Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, June 17, 2019

Plantations Mafia & The Political Path Of Workers’ Struggle

logoIn an earlier account published by the Financial Times we exposed the vested interests of Planters’ Association’s claim that tea estates are currently more or less loss making and therefore a wage increase of up to Rs. 1,000/= a day demanded by workers will ruin the industry. It was shown that Planters’ Association rests its argument against the workers’ demand on two main postulates. First postulate popularises the myth that plantations sector revenue depends on Sri Lanka’s tea auctions’ price (Rs. 581.58/= per kg in 2018 – CBSL) while in reality, the sector revenue changes according to tea export price (Rs. 820.75/= per kg in 2018 – CBSL) in global markets. Latter in general is over 40% above the former which is evident from above figures. Second postulate states that labour productivity of Sri Lankan workers is sharply below that of other tea producing countries due to their inefficiency and lethargy. Therefore, low wages in Sri Lanka according to the planters is to be blamed on workers themselves. We elucidated that rather than workers’ love for idleness it’s the mechanization of tea cultivation processes in other tea growing economies such as Kenya and Japan which led to the phenomenal increase in labour productivity and in turn created the conditions necessary to realise higher wages and profits in real terms while unit cost of production and the supply price of tea simultaneously reducing. Hence, we illustrated that by shifting the surplus generated in the sector outside itself into conspicuous luxury consumption and speculative investments, the planters coupled with licensed export firms deliberately stagnate the production forces and therefore maintain the colonial mode of exploitation even in the absence of colonial rule. In this light the above article is a necessary preamble to meaningfully connect with the proceeding argument.  
In the following account we will explore the structure of the market forces or exchange and production relations which objectively impel the planters to reproduce itself in the guise of a feudal landlord class destroying the surplus generated in the sector on scandalous luxury consumption and speculative investments while production forces and the lives of the direct producers eternally stagnate. This is to say that we will explore the conditions which prevent the transformation of Sri Lanka’s feudal elite to a modern bourgeoisie within the restricted context of plantations. In the light of this we will explore the specific political path the workers should necessarily tread.
Absence of capital accumulation in the plantations sector by redeploying the surpluses in labour replacing machinery in the cultivation process emanates from the nature of the relationship the plantation sector establishes with world trade and the indentured nature of the labour force ossified into a distinct cultural unit from the community outside. Before further exploring the reasons into deliberate stagnation of production forces under the planters’ aristocracy we may look into the structure of capital deployed in plantations by disaggregating the difference and relationship between labour and land productivity in agriculture. It can be observed that apart from the wage bill of the plantations the predominant form of capital usage is in the application of fertilizer and hence working capital dominates the composition of capital as opposed to fixed capital in the form of machinery. It needs to be born in mind that application of fertilizer increases land productivity (per acre yield), which in turn increases aggregate output while output per worker or productivity of labour remains unchanged. This is so given that increased land productivity increases aggregate output and consequently, more workers are required in the harvesting process in proportion to the yield increase. Output per worker or productivity of labour therefore remains more or less unchanged while productivity of land increases through application of fertilizer while workers required per acre rises concomitantly. Hence, increase in land productivity does not reduce the unit cost of production and hence does not augment the price competitiveness of plantations. Although productivity of labour and unit cost of production remains unaltered with increasing land productivity, aggregate profits increase with the rise in output achieved through increased yield per acre. This indicates that nature of capital deployment in plantations is not shaped by price competition in the world markets. If so the redeployment of capital would be also absorbed by labour replacing machinery which in turn would simultaneously increase land and labour productivity while unit cost of production and supply price decline and wages and profits rise in real terms. 
In the same vein it needs to be pointed out that increased labour productivity through introduction of labour replacing machinery, as opposed to capital infusions enhancing land productivity, will cause the aggregate output to remain unchanged while simultaneously increasing the per worker output or productivity of labour. The unit costs of production and supply price therefore decline coupled with rising wages and profits in real terms. This means to say that there is a dialectical relationship between labour and land productivity peculiar to agriculture, a key characteristic which distinguishes the latter from the dynamics of non-agricultural sector. Increasing land productivity while labour productivity remaining unchanged due to domination of working capital in the capital composition of plantations in turn erect conditions which enable the growth of profits while real wage rate stagnates. This is so given that wage rate cannot be increased beyond its productivity which is not altered by land productivity enhancing capital infusions. It means to say that in Marxian terms the mode of capital formation causes the rate of surplus value to remain unaltered. Consequently, the surplus is materialized in its absolute form as opposed to its relative form. Hence, extension of the working day in the absence of a corresponding wage payment remains the only method of augmenting the rate of surplus value which is widely employed by the planters and also in most other sector in the economy in general. This means to say that the rate of surplus value is high in Sri Lanka’s plantations while the mass of surplus value generated by a worker is low compared to an industrially transformed plantations, for instance in Japan.  

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“The media has killed us” : Kurunegala doctor’s wife speaks out

Guilty before being proved innocent? A family in tatters



HomeBY AANYA WIPULASENA-16 June, 2019

For Dr. Imara Shafi, a nephrologist at the Kurunegala Teaching Hospital, Thursday May 23, 2019 started like any other day. She and her husband woke up early, discussed their day and their children. At 5am, her husband, Dr. Seigu Shihabdeen Mohamed Shafi left for prayers at the neighbourhood mosque as he always did. The couple, both doctors had first met as students at the University of Sri Jayawardenepura.

Little did Dr Imara they imagine how monumentally life would change for them within a few hours.
A Sinhalese newspaper published a lead story claiming that a ‘Thowheed Jama’ath’ doctor in Kurunegala had sterilised 4,000 ‘Sinhala’ mothers. That same afternoon, a professor attached to the University of Rajarata used Facebook to link the story in the newspaper to Dr Imara’s husband, Dr. Seigu Shihabdeen Mohamed Shafi who was the Senior House Officer (SHO) at the Kurunegala Teaching Hospital.

On the same day, the Police Spokesman denied the newspaper story, and said the police had never got a complaint of that nature. SP Ruwan Gunasekera denied that a police investigation was underway, as reported therein.

But the very next day, Dr. Shafi was arrested under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). The charge had nothing to do with illegal sterilization as claimed in the newspaper. Police were accusing Dr Shafi of amassing large quantities of undeclared assets. Neither his link to the National Thowheed Jama’ath, the undeclared assets claim, nor the accusation that he has sterilized even a single mother has been proven to date. Dr. Shafi who is being held under detention order is yet to be produced in court. The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) is currently probing the case on a ‘massive scale’.

Dr Shafi’s senior consultants, surgical team and prominent obstetricians and gynecologists including Professor Hemantha Senanayake, who is the Head of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology at the Faculty of Medicine, University of Colombo and Former Chairperson of the Sri Lanka College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, have all debunked the claim against Dr Shafi as ‘highly unlikely’ and medically unfeasible.

But for three weeks a storm has been raging in Kurunegala. The epicenter is the Teaching Hospital at which Dr Imara Shafi and her husband, (still in custody), treated patients. Today the family is on the run, unable to remain in their hometown due to safety concerns. Dr Imara has been unable to report to work. Her three children, aged 15, 13 and 10 years, have had to be pulled out of school.

“Like refugees we stay away from home, because home is not safe for us anymore,” Dr. Imara, told the Sunday Observer as she sat down to speak about her struggle, attempting to free her husband after he was arrested using one of Sri Lanka’s most draconian laws.

Both Imara and her husband had been at work when they learnt about the damning newspaper article. Later the same day, they heard that Prof. Channa Jayasumana of the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Rajarata, had also posted on Facebook, naming her husband as the doctor referred to in the sensationalist newspaper report.

Though the post was carefully drafted to send across a message in the guise of a compliment, it hit home. Dr. Imara, who saw the post through a friend, was worried, but Dr. Shafi paid no heed. “He said, because it was not true a FB post will not affect him,” Dr. Imara said. Nothing could have been further from the truth.

Within a day, the post was viewed by hundreds. The comments that poured in were what worried Dr. Imara the most. They varied from disbelief, calling Dr. Shafi a dog, attacks on his personal appearance, calls to kill him, and even, worryingly, threats to their children.

“After seeing the comments, I told my husband that we would have to lodge a police complaint,” Dr. Imara said, but before they could do so her husband was arrested. Their house was also searched. A laptop, desktop computer and documents were taken from their home.

However, before the newspaper article even saw the light of day the police was behind Dr. Shafi. Police officials visited his medical lab and house on different occasions in May. He was also asked about his political afflictions.

Dr. Shafi resigned from the Government sector in mid 2015 to pursue politics. He contested under the UNP ticket alongside Rishard Bathiudeen and at the General Elections polled around 54,000 votes within about a month of campaigning, a fact his wife is proud of despite her strong disapproval for his attachment to politics. He was the eighth on the list, a position behind the number eligible to enter the parliament.

He then resigned from politics, and resumed work at the hospital. During a former newspaper article Dr. Shafi was quoted stating he was against racist and extremist driven politics, he also said he had conducted 8,000 caesarian operations.

The number haunted him in the witch-hunt to prove he sterilized half of those mothers.

Though the arrest was for amassing a large number of assets, it was the sterilization accusation which spread like wildfire.

The media hype only aggravated the situation, and the Teaching Hospital in Kurunegala saw protest after protest, some accusing Dr. Shafi and some calling for immediate investigations into the case. Mothers were called to record complaints against Dr. Shafi.

The number of complaints reached around 1,000 by the end of this week. Complaints were recorded at the Teaching Hospital in Kurunegala, District Hospital – Galewela, and Base Hospital, Dambulla (where Dr. Shafi worked). An officer who recorded the statements told the Sunday Observer that most complaints were ambiguous in nature and most mother complaint of back and abdominal pain.
Chamila Pushpakumari, 32, a mother of one from Dampitiya in Kurunegala visited the hospital that same week with her nine-month-old son. After seeing the news on the TV her family urged her to lodge a complaint. She suffered from a back pain. Her statement was duly recorded.

Chandima Kumari, 27, also a mother of one child from Maduragoda in Kurunegala, also visited the hospital to record her statement. After having their daughter in 2014 they had tried in vain to conceive. Both mothers underwent caesarean sections where Dr. Shafi was part of the team.

A scientific testing of the mothers would easily prove if Dr. Shafi has in fact illegally sterilized the mothers as claimed. When the mothers were told they will have to undergo tests, and also that their husbands will have to undergo tests too, sources in Kurunegala said the complainants were reluctant.

“They are reluctant because undergoing these tests can be traumatic,” Secretary to the Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) Dr Indika Rathnayaka at the Teaching Hospital of Kurunegala, said. He explained that the current methodology that is said to be used involved x-rays and use of a dye to see if the fallopian tubes are blocked. Women are still arriving at the hospitals to record complaints.

Meanwhile, an expert committee appointed by the Ministry of Health was turned away when they visited the hospital to probe the incident on May 28. The hospital officials said they had no faith in the ministry. A preliminary report by the committee headed by Director of the Health Ministry Dr. Anil Samaranayake states it is requesting the hospital heads to assist the probe.

The Sunday Observer learns from a ministry official that the committee is conducting a ‘theoretical investigation’ into the case as they cannot approach the hospital. They have received a letter from hospital director Dr.Sarath WeeraBandara that their ‘assistance’ (as it was called) was no longer required at the hospital’.

“We want the President to appoint an expert panel to look into the issue. We only can trust the President in this case,” Dr. Rathnayaka of the GMOA said.

President Maithripala Sirisena is currently in Tajikistan where he is attending the fifth Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA) held in the capital Dushanbe.
Away from her home, struggling to look after her children, and fighting for justice for her husband Dr. Imara herself expects nothing more than a conclusive probe into the claims.

“I don’t want him to just be released. I want an investigation to prove he is innocent,” she said. In fact, she is so concerned for his safety, Dr Imara believes Dr Shafi, whose face and name have been splashed all over the news media over the past three weeks, might be safer in police custody than out in society, at the moment.

Dr. Imara has been on anti-depressants since the newspaper article was published. It is helping her to function as normally as possible, she claims. Her eldest daughter, who was closest to their father, is badly affected. She was taken for counseling, and sent to live with their grandmother because Dr. Imara feels she cannot emotionally handle her daughter’s pain too.

Since their father’s arrest, the Shafi children have not sighted their school, a prominent Buddhist school in Kurunegala. Worse still, When Dr Imara tried to send her eldest daughter to her private tuition class so she would not fall back in her lessons, the teachers there told her that other parents had requested that Dr Shafi’s child not be included in the same class as their children. The teachers had offered to conduct individual classes for the 15 year old girl, who sits her ordinary level examination next year.

“It wasn’t easy for us to go to university and become doctors. Both of us, went to the university on scholarships. I want to serve our country. I miss my work,” Dr. Imara said.

Though Dr. Shafi is a member of the GMOA he has received very little help from this highly politicised trade union. Medical officials are reluctant to speak to the Sunday Observer on record. One female doctor, a former colleague of Dr. Shafi, was branded as his mistress after she posted on social media that he was a good doctor.

For the same reasons, speaking on the condition of anonymity, a gynecologist at the Kurunegala Hospital where Dr Shafi worked, said there is a team during a delivery. This includes the SHO, a house officer assisting the SHO, a supervising visiting Obstetrician and Gynecologist VOG (though not always), a nurse to give instruments, a running nurse, doctor or consultant for anesthesia and minor staff.

“It is highly unlikely for Dr. Shafi to sterilize women, if he did at all, without any of these medical officers noticing. And 4,000 is a far-fetched number in any case,” the gynecologist said.

He said a comprehensive process is needed to prove that the women were sterilized. “We have to only entertain complaints of mothers who are sub-fertilized. The complaints mostly involve mothers who are not sub-fertilized. This is misleading the public,” he said. Then he said one needs to check on the male factor, if the woman is ovulating or not, then see if there is tubal blockage. “That too is not easy because tubes can be blocked by infections or other medical issues,” he said, stressing that the methodology being used to test the theory about Dr. Shafi’s case is wrong.

Meanwhile, a Fundamental Rights (FR) petition will soon be filed at the Supreme Court consequent to Dr. Shafi’s sudden arrest. Attorney-at-law Hejaaz Hizbullah who is appearing for Dr. Shafi said the case against the doctor was entirely speculative. The oddest factor, he said, is calling for complaints after an arrest, so as to justify the arrest.

“Everything against Dr. Shafi is on the media and social media. The B-report filed in courts has nothing him. This is a trial by media witch-hunt situation,” Hizbullah said. He said they are planning to take action against all who falsely accused Dr. Shafi. This includes the Mayor of Kurunegala for claiming, in another media report, that Dr. Shafi conducted abortions, and the Kurunegala Police DIG Wasantha Kithsiri Jayalath who led his arrest.

Meanwhile, Sunday Observer learns that DIG Jayalath is under investigation himself by the Special Investigations Unit (SIU) for giving statements to the media that could cause communal violence without notifying the Police Spokesperson. The said DIG’s wife is attached to the Teaching Hospital in Kurunegala where Dr. Shafi also works.

Even after the allegations against Dr. Shafi seem to have hit a dead end, the editor-in-chief of the newspaper where the controversial article was published told Reuters news agency, the ‘story was based on police and hospital sources, whom he said he could not identify’. The editor continues to stand by the story.

As for Dr Shafi’s wife Imara, the nightmare is far from over.

“I can’t sleep or eat properly. This is affecting our children badly,” she said. When the Easter Sunday attacks claimed 258 lives, she grieved for the country. “The terrorists have destroyed the Muslim community entirely. We are all Sri Lankans. We lived in harmony,” she said.

“I don’t know what the future will hold for my family. I don’t think things will go back to normal and fall back into place, even if my husband is proved innocent. The media has killed us.”

SRI LANKA: FMM CONDEMNS THE ATTEMPTS TO SUPPRESS JOURNALISTS AND MEDIA USING THE ICCPR ACT


2019 June 16/ Media Release.

Sri Lanka Brief16/06/2019

The Free Media Movement strongly condemns the attempts to pursue legal action under the provisions of the INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS (ICCPR) ACT No 56. of 2007 and urges all responsible stakeholders to draw their attention to avoid using the law unfairly.

Kusal Perera, has been engaged in journalism for a long time in both the Sinhala and English media and has been recognized as a socially responsible professional journalist both locally and internationally. The Organized Crime Division have reported to the Colombo Magistrate Courts regarding action to be taken against him based on the ICCPR Act about the article in the Daily Mirror "From Islamic terrorism to marauding Sinhala Buddhist violence
written by him in his weekly column to the Daily Mirror on 17 th May 2019.

On Friday the June 14 th police officers attempted to record a statement from the editors of the Daily Mirror newspaper that published the article. The police who were unable to record the statement from the editors of the Daily Mirror newspaper on that day due a technical error have reported that they will rectify the error and come back to record the statement. The Police have stated that they will also proceed to record a statement from Kusal Perera and have
obtained his address and contact number.

The Free media Movement points out that this effort by the Police is a serious threat to the freedom of expression and media and the pursuance of legal action under the ICCPR Act which includes provision to disallow bail, based on a complaint of an individual regarding the article published by a veteran journalist in a recognized print media, is a dangerous precedent.

The Free Media Movement urges all relevant stakeholders to intervene in averting this situation and for everyone who respect human rights to come forward to defeat such actions against the Freedom of expression and media freedoms.

Viranjana Herath
Convener

Intellectuals, Artists and Civil leaders against hounding journalist Kusal Perera; Statement of many signatures





(Lanka-e-News -17.June.2019, 1.45PM) We are reliably informed that the Organised Crime Division has petitioned the Colombo Magistrate Courts against journalist Kusal Perera who has written a political column in the Daily Mirror every Friday for many years. We also came to know that police officers had visited the Daily Mirror yesterday (Friday) in this regard. It is alleged that his article on 17 May 2019 on developments after the Easter Sunday tragedy is being interpreted by a complainant as inflaming religious rivalry, therefore making him liable to be arrested under the ICCPR Act No.57 of 2007.

LEN logoThis is a very grave situation. Throughout his adult life, Kusal Perera has stood against all forms of racism and has written extensively against extremism and terrorism openly and fearlessly. He is internationally known for his very strong anti-racist stand. He is accepted by all as an independent political critic too. As far as we know, he is the only journalist who contributes to both mainstream Sinhala and English newspapers. He was a regular political writer for the Sunday Lakbima and was invited often by Lankadeepa to write their Thursday political analysis. International media too seek comments from him as an independent political commentator.

Therefore, it is clear that this is an attempt by someone or some group to silence Kusal Pererato serve their petty interests. Permitting this travesty would not only violate Kusal Perera's freedom of expression but it would also curb independent views and dialogue within the broader society too. This is an extremely dangerous precedent in the making.

We therefore urge all those concerned to immediately intervene in stopping all action initiated against Kusal Perera.

Signed By

Parakrama Niriella, Dramatist
Wijayananda Jayaweera, Former Director Communication UNESCO
Dr.Sunil Wijesiriwardena, Lecturer and Researcher
Prof.Arjuna Parakrama, Senior Professor, Centre for study of Human rights, University, Peradeniya
Dr.Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri, Senior Lecturer
Prof.Liyanage Amarakeerthi, Professor, Dept of Sinhala, University of Peradeniya
Victor Ivan, Senior Journalist
Asoka Handagama, Film Director
Prasanna Vithanage, Film Director
Sudath Mahadivulwewa. Lecturer and Film Director
Vimukthi Jayasundara, Film Director
Ravindra Guruge, Film and TV Producer, Editor
M.Safeer, Dramatist
Anton Marcus, Trade Union Leader
Kumari Welagedara, Researcher and Social Activist
Selvaraj Leelawathy, Performing Artist
Rasaiah Logananthan, Performing Artist
Jeevanie Kariyawasam: Attorney-at-Law
Rathnasiri Paranavithana, Dramatist & Writer
Prof. Sasanka Perera - South Asian University, New Delhi
Thiyagaraja Waradas - Senior Lecturer, University of Colombo
Omar Rajarathnam - Communication Specialist
Vishnu Vasu - Musician
Philip Shantha - Journalist
Damith Chandimal - Social Activist
Dr. Chamindra Weerawardhana
Aadhil Ali Sabry - Journalist
Kalpana Ambrose - Writer
Chameera Dewantha - Activist
Anushka Indrasiri - Foreign University Student
Pujika Rathnayake - Concerned Citizen
Chamal Polwattage - Writer
Ishan Jalil - Human Rights Activist
Kaushalya Kumarasinghe - Writer
Asela Ekanayake - Banker
Sharni jayawardhana - Media Activist
Kelum Shivantha, Editor - Sri Lanka Mirror
Ashra Wickramathilaka - Researcher
Dr. Harini amarasiriya - Lecturer - Open University
Vidura Prabath Munasinghe (Attorney-at- Law) - Senior Researcher, Law & Society

Sumudu Guruge - Freelance researcher / Writer / Composer / Documentary film maker
Vinyya Ariyarathna - Medical Doctor
Ajith Perakum Jayasinghe - Editor, Praja.lk
Athula Pathirana - Director and Actor
Kanishka Guluwita - Urban Planner (Australia)
Maala Gabriel - Retired State Servant at UDA
Janaka Bandara - Fashion Designer
Dinushi Samarasekara - Architect
Deva Sanjeev - Digital Marketer
Anuradhi Perera - Independent Researcher
Paba Deshapriya - Social Activist
Priyanjan Suresh de Silva - Journalist
Malith Hegoda - Film Director
Rathnasiri Paranavithana, Dramatist & Writer
Malaka Dewapriya - Film Maker and Artist
Anusha Sivalingam - Writer
Kaushalya Herath - PhD Student
Saman Kariyakarawana - University Lecturer
Kavindya Tennakoon, Educator / MA Candidate, Stanford
Deanne Uyangoda - Attorney-at-Law
Subha Wijesiriwardena
Mohammed Infaz - Free Media Movement
Suchith Abeyewickreme - Concerned Citizen
Shanika Jayasekara -Journalist
Viduranga Tennakoon - Concerned Citizen
Sanjani Liyanage - Undergraduate, University of Moratuwa
Krishan Siriwardane - Media Researcher
Nirmani Liyanage - Senior Project Manager and Social Researcher
Asanka Senadeera - Researcher
Professor Sasanka Perera - South Asian University, New Delhi
Thiagarajah handouts - Senior Lecturer , University of Colombo
Omar Rajaratnam - Communications Specialist
Vishnu Vasu - musician
St. Philip - Journalist
Damith Chandimal - Social Actives
Lawyers life Kariyawasam
Dr. Chamindra Weerawardhana
Ādil Ali Sabri - Journalist
Ambrose thought - writer
Chameera Second trial - Social active
Anushka Indrasara - External Foreign University Students
Renowned Ratnayake Alert The Citizen
Chamal polvattagē - Writer
Jalil backside - Human Rights Action
Kumarasingha ingenuity - Writer
Asela Ekanayake - Bank Officer
Sharni Jayawardena - media activist
Kelum Shivantha - Editor , Sri Lanka Mirror
Allied Wickramatilake - Researcher
Dr. Harini Amarasuriya - Lecturer, Open University of Sri Lanka
Counsel Vidura Prabath Munasinghe - Senior Researcher The Law and Society Trust

Smooth Guruge - Independent Researcher , Writer , Musician, documentary film director 
Dr. Wing Ariyarathne
Parakum Ajith Jayasinghe - Editor , Praja.lk
Athula Pathirana - Director and actor
Kanishka guluviṭa Urban Designer (Australia)
Gabriel series - former state employees Urban Development Authority
Janaka Bandara - Clothing designers
Dinūṣi Samarasekera - Architect
Let Sanjeev Digital - Partner
Anuradhi Perera - Independent Independent research
Paba Deshappriya - Social activist
Priyanjan Suresh de Silva – Journalist
Malith Hegoda - Film Director
Rathnasiri Paranavithana - actor and writer
Malaka Dewapriya - Film director and actor
Anusha Sivalingam - Writer
Kaushalya Herath - doctoral candidate
Saman DFKariyakarawana - University Lecturer
Kavindya Tennekone - Educator / Masters degree candidate, Stanford
Attorney Diana nominated
ELT Wijesiriwardane
Mohamed Infaaz - FMM
Index Abeywickreme - Citizens are concerned
Shanika Jayasekara - Journalist
Viduranga Tennekone - Citizens are concerned
Saṁjāni Liyanage - Undergraduate, University of Moratuwa
Design Liyanage - Senior Project Manager and Social Researcher
Krishan Siriwardena - Communication Researcher 
Asanka Senadeera - Researcher 
Sandaruwan Senadheera - Editor, Lanka e News
---------------------------
by     (2019-06-17 08:27:48)

Christian shrine in Jaffna vandalised

17 June 2019
A roadside Christian shrine in Jaffna was vandalised and its statue smashed by unknown attackers on Sunday night.
The shrine to the Virign Mary in Maniyam Thoddam was one frequently used by local worshippers.
Police said they were investigating the incident.

The Cardinal’s prayer and politicians’ response


article_image
 

By Jehan Perera-June 17, 2019, 7:07 pm

Malcolm Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith expressed the sentiments that are with most Sri Lankans today irrespective of their ethnicity or religion. At the reopening of St Anthony’s Church, Kochchikade, which was one of the two Catholic churches that were heavily damaged in the suicide bomb attacks on Easter Sunday, he said that many people in the country are living in confusion in the aftermath of the attacks and are wondering whether the country can overcome the situation. He said "What we need is a leadership that will work for the country rather than themselves. A leader with a backbone who will not protect the guilty. A leader who is not afraid to punish wrongdoers." He added that the country needed leaders who would safeguard the rights of the people and would provide for economic upliftment. "These are the kind of leaders that the country needs today. We pray that there will be such leaders."

As the most prominent Catholic leader in the country today, the Cardinal’s words will carry weight on their own. Sri Lanka is a country where people give deference to religious clergy who are trusted by the communities as having the people’s interests in mind rather than how to obtain their votes. The Cardinal’s words have even greater weight at the present time as he speaks as the voice of those 259 persons who are no longer on this earth, having lost their lives in the bombings that took place in two Catholic churches and four other locations, including one evangelical Christian church. Cardinal Ranjith said the Islamist extremists who staged the suicide attacks against three churches and three luxury hotels were misguided youth who will have no place in heaven. "The innocent victims who died while in church are now angels in heaven."

The Cardinal’s words take on urgency and relevance because the 259 who lost their lives should not have died at all. There needs to be accountability on the part of all those who failed in their duty to safeguard the lives of people who depended on them for their safety. The ongoing proceedings of the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) into the reasons for the failure to prevent the attacks have disclosed that for several years prior to the Easter Sunday bombings, there were intelligence reports about the mobilisation of Islamist extremism in some parts of the country. Those who eventually organized the suicide bombers had been engaging in extremist party politics and befriending political leaders who wanted to get the votes to which these extremists had access. The political leaders may also have wanted to use them as instruments to weaken their local political rivals.

BASIC FAILURE

According to the basic principles of political science, the primary purpose of the state is to have a monopoly on the use of coercive force and use it to protect the people. By that standard, the responsibility for the death of the 259 will fall upon those political leaders who were, and remain, in charge of the highest offices of state. The revelations at the PSC hearings have disclosed how the supreme body vested with protecting the people’s security, the National Security Council, was virtually non-functional during the crucial period leading up to the Easter Sunday bombings and did not take up these issues. The time period includes the 52 day period of the constitutional coup, which saw President Maithripala Sirisena sack Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his government, and appoint former President Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister of a new government. During that period too, the National Security Council failed to take up these issues, which added to the vulnerability of national security.

Security forces personnel who served on the ground have said that post-2015 period was one that saw an escalation of militant activism by members of the radical Muslim groups, such as the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ in those pockets in the Eastern Province in which Muslims are a local majority. The NTJ members, or those who eventually became its members, attacked other Muslim groups. They used to fire their weapons in their training camps. The field commanders of the security forces would have routinely sent in their reports to their superiors. These incidents of militant Islamists using Sri Lankan territory to conduct their own military training would have been reported up the chain of command of the security forces but to no avail. They were not given orders to either arrest the militants or to search the areas in which they live for arms.

Unfortunately, the government has still not given its response as to how it will ensure that the terrible and terrific mistakes of the past will not be repeated. Instead, the President together with the opposition want the PSC shut down on the basis that it is letting out state secrets and undermining national security. The irony is that those who neglected national security should now make national security the reason to shut down a mechanism that is exposing how the government failed to uphold the most basic of the state’s duties to its people. As a result of this neglect, 259 people lost their lives and 500 others were injured. The primary duty of those who govern is to ensure that the rights of the people are safeguarded, and most of all their safety is assured. Unfortunately the primary task of those who currently govern Sri Lanka, or seek to govern it, appears to be to win elections at any or all costs.

FLAWED STRATEGIES

Instead of working together for accountability and justice, what is happening is a major political tussle between the different political actors who seem to show no interest in ensuring accountability of those who are responsible for dereliction of duty that facilitated the Easter Sunday attack taking place. Both President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe are called upon, in the midst of this current crisis, to work together to resolve the outstanding issues and put a new framework of counter-terrorism laws approved by parliament. However, the president has stated that he will not preside over cabinet meetings nor will he sign cabinet papers that will make them law. In addition, the president is threatening to continue his boycott of the cabinet meetings until the PSC in its present form is halted.

It is the country and people who will be negatively affected as a result due to the paralysis of government.

In an unfortunate indicator that partisan politics is motivating such decisions, there are reports coming in that the President is contemplating a non-binding referendum on the issue of whether or not to dissolve parliament before the presidential elections. Having created the problem of government paralysis by refusing to attend cabinet meetings and failing to come up with an action plan to prevent a recurrence of the failure of the Nations Security Council of which he is the Chairman, the president is trying to change the constitution through a non-binding referendum. However, the constitution clearly says that parliament can only be dissolved four and a half years after the elections of the new parliament. This means that the current parliament can run until February 2020.

It is strange to call a referendum to see if an existing constitutional provision may be overridden without even checking to see if a majority in parliament is in favour of this. A non-binding referendum would be meaningless in a context in which a 2/3 majority in parliament is an absolute requirement for any change of constitutional provision. An additional factor that goes against having a non-binding referendum is its cost, which will be in the region of half a billion rupees. The government could better utilise these resources to secure the future of the 259 innocent families who lost their loved ones and the 500 others who were injured as a result of government failure to discharge its most basic duty. Malcom Cardinal Ranjith’s prayer will need to be answered if Sri Lanka is to overcome the mis-governance it is being subjected to.

Our Cricket Board simply cannot deliver – why not they all quit honourably?


Dimuth Karunaratne

Sri Lanka did have the Perahera Effect many years ago. However, we soon cured the spectacle and we did not take time to storm to victory snatching the World Cup

logo Tuesday, 18 June 2019

“It is necessary, therefore, for the Government to pay serious attention to the doings of Sri Lanka Cricket [board] and take immediate action to lift their game for the progress of our glorious game.”


Question for Sri Lanka Cricket (board)

Sri Lanka is an amazing country. Cricket is the national sport and the whole country stands united only on the occasion of its cricketers on the field. The game is, therefore, crucial to our national psyche. Government and the Cricket Board must understand how much the game of cricket means to Sri Lankans and do everything in their power to deliver a good outcome.

The talent is there and so is the experience and built-up cricketer confidence. Yet, over the last decade we get extremely frustrated to see our players going down so miserably – match after match. We expatriates living in Australia ask just one question from Sri Lankan Cricket (SLC): Why don’t you gentlemen quit honourably and hand the management of cricket to young sportspersons?


Return of the Perahera Effect

On 15 June, we had Sri Lanka playing Australia in the World Cup. How heart-warmingly we saw young players in the top order – Karunaratne and Mendis – play their shots against the spirited and professional pace attack of the Aussies?

Karunaratne just missed a glorious century. Wasn’t it 150 for one at one point? Then, we had a middle order total collapse and no tail to give a last ditched fight. Lankan schoolboys refer to this as the ‘Perahera Effect.’

Sri Lanka did have the Perahera Effect many years ago. However, we soon cured the spectacle and we did not take time to storm to victory snatching the World Cup. Now, the Perahera Effect has returned and the whole game of cricket is down to the ground.


Talent training and selection methods

Who do we blame? Not players, as we have adequate reserves of talent in our country lined up to play. We need to have a system in force to spot talent and train potentially good players. Australia has a Cricket Academy, which does that. Since cricket brings good income to players and the latter can devote full time for training even in Sri Lanka, why not we do that? The whole effort is self-sustaining. What has our Board done here?

We have grave doubts about selection methods and procedures when teams are selected. Perhaps right players are left out and wrong fellows are put in place. What can the Board say about its picking procedures? Why don’t they come to the media and tells us?


Political influence?
I have heard Board Members complain of political pressure. If politicians intervene, that again, is the responsibility of the Board to bring under control. SLC Board cannot shake away from taking charge of an obstruction like that.

Stories are a galore that some Board Members have been cooperating with politicians in order to please the latter. During our civil service career me and most of my vintage have worked with ministers and politicians and have been subject to intense pressure but we have been able to withstand undue influence on choice in a tactful manner; thereby holding our ground in the public interest.

That is managerial skill and if the Board Members lack that, then they must, in the name of God, quit instead of caving in like immobilised strangled animals.

I believe even the Minister in charge of sports is incompetent-despite all the hope he had generated when he was appointed. Has the Minister acquiesced in the current poor show of the Board? Harin Fernando must be scared of the Board. Or is he liking to share some of the perks that the administrators of cricket can afford to share with him? Honestly, I do not know the answer. The fact is Harin’s silence is strange.


Facebook posting

I posted the following in my Facebook, meant to be universally applicable to all organisations: “Be it a political party, a religious organisation, an alumni club, or a simple cricket board; a controlling few or an ‘elite’ ends to form over time. If the money is there, such elites will develop into a close corrupt group blocking newcomers who alone can refreshen the organisation.”

I had an immediate response from a very high up in the SLC Board, whose name I shall not mention as I have known him for many years and do not want him to face serious embarrassment. This is his response: “Don’t talk bullshit, without knowing facts about the Cricket Board Shyamon I have told you many times. Come for a debate when I am next in Melbourne I will take you on.”

My posting was about a universal principle of organisational behaviour. I reminded the official that this principle is valid for his Board too. As a responsible official of the Board he should have made serious note of what I said, accepted my posting as feedback, and thought it time to address media in order to try and construct a better image before the public.

The public perception of the Board is very poor. Opposition Member of Parliament Sumathipala had been chairman for long ensuring his re-election every time. Being a MP that was conflict of interest. To date we don’t have a clue of what he did to improve cricket.


Mahela Jayawardene

Sri Lanka’s star world-class player Mahela Jayawardene who was invited to an advisory position in the Board flatly repudiated the offer saying he was sure they would not listen to his advice.

In this way, the Board seems to be struggling at odds against those who matter for cricket and determined to be bureaucratically ensconced in an isolated tower.

Income

We know that Sri Lankan cricket brought in heaps of money into the Board and that that money had been squandered over one thing or another. Actually sport is a significant GDP booster in countries like Australia. Sportsmen are paid well, administrators get enough money and the economy derives large benefits. This happened in our country when our cricket did well. However, it is a different story now. At this rate, I wouldn’t be surprised if competing cricketing countries place tournaments with our cricket team for ‘low seasons’.

It is necessary, therefore, for the Government to pay serious attention to the doings of SLC Board and take immediate action to lift their game for the progress of our game.
(The writer can be reached at sjturaus@optusnet.com.au.)

Muslims 'targeted with arbitrary arrests' after Easter massacre

EU joins warning call as Muslims, activists and politicians report rising arrests in Sri Lanka and police bullying.
Mazahina, left, pictured with her husband, was arrested over a pattern on one of her dresses which was wrongly believed to resemble the dharmachakra, a Buddhist symbol [Lisa Fuller/Al Jazeera]
Mazahina, left, pictured with her husband, was arrested over a pattern on one of her dresses which was wrongly believed to resemble the dharmachakra, a Buddhist symbol [Lisa Fuller/Al Jazeera]

by & -16 Jun 2019
Hasalaka, Sri Lanka - On May 17, police in central Sri Lanka arrested Abdul Raheem Mazahina, a soft-spoken 47-year-old grandmother, because of the pattern on her dress.
The dress's motifs look like ship wheels, but police told Mazahina, a Muslim, they were arresting her because the pattern resembled the dharmachakra, a Buddhist symbol.
Mazahina, who has asthma and hypertension, had worn the dress many times before and no one had taken notice.
"If it was a dharmachakra, someone would have pointed it out to me," she said. 

Sri Lanka's Department of Buddhist Religious Affairs later told authorities that they were unable to determine whether the symbol on the dress was in fact a dharmachakra.
Police in Hasalaka - which lies 130km east of Sri Lanka's capital Colombo - charged Mazahina under a hate speech law, as well as another law that prohibits insulting religions with the "malicious intention of outraging religious feelings", said her lawyer Fathima Nushra Zarook.
Police spokesman Ruwan Gunasekara told Al Jazeera Mazahina is one of 2,289 people - including 1,820 Muslims - who were arrested "in connection to the Easter bombings or related incidents", though he confirmed that the charges against Mazahina only pertain to her dress. 
Over 250 people died and 500 were wounded on April 21 in a coordinated series of bombings on churches and luxury hotels across the country. the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL or ISIShas claimed responsibility for the attacks.
While 1,655 of those arrested have been released on bail, 634 are still in custody, either because they have been remanded or they are under investigation, Gunasekara said. 
Of the 423 who have been remanded, 358 are Muslims.
Detention of Muslims in Sri Lanka
Banners outside Zion Church in Batticaloa, which was bombed, commemorating the victims who died during the Easter attacks [File: Lisa Fuller/Al Jazeera]
"At the police station, the officer in charge made me remove my headscarf and put on the dress while other officers took photographs of me," Mazahina said, fighting back tears.
During the 17 days that she spent behind bars, guards repeatedly referred to Mazahina as a "terrorist", she said. 
On June 3, a magistrate court released Mazahina on bail, but she has to return to court in November. If convicted, she could face up to two years in prison.

EU 'deeply concerned'

Three quarters of Sri Lanka's population is Buddhist, while less than 10 percent are Muslim. Hindus and Christians make up the remainder of the population.
Mazahina's blood pressure increased while she was in prison and she has been ill since returning home. Her husband, Munaf, took leave from his job as a day labourer to care for her. As a result, the family has no source of income. 
The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL), a government body, has received several complaints regarding arbitrary arrests of Muslims, according to its chairperson Deepika Udugama.
"We are deeply concerned and will write to the acting inspector general of police ... with examples of such arrests and the recommendations," she said.
In a 2017 report, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions said it "identified systemic problems within [Sri Lanka's] criminal justice system which placed defendants at a high risk of arbitrary detention".
However, before the Easter attacks, arbitrary detentions targeted ethnic Tamils, who are Hindu and Christian. 
Sri Lanka fought a 26-year-long civil war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who fought for an independent Tamil homeland.
When asked if police had any concerns about arbitrary arrests of Muslims, police spokesperson Gunasekara said: "How can I say this? If anyone has an objection, they can complain to police headquarters or the HRCSL." 
He claimed that the police headquarters had yet to receive any such complaints.
On Wednesday, the European Union issued a statement saying that they are "deeply concerned by the political and religious pressure being directed at Sri Lanka's Muslim community which is undermining peace and reconciliation in the country".
It is true that the perpetrators of the April 21 bombings were from our community, but from the first day onwards, the Muslim community have assisted the Tri-Forces in rooting out these individuals, yet we have also suffered immensely during this process.
RAUFF HAKEEM, MUSLIM POLITICIAN IN SRI LANKA
Jezima (not her real name), 58, told Al Jazeera that police in Badulla district refused to let her file a complaint after her husband went missing in police custody.
Police asked Jezima's husband to report to a police station to explain why he had two passports.
Jezima said she was not concerned because there was a simple reason for the passports: one was expired and one was current.
But her husband never came back from the police station and police refused to give Jezima his whereabouts.
After searching for 12 days, Jezima sought help from HRCSL, which tracked her husband to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) in Colombo.
The CID assured Jezima it would release her husband by June 3. But over a week later, he was yet to come home. 
Al Jazeera also spoke to 20-year-old Aslam Rizwi, who had been detained for possessing a damaged SD memory card, and his neighbour 19-year-old Abdul Arees, who was arrested for having footage of the Easter bombings on his phone which he had received on a WhatsApp group.
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader Rauff Hakeem, who resigned from his ministerial portfolio last week citing the government's failure to protect Muslims, said that they were being harassed and detained for trivial reasons.
"It is true that the perpetrators of the April 21 bombings were from our community, but from the first day onwards, the Muslim community have assisted the Tri-Forces in rooting out these individuals, yet we have also suffered immensely during this process," he said.
The crackdown has been particularly severe in Kattankudy, the east coast hometown of the alleged mastermind of the Easter attacks, Zaharan Hashim.
"Everyone is afraid. So many innocent people have been arrested," said a university lecturer in Kattankudy, who asked not to be named. "People call the police on us if they think we look suspicious," he said.
Detention of Muslims in Sri Lanka
Zion Church in Batticaloa was bombed during the April 21 Easter attacks and is close to the hometown of the alleged mastermind [Lisa Fuller/Al Jazeera]
The All Ceylon Jammiathul Ulema, an organisation advocating for Muslims' civil rights in Sri Lanka, is testifying before the Parliament Select Committee, which is investigating the Easter attacks.
Mufti Rizvi, who leads the organisation, appealed to the committee to take immediate action on increasing reports of arbitrary detentions. 
"An elderly man was arrested for having a Quranic verse, a poor woman was arrested for wearing a dress which had the pattern of a ship's wheel and a pregnant lady was arrested for wanting to vomit," he said. "How can you expect de-radicalisation to happen in the country if this continues?"
SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

Mass resignation of Muslim Ministers and an analogy of parochialism

  • Ven. Gnanasara raised prospect of fresh communal backlash
  • GoSL should do more, to protect Muslims from revenge attacks
  • Tamils as a community lost their once esteemed place
 17 June 2019
It does not take a political scientist to feel that the mass resignation of Muslim Ministers is in bad faith. More so when they took place barely six weeks after Islamic terrorists unleashed a serial carnage, killing over 250 Easter worshippers and tourists and injuring many hundreds more. 
Worse still they resigned en masse in an awkward defence of two Muslim governors and a Minister who were accused of being in cahoots with extremists. The collusion of some of top Muslim politicians in Wahhabization and Arabization of local Muslims were alleged for long and overlooked for political convenience. There were also fresh allegations over the business relations between Minister Rishad Bathiudeen and his brother with the family of twin suicide bombers in Dematagoda - and a subsequent phone call made by the Minister to the commander of the Army over an arrested suspect. The Batticaloa campus dubbed a ‘Shari’a university’  partly owned by M.L.A.M. Hizbullah is now under scrutiny over illegally receiving 24 million USD from a Qatari foundation.
Some quarters of Buddhist monks, some of course tainted by strong ultra-nationalist affiliations, demanded the resignation of three Muslim politicians, ex-governors Azath Sally,  Hizbullah and Bathiudeen.
A death fast launched by Ven. Athuraliya Rathana MP drew support from more than the traditional Sinhalese Buddhist audience; he was visited by Archbishop Cardinal Malcom Ranjith. Shops were closed in majority Catholic areas. Another ultimatum issued by Ven. Galagodaatte Gnanasara raised the prospect of a fresh communal backlash. The two governors were persuaded to resign just after the ultimatum lapsed. Hours later all the Muslim Cabinet, non Cabinet and deputy Ministers resigned, along with Minister Bathiudeen. The basic legal principle is that a suspect is presumed innocent until proven guilty. Borrowing from that, it was argued that calls for the resignation of Muslim Ministers and governors without an investigation were in bad faith and  that they smacked of racism. 
That is hogwash. The same folks, NGO captains, social media warriors and a few everyday Joes who think parroting the same garbage makes them posh, did not come up with that excuse when Ravi Karunanayake who was accused of an equally egregious abuse of his ministerial position and his complicity in the bond scam (for both of which, he has not yet been officially tried) was asked to resign. 
"The Batticaloa campus dubbed a ‘Shari’a university’  partly owned by M.L.A.M. Hizbullah is now under scrutiny over illegally receiving 24 million USD from a Qatari foundation"
That was a fair call then, and Ravi K, equally thick skinned, resigned only after much persuasion. Whether he was a crook is for the Courts to decide, so is whether the three Muslim politicos were enablers of Wahhabi or Salafi extremism. Allegations do not erode the presumption of their innocence until proven guilty. 
The fasting monk did not demand that the Muslim politicians under scrutiny be locked up without a trial in the Mao’s style (or that of Kingdom of Saudi Arabia or Iran). Instead, he demanded that they resign for the obvious fact that those allegations themselves were a big enough stain on the integrity of public office they held.   
(The erosion of public trust in the public office is not mitigated,  simply because the accused politicians are of ethnic minority origin or Ranil Wickremesinghe, the embattled prime minister has reappointed Ravi K, one of his only true loyalists, to a Cabinet post within months after his resignation). 
On the other hand, it was stone- faced refusal by the three politicians, and the vacillation of their appointing authority , the buck stops at the president, that led the Sinhala nationalist Right to take to the streets. Their tactics may not be healthy for a pluralistic democracy, but, their demand was reasonable. Elsewhere in norm binding political systems, holders of public office have habitually resigned when their integrity was challenged. 
There is another logic for mass resignations. They smack of a calculated gesture to shift the blame. It also distracts the Muslim community from a much needed introspection over the Wahhabi radicalization of the community.  The radicalization and Arabization in the name of ‘true Islam’  were embraced and facilitated by most Muslim politicians and community elders. The drivers and facilitators of Wahabization occupied the top echelons, staring from All Ceylon Jamayathul Ulama(ACJU), the top most Muslim theologians, who have  periodically issued Fatwa’s promoting Wahabism and decrying traditional Sufi practices. As way back in 2009, when a few really bothered about Islamic fundamentalists, ACJU issued a fatwa instructing women to wear Burka. 
More recently, the same group campaigned against the reforms in Muslim marriage and divorce law and at one time, they also demanded the legalizing of female genital mutilation. None of the Muslim parliamentarians spoke out against any of that. They were enablers of Wahabism by commission or electorally calculated omission. Communal backlash and collective demonization of Muslims after the Easter Sunday mayhem is deplorable and should be avoided at all cost. Still, that reaction is predicable and not unique to Sri Lanka. From Gujarat to 9/11, terrorist attacks have triggered a backlash on Muslims. In New York, even Sikhs wearing turban were mistaken for Muslims and targeted. 
The government in Colombo should do more, to protect Muslims from revenge attacks and to confront rising Islamophobia. It should act proactively when the danger looms. But, this government  is spectacularly weak and is torn apart by internal bickering. Its incompetency is not racism. Not that the Muslim MPs know that. They were part of this government all too long. Their playing victim card is intended for the foreign audience, mostly those of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation(OIC). Earlier OIC issued a statement cautioning anti-Muslim attacks in Sri Lanka will have regional and geopolitical implications. There is behind-the-curtain lobbying to get the OIC to issue a stricture on Sri Lanka. Given the dependency on remittance by the immigrant workers in the Middle East, made ever more important in the backdrop of reduced tourist earnings after the Easter attacks, Sri Lanka is dependent on these countries. 
"Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UAE, their individual donors and organizations are also active promoters of Wahabism and Salafism. The emergence of parallel societies in Muslim dominated areas in the East are intrinsically linked to ‘Gulf funding"
Some of those states, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UAE, their individual donors and organizations are also active promoters of Wahabism and Salafism. The emergence of parallel societies in Muslim dominated areas in the East are intrinsically linked to ‘Gulf funding’.
Both the government and Muslim MPs could learn from an historical analogy:  In the not-so- distant history, Tamil political elites did a colossal blunder. They refused to condemn the killing of 13 soldiers by the LTTE in July 1983 (whereas Muslim MPs and Muslim society have unequally condemned the Easter Sunday carnage). They declined to uphold an amendment to the Constitution that envisaged to defend territorial integrity and resigned en masse from their parliamentary seats. They habitually resorted to use India to bully  the Sri Lankan state, and utilized nascent militancy to intimidate the government. It might have felt then though temporarily that their strategy was paying off (there are still Tiger apologists who tend to believe in the same). But 30 years on, it appeared clear that they dug their own graves, both literally and figuratively. Two generations of Tamil youth were lost, and Tamils as a community lost their once esteemed place. The self-destruction of the community was almost complete by the time the war was brought to a brutal, but conclusive end. 

That is not a feat that Muslims dream for themselves. Nor did Tamils, but parochialism of their political elites, (and much less the real grievances) drew them to that end. There are lessons for the government too. Which are a lot more than playing homage to naïve political correctness. That also includes reorganizing domestic and foreign policy for a potential long term fallout. 
Probably, that would be up for discussion for some other time. 
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