Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, February 7, 2019

Saudis 'seriously undermined' Turkey's Khashoggi inquiry, says UN expert

Special rapporteur Agnes Callamard says Khashoggi’s murder was ‘brutal, premeditated and planned by officials of the state’

A demonstrator holds picture of Jamal Khashoggi during a protest in front of Saudi Arabia’s consulate in Istanbul. Photograph: Osman Örsal/Reuters

 in Washington-
The Saudi regime “seriously curtailed and undermined” the Turkish investigation into the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, according to a UN human rights expert looking into the case.

Agnes Callamard, a UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial killings, said the Saudi dissident and Washington Post columnist was the victim of a “brutal, premeditated killing planned and perpetrated by officials of the state of Saudi Arabia”.

Khashoggi was lured into the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on the promise of being given documents that would help him remarry. Inside he was suffocated and then his body was dismembered, according to a Turkish investigation.

In a preliminary report, Callamard said that she had heard “parts of the chilling and gruesome audio material obtained and retained by the Turkish intelligence agency”.

Callamard said Turkey’s efforts to carry out a proper investigation had “been seriously curtailed and undermined by Saudi Arabia”.

She said: “Woefully inadequate time and access was granted to Turkish investigators to conduct a professional and effective crime-scene examination and search required by international standards for investigation.”

Callamard, a French human rights expert, is due to deliver a final report to the UN human rights council in June. On Thursday she provided an assessment of her visit to Turkey to pursue the investigation, from 28 January and 3 February.

She said that Saudi killers had exploited diplomatic immunity to carry out the murder.

“Guarantees of immunity were never intended to facilitate the commission of a crime and exonerate its authors of their criminal responsibility or to conceal a violation of the right to life,” Callamard said. “The circumstances of the killing and the response by state representatives in its aftermath may be described as ‘immunity for impunity’.”

US intelligence chiefs have told Congress that the Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, almost certainly ordered the killing or was aware of it, but Donald Trump and his secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, have insisted that the evidence is incomplete and investigations would continue.
Pompeo is due to meet the Saudi foreign minister, Adel al-Jubeir, in Washington on Thursday afternoon.

Riyadh has denied the prince was involved. The Saudi public prosecutor has charged 11 men with the murder, saying last month that he would seek the death penalty for five of them.
Callamard said she had “major concerns” about the fairness of the Saudi proceedings and had asked to visit Riyadh.

“The murder of Jamal Khashoggi and the sheer brutality of it has brought irreversible tragedy to his loved ones,” she said. “It is also raising a number of international implications which demand the urgent attention of the international community including the United Nations.”

Sayeeda Warsi on Islamophobia, the changing face of Conservative politics and human rights policy

-6 Feb 2019Presenter
Sayeeda Warsi was the first Muslim MP to serve in British Cabinet. She resigned in 2014 over the Conservative Party’s policy towards the Isaeli Gaza conflict, and has since been appointed as a life peer in the House of Lords.
She talks to Krishnan about wanting an inquiry into Islamophobia in the Tory Party, why she thinks politics has gone backwards and how a globally adopted human rights policy would change things.

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UNICEF Calls for Safer Internet Day

UNICEF calls for concerted action to prevent bullying and harassment for the over 70 per cent of young people online worldwide

Thirty years after the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the creation of the World Wide Web, it’s time for renewed focus on children’s digital rights

UNICEF cautioned today of the dangers posed by online violence, cyberbullying and digital harassment for the 70.6 per cent of young people aged 15 to 24 years old who are online globally, and called for concerted action to tackle and prevent violence against children and young people online.
The call, made on Safer Internet Day, comes following a recent UNICEF poll of young people, which received more than 1 million responses over five weeks from more than 160 countries, and suggestions from a series of student-led #ENDviolence Youth Talks held around the world. In it, young people provided thoughtful responses about what they and their parents, teachers and policymakers could do to keep them safe — and kindness stood out as one of the most powerful means to prevent bullying and cyberbullying.
The Internet has become a fixture of young people’s lives regardless of income level. According to the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), while 94 per cent of young people aged 15-24 in developed countries are online, more than 65 per cent of young people in developing countries are online. This is well ahead of the pace of Internet usage among the general population. Worldwide, half of the total population, regardless of age, is online. According to UNICEF’s 2018 Report ‘Keeping Children Safe and Empowered Online’, 52.8 per cent of young people in Sri Lanka access the internet – with the average age of first access being 13 years.
This online proliferation comes with increased risk. According to data from UNESCO on the prevalence of cyberbullying in high income countries, the proportion of children and adolescents who are affected by cyberbullying ranges from 5 per cent to 21 per cent, with girls appearing to be more likely to experience cyberbullying than boys.
“Sri Lanka must be commended for developing a National Plan of Action, of which the online safety of children has been made a priority. We all need to now accelerate its implementation to ensure that every child in Sri Lanka is protected from violence, abuse and exploitation.
This will fulfill Sri Lanka’s commitment to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Global Partnership to End Violence Against Children” said UNICEF Sri Lanka Representative, Tim Sutton.
Cyberbullying can cause profound harm as it can quickly reach a wide audience, and can remain accessible online indefinitely, virtually ‘following’ its victims online for life. Bullying and cyberbullying feed into each other, forming a continuum of damaging behaviour. Victims of cyberbullying are more likely to use alcohol and drugs and skip school than other students. They also are more likely to receive poor grades and experience low self-esteem and health problems. In extreme situations, cyberbullying has led to suicide. On Safer Internet Day, UNICEF is reminding everyone that kindness – both online and off – is a responsibility that begins with each of us. According to the Ending Violence in Childhood Global Report 2017, 38 per cent of children in Sri Lanka aged 13 to 15 have experienced bullying, while 47 per cent of these children have also reported having physical fights.
In honor of the 30th anniversary of the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, UNICEF is also calling for renewed urgency and cooperation to put children’s rights at the forefront of digital efforts. As part of this, UNICEF is implementing programs to leverage the internet’s promise of connectivity and education on behalf of the world’s children. For example, UNICEF’s Internet of Good Things aims to bridge the digital divide and build knowledge in societies by hosting mobile-packaged content designed to make life-saving and life-improving information available for free, even on low-end devices.
The Convention on the Rights of the Child came into being in 1989. Since then, 194 state parties including Sri Lanka have ratified it, making it the most widely accepted human rights treaty in history.  Sri Lanka ratified the CRC in 1991, which then led to the establishment of a National Children’s Charter based on the CRC, which was approved by the cabinet, enabling its application into state policy.

Congress to scrap law punishing Muslim men for 'triple talaq' if voted back to power

People protest against a bill passed by Lok Sabha that aims at prosecuting Muslim men who divorce their wives through the "triple talaq," or instant divorce, in New Delhi, January 4, 2018. REUTERS/Adnan Abidi/Files

NEW DELHI (Reuters) - The main opposition Congress party said on Thursday it would scrap a decree passed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government prescribing jail terms for Muslim men seeking an instant divorce if the party wins an election due by May.

Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in January issued an executive order making the practice - which allows Muslim men to divorce their wives by saying the word “talaq”, or “divorce” in Arabic, three times - an offence punishable with up to three years in jail.

The order was issued after a bill that had sought to make the practice a non-bailable offence faced resistance from Congress and some other parties in Rajya Sabha despite being approved by Lok Sabha late last year.

Modi has said the action is necessary to empower women, but Congress said it unfairly punished Muslim men.

“We oppose it because it is another weapon devised by Mr. Narendra Modi to imprison Muslim men or drag them to police stations,” Sushmita Dev, president of the women’s wing of Congress, said in a speech.

“I promise to you that a Congress government will come to power in 2019 and we will scrap this triple talaq law,” she said.

Dev was speaking at a meeting of minority members of the party, where Congress President Rahul Gandhi said to loud cheers that “irrespective of your language, religion, caste, Congress party will always protect you”.

India’s 1.3 billion population is 80 percent Hindu and 14.2 percent Muslim.

The BJP, which hopes to win the support of Muslim women by taking on a divorce practice banned in Muslim-majority nations such as Pakistan and Indonesia, called the Congress’ plan the “height of appeasement”.

“Neither Muslim women nor the Indian public will forgive them for such a regressive thought,” BJP spokesman Sambit Patra told reporters.

The Supreme Court outlawed triple talaq in August last year and asked the government to introduce legislation to enforce the court ruling.

The government first issued an ordinance against the practice in September, after instances of Muslim men divorcing their wives over the messaging app WhatsApp, or for reasons such as poor cooking.

Indonesia’s struggle with renewable energy


By
INDONESIAN President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo inaugurated the 75-megawatt Sidrap Wind Farm in South Sulawesi in July 2018. Built by the foreign firm UPC Renewables at a cost of US$150 million, Sidrap is the first grid-connected wind farm of any meaningful scale in Indonesia and is expected to generate power for up to 70,000 households.
This was welcome news for those wondering how Indonesia was going to achieve its ambitious goal of sourcing 23 percent of its energy from renewable sources by 2025. But does this mean Indonesia is on the cusp of a clean energy revolution?
If history is any indication, there is reason to be sceptical. According to state-owned utility company PLN, installed capacity of grid-connected solar in 2017 was just 7.98 megawatts, while wind power stood at a negligible .88 megawatts.
This is a tiny fraction of Indonesia’s total installed capacity in 2017 of 55,925 megawatts. PLN-operated geothermal and hydropower plants accounted for a larger share at 4,134 megawatts, almost all of which was added decades ago. Power purchased from independent developers has not been much better. Coal continues to dominate, with PLN consuming over 54 million tons to run its plants in 2017.
In early 2018, the government capped the price of domestic coal at US$70 per ton, well below the global market price. Indonesia has large coal reserves and this ensures that coal-fired plants will have access to a steady supply of cheap fuel at least through the 2019 election season. While this may be politically expedient, it makes it very difficult for renewable technologies to compete with fossil fuels.
These disappointing numbers are compounded by the fact that, according to the International Energy Agency, Indonesia is endowed with a wealth of potential renewable energy sources. They estimate the country has the potential to develop 75,000 megawatts of hydropower, 4.80-kilowatt hours per square meter per day of solar, 32,654 megawatts of biomass and holds 40 percent of the world’s geothermal reserves at around 28,000 megawatts.
shutterstock_683968324
Coal Power Plant PT. Indonesia Power UJP JABAR 2 1050-megawatt (MW) coal-fired station Pelabuhan Ratu Jawa Barat Indonesia August 2016. Source: Ares Jonekson/Shutterstock
So why is the sector stagnant?
There are a number of reasons, the first being cost. While the levelised cost of renewables has dropped dramatically in the last few years, inducing investment at scale in Indonesia is still a more expensive proposition than in places that have seen faster growth, such as China and India. This is because regulatory uncertainty and a cumbersome bureaucracy tend to inhibit investor interest unless PLN is willing to pay above market prices. This adds to the cost, even in an era of increasingly inexpensive renewables.
But PLN is not flush with cash. Indonesia has a constitutional mandate to provide affordable electricity to its people, putting the utility in a tough spot when it comes to developing a sustainable financial model.
The Ministry of Energy, not PLN, sets the consumer price of electricity. These rates have been frozen through the build-up to the election. With its ability to raise revenue constrained, PLN must keep costs down in order to remain solvent.
With access to cheap domestic coal and no political appetite for passing the high initial costs of renewable technologies onto the public, the most prudent way to keep costs in check is to lean into inexpensive fossil fuels.
Even when the government has shown a willingness to shoulder the cost of developing renewables, the policies put forward have been badly designed and poorly implemented. Since 2011, Indonesia has experimented with a number of pricing mechanisms and feed-in tariff schemes — PLN entered into private agreements to off-take power generated by independent renewable developers at fixed prices.
The problem is that the regulatory frameworks governing these agreements have frequently changed and bureaucratic red tape and ministerial communication breakdowns have driven down investor confidence.
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An open-pit coal mine in Jambi, south Sumatra. May 19, 2017. Source: Goh Chai Hin/AFP
For instance, the pricing mechanism for geothermal power was initially pegged to oil prices, which then changed to a ceiling price for all of Indonesia and finally ended up as a feed-in tariff that was rolled out by the Ministry of Energy without consulting the Ministry of Finance. The regulatory uncertainty and coordination breakdowns go a long way in explaining the lack of growth in the sector.
Ultimately, developing clean energy in the country is more of a want than a need at the moment. Indonesia has large coal reserves and is one of the world’s largest net exporters of coal. It is somewhat insulated from fluctuations in global coal prices. It is not as motivated to develop alternate energy sources as other countries that depend on coal imports, such as the neighbouring Philippines where renewable energy development has exploded in the last few years.
The fossil fuel industry in Indonesia is immensely powerful — it is the primary source of fuel for energy throughout the archipelago and has played a dominant role in the country’s economy for decades. In an energy market where fossil fuel interests are so powerful, it is not surprising that renewables have struggled to find a foothold.
There have been a few promising signs recently, including Sidrap and a few small-scale wind and solar plants in Eastern Indonesia that have reached financial close. But until PLN and the Ministry of Energy can work out how to address some fundamental challenges — keeping generating costs down while financing renewables at scale, improving poor policy design and drumming up real political momentum to challenge the powerful extractive industry lobby — it is unlikely that renewables will pose a serious challenge to fossil fuels in Indonesia in the near future.
James Guild is a PhD candidate in Political Economy at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore. You can follow him on Twitter at @jamesjguild.
This article is republished from the East Asia Forum under a Creative Commons licence.

Health systems must provide cancer screening, detection and diagnosis at all levels of care

Breast Cancer Awareness Month Pink Ribbon Sign on Transparent Background Vector Illustration Stock Vector - 87820049

logoWednesday, 6 February 2019 

Cancer is far from an equal-opportunity killer. In 2018 – 18.1 million new cases developed worldwide, while around 9.6 million people died from the disease. 70% of those deaths occurred in low and middle-income countries, including those of the WHO South-East Asia region.

Inadequate access to cancer screening, diagnosis and treatment is the primary cause. In 2017 just 30% of low-income countries reported having appropriate cancer treatment services available. That compares to more than 90% of high-income countries. Just 26% of low-income countries meanwhile reported having pathology services generally available in the public sector, leading to late diagnosis and a lower chance of successful treatment.

Member States region-wide have taken action. As early as 2015 the Regional Committee adopted a resolution on the way forward for cancer prevention and control, emphasising the need to strengthen national programs. That commitment was fortified in 2017, when the World Health Assembly adopted a resolution that promoted an integrated approach to providing cancer services, and when in 2018 the WHO Global Initiative for Childhood Cancer was launched. To accelerate region-wide progress and counter the fact that more than 67% of the region’s cancer patients die before the age of 70, several core initiatives must be strengthened.

Of pressing need is integrating national cancer control programs into health systems at every level. While tertiary services are important, they are expensive and generally most effective when a cancer is detected early. To make that happen, effective cancer screening services must be available at both secondary and primary facilities, while health workers must be trained to identify the signs and symptoms that could lead to a positive diagnosis.

Member States should also continue to implement policies that prioritise cancer prevention across sectors. That could mean pursuing the plain-packaging of tobacco products (tobacco is the single largest cause of cancer, making up around 22% of cancer deaths), better regulating alcohol consumption or promoting the virtues of a healthy diet and active lifestyle. It could also mean strengthening immunisation programs to ensure everyone receives the hepatitis B vaccine and all females receive the human papilloma virus vaccine.

Importantly, and as the theme of this year’s World Cancer Day – ‘I am and I will’ – emphasises, each of us can be a changemaker. By avoiding behaviours that are linked to cancer we can reduce our own risk while encouraging our peers to do the same. Notably, we can also promote high-level engagement and funding of national programs. As a 2014 World Health Assembly resolution urges, beyond prevention and control, this should include promoting quality palliative services able to give terminal patients the care and dignity they deserve.

WHO is committed to working with Member States to strengthen cancer prevention and control programs region-wide. Doing so is commensurate with the region’s flagship priorities on tackling noncommunicable diseases, as well as achieving universal health coverage. It is also commensurate with the conviction that people in low- and middle-income countries should be at no greater risk of cancer and associated mortality than those anywhere else in the world.

(The writer is WHO Regional Director for South-East Asia.)

Mosquitoes 'put off biting' by human diet drugs


Aedes aegypti mosquito
Female mosquitoes are the only ones which bite humans - for a blood meal

7 February 2019
Scientists say they may have found a way to reduce the appetite of blood-hungry mosquitoes, by giving them human diet drugs.
This left them feeling full and bloated and put them off biting, US researchers said.
They said the technique could be used to prevent illnesses such as Zika, yellow fever and malaria.
But their research is still in its early stages, the study in the journal Cell reports.
The researchers, from Rockefeller University in New York City, conducted their experiments on Aedes aegypti mosquitoes.
Female mosquitoes of this species - who are the only ones who bite - are fiercely attracted to human beings, because their blood contains the protein they need to produce their eggs.
Once fed, that attraction to humans goes away, leaving them with little interest in another blood meal for several days.

No appetite

When the researchers gave the mosquitoes a saline solution containing the diet drugs, they were amazed to find that the mosquitoes' appetite plummeted, just as it does in humans.
To measure this, they dangled a bit of nylon stocking full of body odour belonging to study author Laura Duvall, a postdoctoral fellow at Rockefeller University, in front of them.
They then tested all of the mosquitoes' neuropeptide receptors with the drugs and discovered which particular one was responsible for controlling and switching off a mosquito's appetite.
This knowledge can now help them find out where it is produced in the insect's body and how it is activated to control feeding behaviour.
The researchers also identified a different compound, rather than a human diet drug - which would not be suitable for use in the wild - which could turn the insect's appetite on and off.

'Run out of ideas'

The research team says its findings have huge implications for future research.
"We're starting to run out of ideas for ways to deal with insects that spread diseases, and this is a completely new way to think about insect control," says senior author Leslie Vosshall, head of the laboratory of neurogenetics and behaviour at Rockefeller University.
"Insecticides are failing because of resistance, we haven't come up with a way to make better repellents, and we don't yet have vaccines that work well enough against most mosquito-borne diseases to be useful."
Ms Duvall said focusing on mosquitoes' appetites was a good idea because it used what came naturally to them, but it was not an attempt to eradicate the insects because the effects of drugs were not permanent.
She envisaged the drugs being delivered to female mosquitoes in the wild using traps attractive to the insects.
"We are multiple steps away from using this in the field, and we will always need other complementary strategies alongside this," she said.

Remains of 4 more children found in Mannar mass grave


 06 February 2019
The skeletal remains of four more children have been excavated from the Mannar mass grave site today, the judicial medical officer, Dr Saminda Rajapaksa said. 
The new finding brings the total number of skeletal remains of children to 27. 
Rajapaksa, who is in charge of the excavation, said that carbon testing on skeletal bones sent to Florida last month was due to start within a week. 
The remains of over 300 people have been found at the site, prompting much anguish among the families of the disappeared who have been protesting continously, demanding answers from the government.
As well as signs of torture, observers had been disturbed by the discovery of bones bound by metal.

Wednesday, February 6, 2019

Salary dispute in tea estates Workers’ demands discarded like tea stains

 


2019-02-07

Tea workers’ salaries are revised once in two years. The two-year Collective Agreement (CA) between Regional Plantation Companies (RPCs) and trade unions was to be renewed on October 15, 2018. The new agreement which was signed almost two weeks ago was not published as usual. Trade unions are critisising the RPCs for depriving the tea workers of the attendance bonus and some other incentives when administering a so-called increase in the basic salary. The gazetting of the CA follows months of stalled negotiations.
  • Estate workers betrayed after a long struggle
  • Gazzette of CA  still on hold

New agreement an eyewash

The 1000 Movement is a collective of unions and grassroots activists who are keen on increasing the daily basic salary of an estate worker to Rs. 1,000. Duminda Nagamuwa of the 1000 Movement said that there is no such increment provided in the newly-signed agreement.

RPCs refused to accede to the tea workers’ thousand rupee wage increase demand and signed the Collective Agreement recently which saw the basic wage being increased from Rs.500 to Rs. 700.


They have made the basic salary Rs. 700, removing the attendance and productivity allowances. So, essentially the daily net salary hike has been Rs. 20. This is just an eye wash Duminda Nagamuwa,The 1000 Movement

According to the 2016 CA the basic salary of a plantation worker was increased to Rs. 500. Rs 60 a day was given as an attendance allowance, Rs 30 as a price share supplement and Rs 140 as a productivity allowance. So, altogether the daily wage of a worker came to about Rs 730.

As per the new agreement, a worker gets a daily wage of Rs. 750 with a fixed share supplement of Rs. 50; which was Rs. 30 earlier. The other two key allowances including attendance allowance of Rs. 60 and Productivity Incentive of Rs. 140 were terminated.

“Now they have made the basic salary Rs. 700, removing the attendance and productivity allowances. They have increased the price share supplement to Rs. 50 from Rs. 30, making the new overall daily wage Rs. 750. So, essentially the daily net salary hike has been just Rs. 20. This is just an eye wash,” Nagamuwa complained.

Government’s responsibility

The meeting initially scheduled to be held on February 5 (Tuesday) with Tamil Progressive Front (TPF), RPCs, Plantations Ministry and Labour Ministry to come to a settlement regarding the salary increase of tea estate workers had been postponed, State Minister and TPF representative V.Radhakrishnan said.

Speaking to the Daily Mirror, he said the officials of the RPCs had not confirmed their participation at the meeting. The TPF politicians including ministers Mano Ganesan, V.Radhakrishnan and P.Thigambaram are insisting on crediting the productivity allowance  of Rs.140 to the basic salary.


If the plantation companies don’t agree with our demand, we need the government to intervene and contribute to the salaries of the workers. That is when we will decide whether to stay in the unity government or quit State Minister V. Radhakrishnan

As a result of their objection, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had agreed to delay the issuing of the gazette notification pertaining to increasing the daily wage of estate workers up to Rs.700. This was to allow negotiations to continue regarding the issue until a solution is found.

“If the plantation companies don’t agree with our demand, we need the government to intervene and contribute to the salaries of the workers. That is when we will decide whether to stay in the unity government or quit. The government also has a responsibility,” State Minister Radhakrishnan said.

Trade unions and their genuine purposes

There are around five main trade unions operating in the estates including Lanka Jathika Estate Workers Union (LJEWU) and the Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC). These labour unions are closely aligned with political parties. At a time when the expenditure for food, health, education, transport and clothes questions whether the basic needs of estate workers are fulfilled, compared to other ordinary workers, every tea estate worker is supposed to pay Rs.150 per month as the contribution to the trade union the individual holds membership with. Even the Ceylon Teachers’ Union, one of the main trade unions in the country, charges only Rs.20 per month from every member.

Nagamuwa of the 1000 Movement said it is ridiculous as to how the so-called trade unions first give the consent to the agreement which was signed in their presence and later pose objections to the same agreement. He opines that the issue is nothing, but a political agenda.

“How unfair and inhumane it is to snatch such an amount of money from salaries of tea workers and not do anything for their betterment? Ministers Thigambaram and Mano Ganesan opposed this newly signed agreement not with the genuine sympathy for tea workers. It was because they thought they could gain political mileage out of this. As they have always been, they are just using the issues of their community for political gains. It is a betrayal of a long struggle,” Nagamuwa said.

‘Govt. Can’t tell us what to pay and how to pay’

“With our new productivity based wage model, workers earn as much as Rs.80.000 per month if they work harder,” said Employers’ Federation of Ceylon Plantations Group Chairman Roshan Rajadurai.
“There are many families that have more than one source of income and enjoy a monthly income that exceeds the minimum wage of a tea estate worker. They earn a considerable amount of money to support their daily expenditure through other income sources. For example, men in the estate sector work as construction workers, three wheeler drivers and labourers in road construction.


The Government does not provide everything for these workers. If they are paying the salaries of tea workers, they can tell and do what they want. We are the responsible party regarding the wages of the workers EFC Plantation Services Group Chairman Roshan Rajadurai

“The Government does not provide everything for these workers. If they are paying the salaries of tea workers, they can tell and do what they want. We are the responsible party regarding the wages of the workers, therefore the Government cannot tell us what to pay and how to pay.

“If they really want to intervene, they can easily be a part of it and pay the workers. I don’t think the Government is in a position to do so because they are not even able to pay the EPF of the workers,” he said.

Is Sri Lankan tea running down in int’l market?

Tea is the second most excessively consumed beverage in the world. However, planters claim that the Sri Lankan tea industry is experiencing a difficult phase in the international market. Rajadurai told the Daily Mirror that their plantation companies are running down.

“We cannot financially afford to fulfill their demand for a daily wage of 1000 at this moment. We can afford to pay the salaries from what we earn. Our companies are running down in the market. The competition in the international tea market is high. Comparing with the tea workers in other countries, we have not even achieved 10% of their level of productivity. These happenings have made an already bad situation worse. The international prices are falling,” he said.

Despite him claiming that tea prices are falling, Colombo Tea Auction prices are not falling, but have been rising. The following table shows the tea average prices during every two years between 2012 and 2018.


despite there being competition in the international market, Sri Lankan tea is not affected which is why tea prices have gone up without facing a threat at the moment Tea Board Chairman  Lucille Wijewardena

The Daily Mirror also spoke to the Sri Lanka Tea Board Chairman Lucille Wijewardena to inquire about the current situation of Sri Lankan Tea in the international market.

Wijewardena refuted Rajadurai’s statement that tea prices are falling. “despite there being competition in the international market, Sri Lankan tea is not affected which is why tea prices have gone up without facing a threat at the moment,” he said.

Right of Effective Access to Justice


Thursday, February 7, 2019

One of the more significant developments that has occurred in the area of public law has been with regard to standing- locus standi. The Courts have begun to question some of the assumptions underlying the requirement of standing. In some parts of the world, notably India, the changes have been quite dramatic and there has been an increasing concern with widening access to the courts and increasing the availability of remedies. Sri Lanka is no exception.

Traditional rules of court and other doctrines have been suppressed, as judges have sought to facilitate public access to the courts and to justice. The desire to provide access to large groups of economically underprivileged people and the desire to curb the growing power of the State, have contributed largely to the way access to justice are being perceived. This concern with access to justice and remedies is matched in other parts of the world too as securing good governance and public accountability become important concerns.

The Traditional Approach

Traditional Anglo-Saxion jurisprudence had tended to take a restrictive view of the concept of standing. In terms of traditional view, standing was given only to those whose legal interests were violated or threatened violation. It was a view that gained currency when private law dominated litigation and most cases involved the rights or interests of only two parties.

However, with the growth of public law and the recognition of broad and amorphous rights which attached not just to a single person, but to whole groups and communities, this notion of standing was found inappropriate. The Indian Courts Jettisoned the traditional concept of standing, opting instead for a much wider notion. Social action groups and the members of the public were permitted to bring actions on behalf of those whose rights or interests had been violated or threatened violation and who were unable to approach the Court for a variety of reasons. This desire to widen court access to the disadvantaged and poorer sections of Indian society, coupled with a growing recognition of the legal process as an effective instrument of social reform have provided the pivots on which Public Interest Litigation (PIL), has been constructed. It was in the Judges case that the Indian Supreme Court for the first time articulated a coherent ideology with regard to PIL- an ideology which had at its focal point the expansion in the doctrine of standing.

The purpose of Standing Rules

Standing determines whether a person can maintain an application before a court or not. It looks for the nexus between the petitioner and the complainant. Should the person who has brought an application, be permitted to go ahead with it? This question has usually been answered at the preliminary stage. The function of standing rules is to serve as a filter in cases of judicial review.
Several reasons have been given for restricting access. One reason is to protect public bodies from vexatious litigants who have no real interest in the outcome of the case but are merely intent on making ever exist in real life and observes that even if they do the requirement to apply for leave should suffer to deal with them. Other reasons have been offered for restricting access; to prevent state business from being unduly hampered by litigation; to reduce the risk that public servants will be over cautious when dealing with citizens because they fear litigation if things go wrong; to ration scarce judicial resources, to ensure that people do not meddle in the affairs of others; and to ensure that the applicant has a personal interest in the issue not just an ideological concern.

Sri Lanka

Under the current constitutional and legal framework, judicial review of administrative action takes place in broadly two ways. First by way of a writ application either in the Court of Appeal or in the Provincial High Courts. Judicial review of administrative action can also take place by means of a fundamental rights application under Article 126 of the Constitution before the Supreme Court. Here the petitioner would have to show that a fundamental right contained in Chapter III of the Constitution has been violated. In developing the Sri Lankan fundamental rights jurisprudence the Supreme Court has not been reluctant to ‘borrow’ from the area of administrative law.

A case where the court took a broad view of standing was Visuvalingam v Liyanage. The case involved a publication ban on the ‘Saturday Review’, an English weekly published in Jaffna in the North of Sri Lanka. The newspaper was banned under emergency regulations issued by the President acting under the Public Security Ordinance. The petitioners in this case were two readers of the newspaper and a regular contributor to the weekly. The petitioners brought an application under Article 126 of the Constitution challenging the sealing of the newspaper under Emergency Regulations which were in force at that time. They alleged that their fundamental right of equality with other newspaper readers guaranteed under Article 12(1) had been violated. They also alleged that the fundamental right of free speech and expression protected under Article 14(1) (a) had also been infringed by the action of the State.

The respondents in the application argued that the order prohibiting the printing and publishing of the newspaper was directed at the printer, publishers and distributors of the newspaper. Thus if any person could complain it was the printer, publishers and distributors and not the readers. It was argued by the respondents that if the frontiers of standing were extended it would open the ‘flood gates’ and even newspaper vendors would challenge the sealing of a newspaper. Counsel for the petitioners, argued that the freedom of speech and expression is inextricably linked with the right of the recipient to information.

On this reasoning, the Court held that the petitioner did have standing, readers of the newspaper, to challenge the sealing of the press. The Court held that the right to the free expression of views includes the right of the recipient to receive information.

In Wijesiri v Siriwardene, fifty three persons were selected on the basis of a competitive examination to fill vacancies in the public service. They were not issued their letters of appointment by the respondent, the Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration. The petitioner – a Member of the Opposition in Parliament sought to invoke the writ jurisdiction of the Court of Appeal, and asked a writ of Mandamus to compel the respondent to issue their letters of appointment. The Court of Appeal dismissed the application and the petitioner appealed to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court was called upon to address several issues, among them the question whether the petitioner had locus standi, and also the question whether an ‘ouster clause’ in the 1978 Constitution. (Article 55), precluded judicial review. The Supreme Court – reversing the Court of Appeal on this issue – held that the petitioner did have standing to maintain the action. The Court noted that mandamus should be available to a person ‘genuinely concerned’, or to any public spirited citizen who has no other interest than a due regard for the observance of the law.

Boosa Applications

The broader approach to standing is evident in other areas of public law too. An expansive approach was adopted in what has come to be referred to as the Boosa Applications. In November 1989 the Chief Justice received a letter allegedly signed by approximately 1,000 persons detained at the Boosa Detention Camp in the South of the country. The letter alleged that these persons were illegally detained and prayed that they be brought to trial or released. Political violence and disappearances reached new levels during the years 1988 and 1989 when the State had to combat an armed uprising. The Court subsequently directed the Secretary of the Ministry of Defence to provide facilities to the detainees to enable them to prepare affidavits and other documents and to place them before the Court. The Court responded to this letter despite the absence of specific legal provisions and devised procedures to deal with letters of this nature.

The Supreme Court adopted two broad approaches to the question of relief. If pre trial adjustment was possible, and without adjudication as such, the Court ordered several types of relief. This included unconditional release; short term rehabilitation followed by release; long term rehabilitation followed by release’ or the institution of criminal proceedings in a criminal court (with the consequence that in some cases the detainee became entitled to bail or release if not sentenced to imprisonment). Where pre trial adjustment was not possible the matter was dealt with as a regular fundamental rights application. If it could be established that the detention was prima facie unconstitutional, then leave to proceed would be granted, followed by an inquiry after the state had filed objections. If after due inquiry the Supreme Court found that the petitioner’s fundamental rights had been infringed, relief in the form of compensation or release, or both would be ordered. In certain cases involving police officers directions were issued to the Inspector General of Police to investigate the conduct of the police officer and report to the Court on the action taken.

This activism on the part of the Court had other consequences as well. It enabled many of the detainees to have access to lawyers and as a result several regular fundamental rights applications were filed. It also resulted in the executive arm of the state reviewing the detention of other persons and relief was offered in numerous cases without the intervention of the Court.

New Supreme Court rules

These procedures have later been incorporated in the new Supreme Court Rules formulated by the Supreme Court under Article 136 of the Constitution. These procedures, on the face of it, seem to permit public interest type cases to be brought in situations dealing with an infringement of a constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights.

According to the new rules where any alleged infringement or imminent infringement, of any fundamental right or language right by executive or administration action is brought to the notice of the Supreme Court, or any Judge thereof, in writing, such matter may be referred by the Chief Justice, in accordance with such directions as may be given by him from time to time, to a single Judge sitting in Chambers. If it appears to such Judge that such complaint discloses, prima facie, an infringement, or imminent infringement, of a fundamental right or language right of any person, whether such person be the complainant or not, he may, in his discretion, direct that such complaint be treated as a petition in writing under and in terms of Article 126(2), notwithstanding non-compliance with any of the foregoing provisions of this rule, if he is satisfied that

(i). such person does not, or may not, have the means to pursue such complaint in accordance with the foregoing provisions of this rule, and

(ii). such person has suffered, or may suffer, substantial prejudice by reason of such infringement, or imminent infringement.

And may further direct the Registrar of the Court to refer such complaint to the Legal Aid Commission, or to any Attorney-at-Law who is a member of any panel or organisation established for such purpose, for the purpose of enabling the preparation and submission of an amended petition, affidavits, documents, written submissions, and other material in clarification and support of such complaint. Such complaint shall thereupon be deemed to be a petition filed in the Supreme Court on the date on which such complaint was received, and shall be dealt with under and in terms of rule 45, in like manner as other applications under and in terms of Article 126 (2) of the Constitution.

This approach of the Court, must be contrasted with the position adopted in a previous decision where the court took an extremely narrow view. In Somawathie v Weerasinghe the Supreme Court rejected an application by the wife complaining that her husband, who was in detention, was subject to torture, inhuman and degrading treatment on the basis that the petitioner (wife) had no locus standi in terms of Article 126 (2) of the Constitution. Justice Kulatunge issues a strong dissenting judgement and contented that if fundamental rights were to have any meaning, then the Supreme Court had a duty to interpret Constitutional provisions purposively and not liberally in order to meet the ‘justice of the situation’.

PIL and Locus Standi

PIL has been based on the idea that when there has been a ‘public injury’ or an injury to a large indeterminate group of people, the courts should provide redress, irrespective of who brings the petition before the court. The idea that litigation can enhance participatory rights and provide citizens and other groups the opportunity to express views on major planning decisions is also part of this process.

The turning point in public interest litigation in fundamental rights applications was Environmental Foundation Ltd v Urban Development Authority and Others (also known as Galleface Green case). In this case His Lordship Sarath N Silva CJ., upheld the locus standi of Environmental Foundation Ltd. which had acted in public interest in the matter of protecting the environment holding that the refusal of the UDA to disclose the information constituted an infringement of Article 14(1)(a) of the Constitution, even prior to the recent amendment of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution recognizing the right to access to information as an enforceable fundamental right.

The rules in relation to standing need to be considered in the light of the objectives of judicial review

 Are we aspiring to merely protect individual rights; or is judicial review concerned with the larger issue of checking the abuse of governmental power and ensuring public accountability. If the latter objective is also one of the legitimate concerns of judicial review, and it is submitted that it is, then it does not matter who presents the alleged illegality before the court. Anyone should be entitled to do so and the role of the judge in such cases should be to find out whether there is in fact an illegality.
Relaxing the requirements for accessing the courts has been one method of trying to restore a balance, between the State and civil society. Restrictive rules of standing are an anti-thesis to a healthy system of administrative law. Effective access to justice is a basic human requirement of a system which purport to guarantee legal rights of the people.

(The writer is Retired Professor in Law in the University of Sri Jayewardenepura. He is an Attorney –at – Law with Ph.D. in Law as well).