and lied deliberately; and by publishing the controversial article she had caused the court to disbelieve her and confirmed that she is not a reliable witness. The evidence is certainly clouded by doubts. 

The Sunday leader owner who was the main witness being not summoned to confirm what was stated in article 1 (prosecution) .Failure to take along the voice recorder ; later declaring that Derana channel is in possession of a voice tape ; the article that appeared in Daily mirror dated 21 st May 2009 , and the evidence given that the accused in this case quoted this article with omissions are all not acceptable as truthful evidence of the witness under any circumstance.

The false statement orally or otherwise allegedly made by the accused which instilled or attempted to instill panic /fear among the public or caused the public to rebel or subvert authority as contained in articles marked 1 and 2 have been written founded on other reasons .

Hence , the answers to the questions whether the accused made this statement with the intent or not of causing rebellion and panic among public is only to be based on the evidence of the unreliable witness Fredrica Janz and the ‘Sunday leader’ owner Lal Wickremetunge. Justice Waruwawa had made his dissenting judgment after a thorough evaluation on these grounds, Ranil pinpointed . 

Until Gen. Fonseka is freed we shall continue with this campaign . The more cases are filed against him the more vehement and vicious our protests will grow .We shall launch this campaign within Sri Lanka and globally , Ranil asserted.

Evaluating the Norwegian evaluation

November 22, 2011,

By Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

Taken as a whole, the Norwegian study is a valuable and welcome addition to the growing literature on the war and our times. It is however, wrong or empty at its very core. Wrong not only in what it sees and says, but perhaps even more so, in what it does not—in what it fails to or chooses not to see and/or express. The NORAD study is characterised by an absent analytical core. Though I am critical of its post–mortem of the armed conflict and efforts at peace-making, the Norwegian study of the failed peace efforts in Sri Lanka does contain important and valuable observations concerning the international aspect (Ch 7: ‘The International Dimensions of the Peace Process’) and domestic political dynamics and trajectories (Ch 11: ‘The Primacy of Domestic Politics’) .

In the section that deals with the international dimension the report significantly admits that "Possibly, Western pressure may have had an adverse effect, as it created additional anxiety and time pressure for the government during the final offensive" and goes on to quote a Wikileaks cable and an observation by me:                     Read More ...

'Death threats' against Judge Deepali

22 November, 2011

The judge who presided over the High Court Trial-at-Bar that convicted Former army commander Sarath Fonseka says that she had received death threats throughout the trial.

Deepali Wijesundera who chairs of the High Court Judges Association (HCJA) of Sri Lanka said that she is not sure who was threatening her.

Wrawewa never infomed about threats

When asked about media reports of threats against one of the judges in the Trial-at-bar which convicted Gen. Fonseka who challenged Mahinda Rajapaksa in the 2009 presidential election, Judge Wijesundera dissmissed the allegations saying that the fellow judge had never informed her about the threats.

Justice WTMPB Warawewa who acquitted General Fonseka in the hearing popularised by the media as the 'white flag case' has reportedly been threatened with death following his verdict.

Politically motivated

Deepali Wijesundara, and Justice Zulfikar Razeen found the accused Sarath Fonseka guilty for implicating the government in war crimes.

The court ruled that he lent credence to allegations the defence secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa ordered Tamil Tigers to be killed as they tried to surrender in May 2009.

Fonseka rejected the verdict, telling the court was it politically motivated.

Protest in Dematagoda over abduction

TUESDAY, 22 NOVEMBER 2011
The alleged abduction of a prominent Peliyagoda businessman by two men in camouflage military uniforms this morning has resulted in protests in the area. 

Family members said Lalith Kumara was a businessman who owned three fisheries outlets in Dematagoda and Peliyagoda. They alleged that he was abducted at around 5.30 a.m. while travelling in a lorry to Peliyagoda accompanied by one of his employees. 

The 41 year old businessman is also the President of the Dematagoda Fish Traders Association. 

Mr. Kumara’s daughter Achini Subashini said her father had left home at around 5.30 a.m. in the morning to his fish store in the Peliyagoda Fishing Complex. 
She said that according to the employee who was with her father, they had been followed by two men in camouflage uniforms and had overtaken the lorry which was driven by my father and had suddenly put up a signboard with the words Stop. 
“When my father had wanted to show his driving license the two men had told him there was no need but to get out of the lorry,” his 19-year-old daughter said. “The employee was locked up in the lorry and as such had not seen how my father was taken away. 

When asked whether they could think of a motive for the abduction, she said her father has not done anything wrong and was admired by everyone in the area. 
“So I am not able to think of any reason behind his abduction,” the daughter said and added that she had neither received any calls demanding a ransom. 
The family members had complained to the Dematagoda and Grandpass police and in the wake of the abduction the members of the fish traders association had staged a protest at the Dematagoda junction for nearly three hours. 

“We have a lot of relatives and supporters from Orugodawatta to Dematagoda and from Orugodawatta to Grandpass and they are shocked by what happened. We hope that the police will be able to find my father soon,” she added. (SD) (Pix by Kushan Pathiraja)

Read more..

Close watch on Wimal and Champika

Tuesday, 22 November 2011

The President, who is highly suspicious of senior SLFP members, has asked the State Intelligence Service (SIS) to keep a close watch on JHU’s Champika Ranawaka and NFF’s Wimal Weerawansa, a senior government minister said.

The minister said the President was displeased with the decision of the JHU and NFF to oppose the government’s expropriation legislation that was presented following Cabinet approval. The President has said that Wimal and Champika had violated the collective responsibility of the Cabinet to stand by its decisions.

The intelligence units have informed the President that a large amount of monies have been involved in the expropriation legislation and that the owner of Bogala Graphite, Sydney Jayasinghe had deposited Rs. 300 million in an Australian bank account belonging to a senior JHU member.

The President has also asked the intelligence unit to keep a close watch on the secret discussions being held by JHU’s Ven. Athuraliye Ratana Thero and Nishantha Sri Warnasinghe in temples around the country.

The intelligence unit has also informed the President that Wimal Weerawansa’s website Lankacnews published articles critical of the government.

EXCLUSIVE Highlights of LLRC findings and recommendations

November 21, 2011

Implement LLRC report, no need for intl. probe, govt. told

Disappearances should be probed

Need for trilingual nation stressed

Urgent Bills frowned on

Douglas Devananda criticised

Illegal arms must be recovered

‘Killing Fields’ video a fabrication

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) has, in its final report, said that no state should be asked to suspend military operations aimed at rescuing civilians forcibly held by a heavily armed terrorist group. The failure on the part of a state to proceed with such operations will only allow terrorists to go on the rampage, the presidential commission has said.

The LLRC is of the view that the International Humanitarian Law (IHL) prohibits the deliberate targeting of civilians but it does not frown on combat operations undertaken by a government to rescue hostages. The withdrawal or suspension of combat operations will only aggravate such a crisis.

The eight-member Presidential Commission has made these observations in response to various accusations by a section of the international community, mainly the one that civilians were targeted during the final phase of the ground offensive in the Vanni in 2009.

Former Attorney General C. R. de Silva who chaired the Commission on Sunday night (Nov. 20) handed over to President Mahinda Rajapaksa its 388-page report and another comprising a range of data, including technical reports and maps.

The LLRC also comprised former Foreign Secretary, H.M.G.S. Palihakkara, former legal advisor to the External Affairs Ministry, Dr. Rohan Perera, senior attorney at law - M. T. M. Bafiq, Former Deputy Secretary to the Treasury - Chandirapal Chanmugam, Professor at the Department of Criminal Justice, University of Nevada, Las Vegas - Karunaratne Hangawatte, former High Court Judge - Maxwell Parakrama Paranagama and former Deputy Legal Draftsman Manohari Ramanathan.

After receiving the report, President Rajapaksa said he would release it to the public through Parliament.

Former UN under Secretary Jayantha Dhanapala in his submissions before the LLRC launched a scathing attack on successive governments for their failure to implement recommendations by various presidential commissions.

"The recent history of Presidential Commissions has been a dismal and uninspiring one. We have the Udalagama Commission which was aborted and we have a number of Commission Reports which have not been implemented. Nevertheless, the personal stature of all of you as Commissioners and the integrity that is widely respected of yourselves encourages me to appear before you and speak in order that our country can enjoy a future of peace and reconciliation," Dhanapala said in his opening statement.

External Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris recently assured Canadian High Commissioner in Colombo, Bruce Levy of Sri Lanka’s commitment to make the LLRC findings public. He said this in answer to a question at the External Affairs Ministry briefing.

The Commission has devoted one whole chapter to its observations and recommendations.

Commenting on the issue of accountability, the LLRC has stressed the need for thoroughly investigating allegations of disappearances. This recommendation has been made in response to accusations by some of those who appeared before the LLRC, particularly in the northern and eastern provinces. The LLRC asserts that the government should not ignore eyewitness accounts that their loved ones taken into custody by security forces have gone missing. The Commission has ruled out the involvement of the state in the civilian disappearances.

Members of the LLRC visited detainees including those held at the maximum security facility at Boosa, where they had access to hardcore terror suspects. The LLRC has said its members were able to meet detainees without the presence of security forces personnel or police. Noting the majority of those held in custody have now been reintegrated into society, the LLRC has recommended the release of the remaining ones after rehabilitation or legal action being instituted against them fast.

Citing evidence placed before the LLRC, the commissioners have said that political expediency is the bane of the country; some politicians further their personal interests at the expense of the national interest.

The LLRC emphasizes the importance of all communities having the same rights and privileges.

It has recommended that people should be able to buy land in any part of the country, including the North and dismissed the law that northern land couldn’t be bought by outsiders.

In an obvious reference to the recent gun battle between gangs led by UPFA MP, R. Duminda Silva and former PA strongman, Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra, which resulted in the death of the latter, the LRRC has said that had there been genuine effort to disarm armed groups the tragedy could have been avoided.

The LLRC has referred to the attack on Uthayan News Editor during its sittings in Jaffna. The commission emphasises the need for recovering all unauthorized weapons in line with its interim recommendations to the government several months ago.

On the language issue, the Commission has urged the government to take measures required to make Sri Lanka a trilingual nation, with English as the link language. The commissioners are of the view that nothing could be as important as tackling the language issue to help post-war national reconciliation efforts and a Sri Lankan identity should be promoted.

The LLRC has, in its report which deals with a large number of issues pertaining to the post and pre-conflict situation, including the Norwegian-arranged Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), concluded that the CFA couldn’t be considered a model for managing conflicts between States and non-state players. It has criticized the then Sri Lankan government for hastily agreeing to the CFA without adequate safeguards.

EPDP leader and Minister Douglas Devananda has drawn flak from the LLRC for being evasive in his response regarding queries relating to allegations made against his organization in both post and pre-conflict periods.

The LLRC has declared ‘Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields’ produced by UK-based Channel 4 News at the behest of the LTTE a total fabrication. The commission has gone to the extent of obtaining the services of a NASA expert to verify the authenticity of the 50-minute documentary, which was telecast in many parts of the world and also shown to select groups of opinion makers by human rights watchdogs, the Amnesty International, the International Crisis Group and the Human Rights Watch.

The LLRC has criticized so-called urgent Bills, while urging the government to do away with the practice. The LLRC is of the opinion that it is not right for the government to expect the Supreme Court to decide on vital national issues within 24 hours, thereby denying the right of the people to move the court against such bills. Although no reference is made, the LLRC criticism is aimed at the Revival of Underperforming Enterprises and Underutilised Assets Bill passed by Parliament recently.

According to authoritative sources, the LLRC has made far reaching recommendations, which address accountability issues pertaining not merely to the conflict but other critical issues as well.

The LLRC has held that if the government fully implements its recommendations, there will be no need for any international mechanism to inquire into Sri Lanka’s domestic issues.

The Real Lessons of Sri Lanka's War: A Global Power Shift and the End of Human Rights

Posted by Jyoti Thottam Monday, November 21, 2011

The grandly named “Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission” submitted its final report to Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa yesterday. The document is meant to account for the failure of a 2002 ceasefire and the events leading up to the end of the country's 26-year-long war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, who were defeated in May 2009. On paper, the LLRC looks something like the Truth and Reconciliation Commission convened after the end of apartheid rule in South Africa — more than 1,000 witnesses testified before the LLRC, and the Sri Lankan government has trumpeted the LLRC as an effort to help the country move on after a generation of ethnic conflict. In fact, the real "lessons learnt" are much different.

First, Sri Lanka's experience reveals the true price of ending conflict through a purely military solution: accountability and political compromise. Thanks to its decisive victory over the Tigers, Rajapaksa's government is so popular that it has little incentive to make any real effort at political reconciliation. Talks with ethnic Tamil political parties have gone nowhere; and the LLRC report has shed no light on any of the allegations of war crimes committed during the last phase of the war. Instead, the LLRC asks the government to investigate incidents that may have occurred but does not name any in particular. Even without any investigation, though, the LLRC calls the shocking documentary aired earlier this year by Britain's Channel 4 “a total fabrication.”

Rajapaksa's government has sent a clear message about what happens to Sri Lankans who make claims about human rights abuses. On Friday, Nov. 18,  General Sarath Fonseka, who led the Sri Lankan Army's victorious campaign against the LTTE,  was found guilty by a panel of three judges of “propogating a false rumor” and sentenced to three years in prison. The verdict deals with Fonseka's statements in a newspaper interview in which he implied that defense secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa (the brother of the president) ordered the killing of Tamil Tiger leaders who had offered to surrender. Rajapaksa has repeatedly denied that any such incident occurred. Sympathetic local media in Sri Lanka have accepted the government's assertion, although it has never been fully investigated.

The Norwegian government also recently released a report on its role in the failed peace process and its attempt to intervene toward the end of the war. Here is what the report says about the same incident:

"In the night between 17 and 18 May, Nadesan (head of the LTTE Political Wing) and Pulidevan (head of the LTTE Peace Secretariat) contact the Norwegians as well as the UK and US embassy, the ICRC, and Chandra Nehru (a Tamil politician in Colombo) indicating their last-minute willingness to surrender. Following hasty negotiations with presidential advisor and brother Basil Rajapaksa, they are told to walk across the frontline with a white flag. The last phone conversation is held shortly before their departure. Hours later they are reported shot."

The Sri Lankan government can afford to ignore this and other possible alleged human rights violations because the geopolitical balance of power has shifted so decisively toward the East — the second lesson for the rest of the world from Sri Lanka's war. The Norwegian government's report is long, but worth reading in full for its methodical, self-critical observations on this issue, like this one: "Apart from a milestone in Sri Lanka's history, the rise and fall of the peace process is thus also part of a global story of declining Western leverage and the reassertion of state sovereignty." Over the last several years, economic, political and military support from the United States and Western Europe have become less and less important to Sri Lanka. According to the report, Rajapaksa's government relied on military help from China and Pakistan; the E.U. and U.S. may be Sri Lanka's biggest trading partners but China is quickly stepping in with billions of dollars of infrastructure investment. Sri Lanka can ignore diplomatic pressure from the U.S. and Europe because it has China and Russia in its corner every time the issue of abuses during the war comes up before the United Nations. India, too, has played both sides diplomatically. During the last months of the war, the Norwegian report says,

India provides vital radar and intelligence information to the Sri Lanka forces. Delhi maintains it will not provide offensive military assets – due to the political sensitivity of Indian weapons being used against Tamils – but off the record, it does not object to Sri Lanka purchasing weaponry elsewhere.... It is also doubtful India has any interest in the LTTE surviving the end of the war. Non-Western countries tell the Sri Lankan government to ignore Western pressure and ‘get it over with,' according to the testimony of a Sri Lankan diplomat.

Since the end of the war, New Delhi has pushed the Sri Lankan government to address the concerns of its Tamil minority and work toward a political settlement. But having given its support to Rajapaksa while his government was finishing off the Tigers, it seems unlikely that India will abandon him if his war methods come under scrutiny. The U.S., of course, does have a role to play. The U.S. State Department, under the leadership of Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Robert Blake, has been quietly pushing for accountability in Sri Lanka and for greater engagement with Tamil political parties. Blake, who was U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka from 2006 until May 2009, has made several recent trips to the region and raised these issues. In September, Blake called on the LLRC to produce a credible report: “if it's not a credible process, there will be pressure for some sort of alternative mechanism" — in other words, an independent international investigation. Now that the LLRC has submitted its report, the U.S. will have to decide whether tiny Sri Lanka is worth spending diplomatic capital on in its dealings with two Asian giants, China and India.

Whatever happens, Sri Lanka also serves up a third lesson: the notion of "human rights" loses its moral force when it is seen as a purely western concept. No country has been more effective at playing up that dichotomy than Sri Lanka. Every time Rajapaksa is criticized by western governments or western media, he uses it to his advantage, playing up his willingness to stand up to the forces of imperialism. Western-led diplomatic pressure and economic sanctions may be starting to work, dramatically, in Burma but that model will no longer work in the new Asian century. What will take its place? Sri Lanka offers the rest of the world — not just the West — the chance to come up with the answer.

Treaties provide absolute immunity against civil suits, Silva asserts

[TamilNet, Monday, 21 November 2011, 04:10 GMT]
Shavendra Silva, currently Sri Lanka’s Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations charged with torture and execution of Sri Lanka's Tamils by two plaintiffs, filed a motion in the District Court of Southern District of New York Friday seeking to dismiss the case against him. Defendant Silva's motion asserts that arguments by plaintiffs reveal "a misconception of nature of immunity," disregard terms of treaties that Silva claims provide "absolute immunity," and ignore federal case law. Judge Paul Oetken is expected to rule on the case based on the legal arguments presented and his judicial discretion, either to allow the case to go forward or to dismiss the case, with or without a hearing on the motion, legal sources in Washington said. 

• Motion in support of defendant's earlier Motion to Dismiss

The defendant points out in the motion that despite plaintiffs claims, there are no statutes or past precedents where immunity is stripped because the law suit relates to events that precede Silva's appointment. However, Plaintiffs have pointed out instances where immunity was denied based on the type of actions that occurred -- immunity was stripped from actions that judges deemed to be outside the scope of official diplomatic functions.

SDNY Judge Paul Oetken

Ali Beydoun, lead counsel for plaintiffs

Timothy G. Nelson, defendant's attorney

Shavendra Silva, alleged War Criminal holding UN post

Defendant Silva asserts that the Plaintiffs' claim that diplomatic immunity does not allow defendant to escape liability is a "fundamental misunderstanding," and argues pointing to English case law that "diplomatic immunity is not immunity from legal liability but immunity from law suit."

Further the defendant attaches to the motion three separate bulletins and court filings from the US Government which the defendant claims argue against the plaintiffs claim that grant of immunity will violate peremptory norms of international law.

The defendant sets forth the following arguments within the broad legal framework of absolute immunity:

• Plaintiff's narrow construction of article 31 of Vienna convention has not been supported by case law, and that Second Circuit has established Diplomatic Immunity as absolute
• United States Government has rejected the narrow construction of Article 31 by the plaintiffs that the article provides immunity only for official acts and for certain non-functional activity committed during the mission of the UN official. Defendants also assert that this position is consistent with International Court of Justice's ruling in the Tehran Hostage case.
• Defendant claims that there is no jus cogens law exceptions to Diplomatic Immunity, citing the 2009 District court of District of Columbia Sabbithi case where the "same argument" was rejected by the court.

"While Silva's appointment is one clear example of attempts by Colombo to sanitize its post-war international image by portraying war criminals as diplomats, U.S. case law does not yet provide clear authority to legally recognize egregious-crime-exceptions to immunity for UN diplomats. However, TAG is convinced that, even if Shavendra prevails in his defense of immunity, the case will help move US jurisprudence forward towards a more narrowly tailored restrictive immunity doctrine that does not allow genocidaires to misuse the diplomatic posts to cleanse themselves of past crimes. Otherwise, by supplying immunity to diplomats such as Silva, US law will enable rogue states to turn the UN into a safe-haven for war-criminals," a spokesperson for Tamils Against Genocide (TAG), a US-based activist group, commented.

• SDNY Complaint against Silva

• Shavendra's Motion to Dismiss

• Opposing motion to defendants motion to dismiss

The 102-page supporting Motion by the defendant contains 14 pages of legal argument supplemented by 88 pages of "Exhibits" consisting of reproduction of a law review article, a bulletin from the U.S. State Department, and two legal submissions by the U.S. Justice Department to the court for earlier cases that involved issues on Diplomatic Immunity.

Here is a tip off for CID : the place where quadruple murder suspect is hiding

Monday 21 of November 2011

(Lanka-e-News -22.Nov.2011, 3.30 A.M.) There is a court order issued to the CID that R.Duminda Silva alias ‘kudu Duminda’ of Kolonnawa who is the prime suspect in the murder of Bharatha Lakshman and three others, shall be immediately arrested and produced before court. Though the CID had so far told that it does not know his whereabouts , Lanka e news is in receipt of information as to where he is accurately. Today , at this moment Kolonnawa kudu Duminda is taking treatment in a super class Hospital in Orchard district , Singapore. He is in room No. 6004 where special VIPs are provided treatment . This Hospital by the name of Mount Elizabeth is where special VIPs are treated . His family members are staying with him taking turns. Because steroid could not be got down , Duminda has become a little slim and dark. In any event he has not undergone changes to preclude the CID from identifying him. Might we remind and reiterate that the whole world is watching and waiting until this most wanted murder suspect who is kept hidden is arrested . Hence, it is for the CID Director Mahesh perera and the ASP Shani Abeysekera who is conducting the investigation to abide by the court order and execute the warrant of arrest issued against Duminda duly . Regime’s chief of all people , and kudu Duminda’s friends and relatives had been lying and giving misleading information that he is in Australia or a European country  Full story >>

Judge Warawewa’s computer data deleted

Monday, 21 November 2011

High Court Judge Warawewa had typed the verdict of the controversial White Flag case against former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka on the 17th evening and had shut down the computer before locking his office room and leaving.

However, some person had secretly entered the office room and had deleted all the data in the judge’s computer.

Judge Warawewa had returned to his office on the 18th morning when he was scheduled to deliver the White Flag verdict and had realized that the data in the computer had been deleted when he switched on the computer to get a print out of the verdict typed the previous evening.

The head of the High Court bench of judges, Deepali Wijesundera had to delay the verdict that was scheduled to be delivered at 10.30 a.m. since Judge Warawewa had to re-type the entire verdict on the 18th morning.

Although the usual practice is to announce the verdict of the judges when there is a divided verdict on a case, this time around, Judge Deepali Wijesundera had not permitted the reading of Judge Warawewa’s verdict.

Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe revealed many details related to the case at a public rally in Dematagoda on the 20th.

The Opposition Leader said that Sarath Fonseka was jailed on the evidence given by The Sunday Leader Editor Frederic Jansz and that she had not agreed to run a correction on a misleading report published by her although he had made such a request.

The Opposition Leader had then distributed a leaflet with a note of a clear explanation made by Judge Warawewa on Jansz’ evidence to court.

The note has read that the witness continuously changed her stance and revealed false details and made false representations in a stubborn manner while forming false reports in violation of a court order. Whenever there were any doubts over the evidence given by her, she would make the statement in different ways and never made any direct comment other than attributing every comment to another person.

The note has further stated that the evidence given could not be considered to be true since the owner of The Sunday Leader was not summoned, the failure to take a voice recorder and the statement made to Derana TV that she had a voice recording and the publishing of a report that appeared in the Daily Mirror of May 21st, 2009 with a few changes.

Judge Warawewa has also stated that the charge of making up a story and spreading it has been done by Jansz and the owner of The Sunday leader newspaper Lal Wickrematunge.

Cartoon of the day

TUESDAY, 22 NOVEMBER 2011

US Foreign Policy and Sri Lanka

November 19, 2011 by Gibson Bateman

Mahinda Buddhadasa Samarasinghe, Cabinet Minister of Disaster Management and Human Rights of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, addresses the 12th Session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland.

After three decades of war, Sri Lanka is still a mess. President Mahinda Rajapaksa could not care less about national reconciliation. Here is a president who did not hesitate to assert his authority at the end of the war. Yet now, he is afraid to be a strong and thoughtful leader, reluctant to take a stand.

The widespread human rights violations that occurred during final phases of the war (by both government forces and the LTTE) have been well-documented.

Full Story>>>

Opposition MPs assaulted in parliament

 21 November, 2011

'We were shamelessly assaulted at a time the whole world is watching. This is like Libya during old days'

The leader of the opposition in Sri Lanka says himself and a group of opposition MPs have been assaulted in the parliament chamber after the president presented the budget.

Ranil Wickramasinghe, MP, said a number of opposition MPs were admitted to the hospital after the assault by the government MPs.

The assault has occurred after the United National Party (UNP) MPs have protested the budget and the recent court ruling that sentenced former MP Sarath Fonseka for another three years.

The parliamentarians, including him, were assaulted in front of President Mahinda Rajapaksa who presented the budget, said Mr Wickramasinghe who had difficulty in walking after the incident.

Budget proposals

“We were shamelessly assaulted at a time the whole world is watching. This is like Libya during old days,” he told the journalists.

Despite global uncertainties, our country has been able to sustain an 8 percent growth momentum gathered in 2010, and in 2011 as well. Inflation has been moderated at 5 percent   President's budget speech

The budget presented by President Rajapaksa in his capacity as the finance minister included “a series of proposals to help uplift the socio-economic conditions,” the government said in a statement.

This year's budget that proposes to regard the welfare of families of security force personnel “as a priority” also proposes to give a salary increase of 10% of the basic salary to all public servants and those in the defence sector.

The UNP MPs were assaulted after an MP questioned about the welfare of former military commander Sarath Fonseka.

Noting that the government increased the minimum salary of public servants by Rs 1,200 last year, the president said public servants obtained a real increase by Rs 1500 to Rs 3000.

Forecasting an economic growth of 8%, the government expects to reach a per-capita income of US$ 4000 will be realized by 2016.

Sri Lanka's rate of unemployment has declined from 8% to 5%, while the population below the poverty line has declined from 15.6% to 8.9%, according to the budget proposals.

Sri Lanka: devaluation and the IMF

Sri Lanka announced a shock 3 per cent currency devaluation on Monday in an attempt to boost export competitiveness and keep the country’s paymasters at the International Monetary Fund happy.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, who is both president and finance minister, made the announcement to parliament while presenting the 2012 budget. His speech – interrupted when ruling party politicians attacked protesting opposition members – included a projected 14.15 per cent increase in spending and a narrowing budget deficit based on increased revenues.

“We need to reduce the import cost and increase export revenue. When our currency has strengthened, our trading partners’ currencies have depreciated. So I propose to devalue the currency by 3 per cent with effect from today,” Rajapaksa said, according to Reuters.

Full Story>>>

What a Shootout Between Two Politicians Says About a Nation

Posted: 16/11/11

Edward Mortimer

Chair of the Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice

Since the end of its civil war against the ruthless Tamil Tigers (LTTE) in 2009, the Sri Lankan regime's own reputation for ruthlessness has grown. At its heart are the three Rajapaksa brothers - President Mahinda, defence secretary Gotabhaya ("Gota") and Economic Development Minister Basil - controlling a formidable military force that has quashed all resistance and committed many grave human rights abuses. For the Tamil and Muslim minorities, the end of the war has been marked by further discrimination and alienation. But for many who belong to the country's majority Sinhalese community, government restrictions on personal freedoms and the relentless militarisation of the island have seemed like a small price to pay for the prospect of national security and an end to the LTTE's brutal campaign for a separate state... until a disturbing incident last month provoked unease and dissent even in conservative Sinhalese circles.             Read Post