Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, November 21, 2018

Deadlock To Continue As Sirisena Moves The Goalposts: Inside The All Party Meeting At Presidential Secretariat


Much anticipated all party talks with President Maithripala Sirisena ended inconclusively last night, with both sides digging in their heels and the political deadlock set to continue.
The meeting was the first time President Sirisena, ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his controversially appointed successor Mahinda Rajapaksa sat down for talks since the crisis erupted on October 26.
President Sirisena continued to move the goalposts at the multi-party talks, insisting that such a key vote must be taken by name, rather than by voice. Amid major disruptions and outright violence by UPFA MPs aligned with former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya took three votes by voice last Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, ruling on all three occasions that the controversially appointed Prime Minister had been defeated in the House.
“The President requested that voting on the no confidence motion be held by name or through electronic voting,” the Presidential Media Division said following the crucial talks.
The UNP had vowed to deliver 113 affidavits pledging support to Wickremesinghe to the Presidential Secretariat by 10AM today, UNP MP Ajith P Perera told journalists outside the Secretariat on a stormy evening.
“We placed our cards on the table. If they have doubts about the Speaker’s rulings they should challenge them with a motion and pass it,” said Lakshman Kiriella, senior UNP MP who attended the talks. “The response from the President was nil,” he added.
As clouds gathered over the iconic Secretariat building facing Galle Face, hopes were riding on the discussion, that party leaders could find consensus to pull the country out of crisis and constitutional deadlock that has persisted for three weeks.
Lawmakers told President Sirisena that Parliament had spoken, and the Speaker’s ruling had gone unchallenged in the House. The only way to change that was to challenge the Speaker’s ruling on Standing Orders 76 (1). “The motion against the Speaker’s rulings had to be passed in Parliament and not in the Presidential Secretariat – once the speaker makes a ruling, neither the court nor the President can overturn that – that is intrinsic to the separation of powers doctrine,” an opposition MP argued during the meeting.
The Opposition even offered to help the UPFA to suspend standing orders at today’s parliamentary session in order to help the Rajapaksa faction to bring the motion, but the UPFA refused to be moved by the proposal, it is learned. At one point UPFA MP Dinesh Gunewardane even referred to the three sittings of Parliament last week as meetings of a ‘gamsabha’ presided over by Karu Jayasuriya.
President Sirisena had joined in the UPFA chorus that the process used to pass the no confidence motion was illegal, sources at the meeting said.
JHU General Secretary Champika Ranawaka was particularly forceful during the meeting, sources said. He accused the President of pulling the stunt out of the blue and plunging the country into crisis, proroguing Parliament to win MPs and eventually dissolving Parliament when he could not muster the numbers. “Parliament met only because of a court order,” he told Sirisena.
UPFA MPs Wimal Weerawansa and S.B. Dissanayake walked out to address the media, doubling down on the claims that the Speaker had violated standing orders and citing procedural issues with how the No Confidence Motion was passed in Parliament. “The Speaker is being stubborn,” said Dissanayake.
Speaker Jayasuriya declined to attend yesterday’s meeting. However, he did speak with President Sirisena on the phone, it is learned. The President had requested the Speaker to give the Rajapaksa faction one more opportunity to show their numbers, it is learnt. The telephone call was reportedly heated.
JVP decided to boycott talks, saying prophetically in a strongly worded letter to President Sirisena that a solution would not be reached through discussions with him. “You are the architect the anarchy and instability the country has been subjected to,” the JVP letter signed by Leader Anura Dissanayake charged, “only you can correct it.” Accusing the President of instigating a coup to achieve his own political ends, Dissanayake’s letter said it was the first time in 70 years that such instability had continued for so long in the country.

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Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna says Lankan President is architect of present anarchy, only he can end it

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna says Lankan President is architect of present anarchy, only he can end it

NewsIn.Asia
By  on 
Colombo, November 18 (newsin.asia): Rejecting an invitation from Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena to attend the special discussion on the current situation in parliament on Sunday, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) said it is pointless discussing the matter with leaders of parties in parliament because “the architect of anarchy” in parliament is the President himself, and therefore, only he can end the anarchy.
The contents of the letter from the JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayaka are as follows:
“A letter sent by your Secretary on 17.11.2018 has invited us for a discussion with you. However, we believe your attention should be drawn to the following matters before we accept the invitation.”
“The intention of the discussion is the current situation in Parliament. However, our belief is that the current situation in Parliament is a reflection of the instability that has surfaced in the country as a result of the process you manipulated for your personal conspiratorial political interest. Currently, an aggravating anarchic and precarious situation has surfaced in the country. It is the first time in the seventy years of politics in Sri Lanka that such instability has continued for such a long time. This has not occurred as a spontaneous occurrence but has surfaced due to five main occurrences.”
1. Appointing conspiratorially a Parliamentarian who did not have a majority in Parliament on 26th October and ludicrously appointing cabinet ministers, state ministers and deputy ministers at various times.
2. Proroguing Parliament to prevent the exposure of unavailability of a majority
3. Mediating in the ignominious act of buying Parliamentarians which is an attempt to make sovereignty of the people stand on its head
4. Dissolving Parliament once the ‘bidding’ process failed
5.Even after two no-confidence motions against the conspiratorially appointed prime minister and the government were formally adopted, you, instead of taking measures accordingly, waste time for your own conspiratorial political interest.
Your leading contribution in these five instances has been exposed to the masses explicitly.
At the time the gazette you issued dissolving parliament has been challenged in Supreme Court and an interim order has been issued temporarily staying the gazette.
Accordingly, the parliament was convened on three occasions after prorogation.  On 14th November 2018, the day Parliament was convened, the no-confidence motion presented by us against the government you illegally formed was adopted in Parliament with 122 Members of Parliament voting for it. This has been confirmed by the petition with 122 signatures of MPs handed to the Speaker.
The no-confidence motion presented after a motion by a majority of Members to halt standing orders (Standing Orders 135) was adopted votes taken by voices according to the authority of the Speaker (Standing order 47).
You are fully aware that this decision had to be taken as the attempt made by the Speaker to take the vote by counting could not be done due to the obstruction of the group of MPs in the so-called government who knew they would be definitely defeated if a count of heads was taken.
This state of affairs was repeated on the 16th as well. You are fully aware that your group of MPs acted in an insane manner in parliament refusing to accept defeat and preventing the vote by counting.
We believe that refusing to accept the formerly adopted no-confidence motion that rejects the appointment of the nominal premiership and coming out with various types of cheap excuses are not appropriate for a President of a country.
Also, it is you and your arbitrary conduct that is totally responsible for the loathful and disgusting conflict situation that occurred repeatedly for three days in parliament, where people’s sovereignty is said to be represented.
Accordingly, you are the architect of the anarchy and instability the country is subjected to at present.  It could be corrected only by you. We do not believe a solution could be reached by having a mere discussion with you.
As a responsible political party that represents parliament, we have already mediated to the maximum in this issue. What is left now is for you to act. We expect that you have enough self-confidence left to take this step.
Speaker Stays Away
Parliament Speaker who was also invited for the meeting with the President on Sunday. But in the phone conversation with the President, the Speaker expressed his inability to attend.
Leaders of all parties including Ranil Wickremesinghe of the United National Party (UNP) consented to attend, Prime Minister  Mahinda Rajapaksa and leaders of his group of parties, also decided to attend. The meeting began past 5 pm.
(The image at the top is that of JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayaka)

The message is the medium here

2018-11-21
As Sri Lanka’s made-by-politicians political imbroglio entered its fourth week with no end in sight, the UNP suddenly decided to write to Mark Zuckerberg, the head at Facebook.   
The letter that was sent over the weekend said - “It is very likely that officials from the current illegal administration...may ask Facebook for information on selected Sri Lankan users of that particular social media platform that should rightfully be private. Such requests may include information on named individuals, geo locations and other identification details of users who view and post on these pages.”  

  • Since March riots, Facebook has been paying increased attention on Sri Lanka
  • Ordinary citizens have also taken to social media to express their disgust

Those of us who have been watching social media even before the current political turbulence felt that the letter was a preemptive move by the UNP. There was no indication that Facebook was contemplating releasing such data and even by mid-week, the letter went unacknowledged. But what has been true is that Facebook and other such social media have opened up another dimension in the ongoing efforts to gain public attention and then monopolize the information arch. Facebook has been in the forefront as the platform that was allowing all parties concerned to get content into the public domain.   
On Monday, when the public galleries of parliament were closed off, there were also fears that journalists would come under heightened security when they tried to use their mobiles from the press section. Journalists cannot use their mobiles from the gallery but some have been using them during the last few sessions. And if the official live feed were to be cut off, then there would be no way the general public would get access to what was going on within the chamber. But when sessions started those who wanted, were getting pictures that were as close as you could get to parliamentary sessions – from within the members areas. 
 
Recent double crossover, Manusha Nanayakkara, used his Facebook page to go live from within the chamber. On the first day when fracas broke out, then again it was a Facebook live feed of media outlet, this time done from the gallery, that I used as my main source to witness what was taking place. Facebook was also being used by the political parties, journalists and others to live stream interviews, press-conferences and other incidents during the crisis.   
Manusha Nanayakkara, used his Facebook page to go live from within the chamber. On the first day when fracas broke out, then again it was a Facebook live feed of media outlet, this time done from the gallery
There are around six million Sri Lankan origin Facebook accounts and since the March riots, Facebook has been paying increased attention on Sri Lanka.  
Twitter still remains a selective domain. It is still a niche platform but an important platform for news makers, influential individuals and others. Information, rumour and pure lies get shared here instantaneously and when it works well, they get verified and crowd sourced.   
The other main platform that seems to be heavily used is Whatsapp, to share, verify tips, news and rumour. The danger with social media is its potency to go viral and the ease with which it allows for fake content. The other danger is that computed influence pedalling when bots can be used to boost content, troll and harass. During the ongoing crisis there has been no significant use of bots boost content or personalities. But there have been marked developments.   
In the past the social media community that had Mahinda Rajapaksa as the nucleus dominated the Sri Lanka social media sphere, especially, that relating to political or related content. With October 26 take-over, we have seen a much more pluralized and diversified field with UNP, JVP and other parties also realizing the importance of social media.   
Ordinary citizens have also taken to social media to express their disgust at what was going on and they have been quite open. The memes have the best antidepressant for the political mess.   
The author is the Asia-Pacific Coordinator for the DART Centre for Journalism and Trauma, a project of Columbia Journalism School. He can be reached via Twitter - @amanthap

Sri Lanka: Don't impede ongoing investigations


19 November 2018, 19:26 UTC

Responding to the transfer of Nishantha Silva, Officer-in-Charge at the Criminal Investigations Department and key investigator in high-profile human rights cases, Amnesty International’s South Asia Researcher, Thyagi Ruwanpathirana, said:
“We are concerned about the seeming interference by the authorities with investigations into key allegations of human rights violations including those on attacks against journalists and disappearances.
The authorities must ensure that ongoing criminal investigations into these cases are not impeded on any grounds whatsoever. Justice in these cases is long overdue."
Background
Nishantha Silva was investigating the assassination of Lasantha Wickrematunga, Editor of the Sunday Leader, and other attacks on journalists, including Keith Noyahr. Silva is also an investigator in a case before the Colombo Fort Magistrate involving the disappearances of 11 youth in 2008, where Navy officers are implicated.

Sri Lanka̢۪s Most Senior Serving Military Officer Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne Facing Police Arrest Over Criminal Offence

ue, Nov 20, 2018, 11:18 pm SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.


Lankapage LogoNov 20, Colombo: The Criminal Investigations Department (CID) of Sri Lanka Police today said the accusation made by the Chief of Defense Staff (CDS) Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne that CID inspector Nishantha Silva has links with the defeated terrorist organization LTTE, is 'malicious' and an attempt to influence the case against the CDS.
Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) in charge of the CID said, the Chief of Defense Staff has informed the Inspector General of Police Pujith Jayasundera that the Officer-In-Charge of the Organized Crimes
Investigation Division of CID Inspector Nishantha Silva is a person with connections to the outlawed terrorist outfit liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

In response to a report issued by the Inspector General of Police, Senior DIG in charge of the CID DWRB Senevirathne in a letter dated 18 November 2018 vehemently rejected the accusation leveled against the Inspector Nishantha Silva.

Senior DIG Senevirathne in his letter to the IGP, a copy of which was seen by the BBC Sinhala Service, asserted that "there was no single piece of evidence or information" linking the senior inspector to the outlawed LTTE organization or to any other illegal activity or crime.

Inspector General of Police, Pujith Jayasundara has acknowledge that he had received the letter from the Senior DIG and he had directed a report to Defense Secretary Hemasiri Fernando.

Inspector Nishantha Silva, who is investigating a number of high profile crimes committed during the previous Rajapaksa government, was abruptly transferred on 18 November by the IGP Pujith Jayasundera from the Organized Crimes Investigation Division to normal duties in Negombo Police Division.

The CID and civil society organizations opposed the transfer and the Officer appealed to the National Police Commission, which is the authority on deciding transfers and promotions of police officers.
Following the backlash, the IGP reversed his decision on Monday (19) and reinstated Inspector Silva in his former post.

Meanwhile, the Senior DIG DWRB Senevirathne's letter to the IGP leveled a serious allegation against Admiral Ravindra Wijegunaratne.

The Senior DIG Senevirathne in his letter to the IGP said it is very clear the act of Chief of Defense Staff Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne is "a punishable offense under the Protection of Victims and Witnesses Act" and recommended to immediately take necessary action in this regard.

Police Inspector Nishantha Silva was the officer in charge of investigating a number of high profile incidents that led to an outcry in Sri Lanka during the recent past. Among some of his investigations are the abduction of 11 Tamil youth by Navy personnel in 2008-2009 for ransom, murder of Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickremetunga and attacks on journalists Keith Noyahr, Upali Tennakoon and others.

The CID investigations have revealed that the current CDS Admiral Wijegunaratne has abetted the main suspect in the abduction and murder of 11 youths, former Navy Lieutenant Commander
Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi to flee the country after he was granted bail in a separate crime.
Colombo Fort Magistrate Lanka Jayaratne ordered the police to arrest Admiral Wijegunaratne after the CID informed the court that there is sufficient evidence against Admiral Wijegunaratne's role in allowing the main suspect to evade arrest.

Senior DIG DWRB Seneviratne in his letter said that Chief of Defense Staff Admiral Wijegunaratne had informed the IGP that Inspector Nishantha Silva had been involved with the LTTE at a meeting of the national Security Council and later over the phone.

Seneviratne's letter states that the "allegation is completely false, baseless and malicious."

"Chief of Defense Staff R.C. Wijegunaratne is a suspect need to be arrested in the case of abduction and murder of persons investigated by Inspector Nishantha Silva," the letter further noted.


The letter further stated that the Chief of Defense Staff alleging the chief officer investigating the case against him of "false, baseless and absurd" charges is an attempt to influence the case.

Sri Lanka president calls third vote on no-confidence motion against premier

FILE PHOTO: Sri Lanka's newly appointed Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and President Maithripala Sirisena talk during a rally near the parliament in Colombo, Sri Lanka November 5, 2018. REUTERS/Dinuka Liyanawatte/File Photo

NOVEMBER 18, 2018

COLOMBO (Reuters) - Sri Lanka’s President Maithripala Sirisena on Sunday asked an all-party meeting to hold a third vote on a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, deepening the country’s political crisis.

Sirisena called the all party leaders’ meeting after Rajapaksa, his choice to lead the government, was voted out twice within days by a majority in a no-confidence motion.

A lawmaker loyal to Sirisena told reporters that the president rejected the outcome of the second vote held on Friday, which potentially strengthened the hand of Ranil Wickremesinghe who is seeking to return as prime minister.

“To decide on the no confidence motion presented against the government, president noted that he wanted a vote with a name call or electronically displayed,” Sirisena’s office said in a statement.

The country’s parliament descended into chaos for a third straight day last Friday as lawmakers supporting Rajapaksa threw books, chili paste, water bottles and furniture at the speaker to try to disrupt the no-confidence vote.

Sirisena’s office said all the party leaders at the Sunday meeting agreed to have a disciplined legislature when proceedings start on Monday.

Parliament Speaker Karu Jayasuriya and Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna (JVP) party, did not participate in the meeting.

“We believe that refusing to accept the formerly adopted no-confidence motion that rejects the appointment of the nominal premiership and coming out with various types of cheap excuses are not appropriate for a President of a country,” Dissanayake said in a letter to Sirisena, a copy of which was seen by Reuters.

Sirisena late last month removed and replaced Wickremesinghe with Rajapaksa, plunging the island off India’s southeast coast into political turmoil.

With parliament scheduled to reconvene on Monday, Sirisena appears faced with the choice of either re-appointing Wickremesinghe, whom he has said he will not bring back, or allowing the crisis to fester.
Kremlin critics oppose Russian for Interpol head

Wickremesinghe’s party said it was ready for a “floor test” in parliament to prove it had majority support for the ousted prime minister.

“Mahinda Rajapaksa should (be) subject to a floor test. The so-called prime minister should show his majority in Parliament and if the speaker’s rulings are wrong, you can bring a motion to cancel those motions,” Lakshman Kiriella, a Wickremesinghe loyalist, told reporters after Sunday’s meeting.

(This story corrects spelling for the names of the parliamentary speaker, the political party its acronym in paragraph 7)

Reporting by Ranga Sirilal and Shihar Aneez; Editing by Emelia Sithole-Matarise

Financing Economic Growth: Macroeconomic Perspective

The centre-point in macroeconomic analysis of countries is the growth of real national income or economic growth. Its second layer contains consumption, savings and investments. While they are the means how the national income is utilized, they are also the sources or forces that promote further growth of income. The rest of analysis covers how various market factors and external shocks including state policies affect consumption, savings and investments that result in overall movements of the economy.

In some periods, economies grow faster while some other periods are economic recessions. In general, economies undergo cycles of growth or business cycles which are connected to imbalances among consumption, savings and investments. Therefore, economic stability is considered as the core of economic management as economic volatilities or significant business cycles are not considered healthy for the public.

Economic growth

Economic growth is an estimate for the growth of the total production volume of all goods and services during a particular period, e.g., quarter or year. Economists and statisticians have developed techniques to measure the production covering various sectors such as agriculture, mining, manufacturing, trade and services. The growth of production depends on mobilization and utilization of resources such as labour, land and capital and the level of productivity. The improved productivity allows more production out of same quantity of resources.

Therefore, economic analysists look at both mobilization of resources and improvement in productivity underlying the economic growth. In general, higher economic growth reflects more opportunities for employment and income. Higher production also has favourable impact on prices or inflation in the economy. Therefore, countries seek higher economic growth to improve living standards of the public. However, whether the increase in income and employment from economic growth helps to reduce income disparities of people/households is a different line of analysis.
Consumption

Consumption is the use of income for regular spending for living such as food, clothing, rent, transport, education and health. It counts the major part of demand for goods and services produced. To keep production and economic growth, the momentum of consumption is necessary. For example, if consumption tends to fall due to whatever reasons, producers will confront a rise in their inventories/stocks that will result in cut-down of hiring labour and production in the next production cycle. Consumption depends not only on current level of income but also on expected income. Therefore, credit is extensively used to finance current consumption. For example, credit cards system facilitates current consumption based on expected future income. Bank term-credit schemes also help current consumption on high value consumer durables based future income streams of borrowers.

Consumption is categorized into government and private. Government consumption is mainly purchase of goods and services for provision of public services such as civil administration and law and order which are essential for smooth functioning of the economy and its growth. The government consumption or recurrent expenditure is about 75% of government expenditure in the national budget and about 12% of total consumption in the country.

Unlike in old economic analyses of developing countries, consumption is given a positive attitude on the economic growth process in modern economies, especially in advanced market economies. During the past decade, monetary and fiscal policymakers have been facilitating considerable increases in consumption to recover from the economic and financial downturn in the US and Europe. Japan has been in struggle during the last two decades to boost consumption to recover from the recessionary economy.

Savings

Saving is the part of income that is not consumed. In case of a person, saving may be held at hand or in financial investments at banks or capital market. In turn, such financial investment may be used by the borrowers for their consumption. However, the term “savings”, i.e., domestic or national savings, in macroeconomy is the amount of savings utilized for investments. In that sense, savings of persons whether used for consumption or investment is good for the economy. The development of financial markets and institutions promotes savings habits and enable fast and effective mobilization and utilization of savings for economic activities where savings in currency at hand reduces. Savings depends on income levels, expenditure levels and interest rates. As higher interest rates reflect the increase in opportunity cost of holding money, people tend to save more during high interest rates. In general, countries that run on large national budget deficits, government savings is negative due to consumption higher than the revenue. Therefore, private savings is required to finance both budget deficit and investments.

Investments

Investments are the spending undertaken to enhance the capacity or scale of production or capital stock. Buildings, machinery, new technology, infrastructure, research and development and commencement of new businesses fall under investment. Skill development is also a part of investment as it enhances the productivity. Spending involved in on-going production cycle is not investment as such spending is the working capital funded by cash inflows on existing production. All economies require investments to maintain and promote economic growth for better living standards for the people. A significant part of investments in countries is the government investments that primarily fund infrastructure development such as reservoirs, roads and ports that enhance the overall production capacity of the country. The government investment was 13% of total investments in 2017.

Financing of Savings-Investments Gap

Investments are financed by savings. As the majority of savers are not producers who seek to invest, a market is necessary to channel savings to investors. Some business firms may use own savings as part of investments. Banks, financial institutions and financial markets have engineered a large number of products to mobilize savings to finance both consumption and investments with varying risks and businesses among the borrowers/investors. Venture capital is the risky financial product invented to promote start-ups that have revolutionized the global economy. Liberalization of exchange controls since 1980s has led to a global financial market to trade savings cross-border.

In monetary economies, the gap between savings and investment creates significant economic instabilities. Any savings not consumed or invested causes the spending of the economy to fall short of the production and inventories/unsold production to rise above the normal level. This leads to producers to cut-down production and employment in the next production cycle as existing inventories can be utilized to supply. Similarly, increase in investments and production funded by borrowing from abroad will also increase inventories unless consumption/demand rises. Therefore, macroeconomic theory presents a view of economic stability when savings and investments are maintained at balance. Accordingly, business cycles are caused by misbehaviours of savings and investments.

In the past, economies were closed for foreign trade (goods, services and capital). Therefore, country investments were limited by its domestic savings. In low developed countries, savings was low due to low income and, in turn, income was low due to low investments. Therefore, a vicious circle of poverty based on low income, low savings, low investments and low income was a core idea in development economics. Therefore, it was suggested to increase investments to break the circle. As domestic savings was already low, governments resorted to project loans and aid from foreign governments to increase investments. Tight exchange controls prevented the private sector from mobilizing foreign capital/savings. The unitization of foreign savings is highly valid for all countries even today. See Table

Investments in Globalized Economies

Countries operating in the present globalized economy can have access to increase foreign savings for domestic investments. The development of financial markets has opened up trade of global savings for investments in forms of credit and direct investments by foreign investors across the world. New global supply chain where countries produce for foreign trade/markets has made investments effective and productive. In this environment, governments are only expected to maintain policy stance friendly for business and investments to facilitate local and foreign investors to carry out investments, production and trade on the basis of comparative advantages/productivity that vary across countries.

As a result, governments have privatized their business monopolies and now provide various fiscal/tax incentives to foreign investors to do businesses. Opening of foreign investment/business zones with necessary infrastructure largely free from local regulations has been a common policy strategy followed in many countries. Outsourcing of production processes across the countries facilitates countries to produce parts without large factories whereas only assembling factories are required in few locations. Outsourcing of global IT industry has spread to corner households and individuals who have the skills and has created wide opportunities for employment and income across the world.

Various information services such as publication of Ease of Doing Business Ranking, Corruption Perception Index, Business Sentiments Index and various other indices and academic research on trade and investments have facilitated governments to improve the policy framework and investors to select better locations of businesses.

 In this environment, a large number of countries and population have come out of poverty during the last three decades. The emergence of East Asia and China in the global economy is the classic eye-witness.

In new macroeconomics, countries can invest and grow beyond the domestic base of savings and resources if they are competitive to attract foreign savings and investments. In globalized economies, the current account deficit or surplus (balance in goods, service, factor income and remittances) in the international balance of payments (BOP) is the estimate for the gap between domestic savings and investment. The deficit is the net inflow of foreign savings/investments to finance the domestic production. The surplus is the outflow of domestic savings/investments to finance the production of other countries. The countries that have competitive advantages in financial trade can emerge as global financial centres to attract large scale of foreign savings and re-channel it to other countries while generating income and employment in the country.

Macroeconomic Policy Challenge

The BOP current account deficit is not necessarily an unfavourable sign of the economy in the growing cycle. What is necessary is to keep the deficit favourable and sustainable for the country’s growth and attraction of productive foreign investments such as direct investments that take business risks without creating debt to the economy.

Sri Lanka’s deficit was around 6% to 16% of GDP in early 1980s immediately after liberalization of the economy in 1977. Investment projects so financed are the backbone of the present domestic production and exports.

In contrast, if the deficit is due to heavy imports of consumption goods and services funded by foreign borrowing which is also a source of foreign savings, the country will end up in catastrophe in default of foreign debt whether the debtor is the government or the private sector. Although the recent deficit has been low around 2% to 3% of the GDP, it is the non-project imports that have caused a rising debt stock without favourable economic growth.

The BOP current account surplus which invests resources generated through trade of domestic resources abroad is also not a favourable macroeconomic achievement as such savings/resources are trapped in foreign countries with various risks including default. They also find difficult to repatriate such savings due to excessive domestic monetary expansion and liquidity that would be created by those proceeds. For example, China’s foreign reserve of around US$3.4 trillion invested world over including the US has become a geopolitical problem to China itself. It can no way use these resources within China.

Therefore, management of savings, investments and BOP is the fundamental in macroeconomic management of any country. It is in this context that the importance of economic and financial stability is presented. Therefore, macroeconomic managers of the countries, both public and private, have to innovate and manage their credit delivery systems to cover both domestic and foreign savings and investments to have a favourable mix of consumption and investment activities to ensure the wider stability of respective economies.

The geopolitical stability, investor/business friendliness of public policies/regulations and policy consistency are essential preconditions for macroeconomic management and stability in a global trade and investment environment. In review of developments in the past four decades and prevailing outlook in Sri Lanka, nobody can think of such preconditions to be prevailed in the next decade. Concepts of democracy presented by all those who seek or struggle to take-over the governance of the country in next decade do not offer a publicly accountable framework for financing the economic growth to guarantee the economic well-being that the majority public desperately needs. Therefore, this is the opportune time for them to present a macroeconomic policy management framework with deliverables and targets within their meaning of democracy for the votes of the public.

This gives the opportunity for them to be publicly assessed during their tenure of public governance.
(The writer is a recently retired public servant as a Deputy Governor of the CB and a chairman and a member of 6 Public Boards. In his nearly 35 years’ service in the CB, he also served as Director of Bank Supervision, Secretary to the Monetary Board and Senior Deputy Governor and authored 5 economics and financial/banking books published by the CB and more than 50 published articles)


Don’t be fooled – Australia’s maritime pathway is closed -Australian High Commission in SL

LEN logo




(Lanka e News - 20.Nov.2018, 9.00PM) Australia remains committed to protecting its borders, stamping out people smuggling, and preventing people from risking their lives at sea.
The Australian High Commission is aware of rumours circulating on social media in Sri Lanka that it is possible to get to Australia illegally by boat.
Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka Bryce Hutchesson warns Sri Lankans not to be fooled by false advertising through social media or by people smugglers.
“Australia’s borders are closed to illegal migration. The tough border protection policies that have secured Australia’s borders against the threat of people smuggling and prevented people from dying at sea remain in place.”
"Australia maintains a robust operational capability to detect and respond to any people smuggling boat to ensure that no illegal maritime venture makes it to Australia. If you attempt to come illegally by boat, you will be caught.”
“Every Sri Lankan people smuggling boat that has entered Australian waters in the past four years has been stopped, and all those on board returned to Sri Lanka,” High Commissioner Hutchesson said.
Australia continues to work closely with regional partners, including Sri Lanka, to identify and disrupt people smuggling ventures before they even get on the water.
In the past five years, international authorities, with the assistance of Australia, have disrupted 78 people smuggling ventures, preventing 2525 people from travelling illegally by boat and leading to more than 614 arrests.
“By working together with our regional partners, we are shutting down people smuggling syndicates operating in our region and preventing people from getting on dangerous and pointless boat ventures,” High Commissioner Hutchesson said.
Since the implementation of Australia’s toughest ever border protection measures in 2013, Australia has returned 827 people from 34 people smuggling ventures to their country of origin or departure, including 166 Sri Lankans.
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by     (2018-11-20 16:08:47)

LASANTHA’S DAUGHTER DELIVERS DAMNING INDICTMENT OF PRESIDENT ON OIC NISHANTHA SILVA’S REMOVAL

Image: The Sunday Leader Founding Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge’s daughter Ahimsa Wickrematunge weeping over her father’s body in January 2009. Ahimsa was the only one of Lasantha’s three children residing in Sri Lanka with her father at the time of his murder.

Sri Lanka Brief20/11/2018

Following is a letter by slain The Sunday Leader Founding Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge’s daughter Ahimsa Wickrematunge yesterday to President Maithripala Sirisena on his decision to remove Criminal Investigations Department OIC – Gang Robberies Nishantha Silva from the department, raising serious concerns about the high profile abduction cases being handled by the official:

President Maithripala Sirisena,

Presidential Secretariat,

Galle Face,

Colombo 01

20th November 2018

Dear President Sirisena,

Your Decision to Remove Inspector Adrian Nishantha Silva from the Criminal Investigation Department

Sunday 18th November 2018 was the 73rd birthday of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. To mark this occasion, President Rajapaksa participated in a ‘Pinkama’ at a temple near his official residence, attended by your Inspector General of Police, Mr. Pujith Jayasundara. After celebrating the former President’s birthday in the company of former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Mr. Jayasundera proceeded to police headquarters, where he signed transfer order D/HRM/ADM/1869/2018 dated 18th November 2018.

As you are fully aware, this was an order to remove Police Inspector Adrian Nishantha Silva, Officer‐in-Charge of the Gang Robbery Branch (GRB) of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) due to unspecified “service requirements”. While the order is ostensibly from the IGP, he has made no secret of the fact that he issued this order hesitantly, at your insistence. This was a thoughtful birthday gift on your part, but it was Mahinda’s birthday, not Gotabaya’s.

I know Inspector Silva as the lead investigator into the murder of my father, Lasantha Wickrematunge, who was bludgeoned to death on 8th January 2009, exactly six years before you were historically elected President on a platform pledging to solve heinous murders like my father’s.
In January 2009, two innocent youth were abducted in Vavuniya and executed in cold blood and their corpses burnt to ashes in Anuradhapura, all just so that their motorcycle could be planted as evidence at the crime scene. Senior police officers helped to destroy all traces of the notebook containing my father’s last words, which may have identified his attackers. We know this because of Nishantha Silva. Over the last two years, he travelled tirelessly around Vavuniya and Anuradhapura, interrogated dozens of witnesses, ordered DNA tests on decade‐old samples and finally arrested the police officers responsible, including a Senior Deputy Inspector General.

On 18th January 2010 the CID made a breakthrough into my father’s murder when a mechanic in Nuwara Eliya identified a soldier in the Tripoli Military Intelligence platoon as having used his National ID card to purchase SIM cards used to coordinate the attack on my father. The ink was barely dry on that witness statement before the all‐powerful Gotabaya Rajapaksa personally ordered that the commanding officer of the Tripoli platoon be whisked away to a diplomatic posting. The investigation was then yanked away from the CID overnight and given to the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID), who arrested the poor mechanic on trumped up charges and covered up all involvement of the Tripoli platoon. We know all this purely thanks to Nishantha Silva’s investigations. We would know more if the poor mechanic did not mysteriously perish in remand custody in October 2011.

I came to know Nishantha Silva when he visited Melbourne to record a statement from me regarding my father’s murder. I told him then that my father had said repeatedly that he was likely to be killed by Gotabaya Rajapaksa for having exposed the MiG Deal. Nishantha Silva fearlessly reported this to the Mount Lavinia courts. Only a court of law can decide whether my father was right about who gave the order to kill him, but he was sure right about the MiG Deal. The FCID investigation has shown that half the money paid by the Sri Lanka Air Force was siphoned off to a shell company operated by middle men, and that Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s cousin Udayanga Weeratunga was in the thick of the deal, all exactly as my father had exposed.

Ever since I got to meet Nishantha Silva, I was struck by his gentleness, humility and dedication to his job. I started following his work and was stunned by the number of high-profile cases that Nishantha Silva is handling. He is also the lead investigator into the brutal May 2008 abduction and torture of journalist Keith Noyahr. Nishantha Silva’s team reconstructed and scoured millions of telephone records, recorded over one hundred witness statements, located the military intelligence safe house in which Keith Noyahr was tortured, recovered documents proving the safe house was leased by military intelligence, and arrested eight military intelligence officers including the former army chief of staff. Seven of these suspects were from the infamous “Tripoli” white‐van platoon implicated in the murder of my father.

Heck, he even found the infamous “white van” and brought it before court. This engine of death was a symbol of your election campaign, emblematic of the vicious brutality of your opponents. One would have expected you promote the man who found it and not try and sabotage his career. In fact, Inspector Silva may have been able to figure out the nexus between the Tripoli platoon and the chain of command if you had not personally ordered the military not to cooperate with the investigation on so‐called “national security” grounds when the CID and the court requested essential documents and records of the Army and Defence Ministry.

It was also Inspector Nishantha Silva’s team who identified and arrested members of yet another military intelligence killer squad for abducting and murdering cartoonist Prageeth Eknaligoda on the eve of the January 2010 presidential election. Again, Nishantha’s team scoured hundreds of thousands of telephone call records, searched several military installations, and recorded tomes worth of witness statements. According to court documents, at least two cooperating suspects-turned‐witnesses have told the CID that the abduction and murder of Eknaligoda was carried out on the instructions of then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

During the investigation into the floating armoury operated by Avant-Garde Maritime Services, it was Nishantha Silva’s team who in early 2015 first moved to impose a ban on foreign travel by Gotabaya Rajapaksa. His team did a tremendous amount of work on this investigation, breathing bank statements and inventorying weapons and explosives that had been stashed at sea in Sri Lankan waters on Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s authority. This investigation came to naught when your Attorney General ruled in June 2015 that “no offences under the Firearms Ordinance, Explosives Ordinance or the Prevention of Terrorism Act are disclosed” by the operation of a floating armoury jam-packed with illegally licensed and unlicensed automatic weapons and explosives.

Nishantha Silva has also been the lead investigator into the brutal abduction and murder of eleven young men in 2008 and 2009 after their desperate families had been extorted for ransom, allegedly by several senior naval officers whom Inspector Silva has meticulously identified and arrested. It was Inspector Silva who had the unprecedented courage to share with an open court evidence that your former navy commander, now Chief of Defence Staff, was instrumental in harbouring and smuggling out of the country a fugitive navy officer involved in these grisly murders.

Ironically, it is this same Chief of Defence Staff, a suspect wanted for arrest by Inspector Silva, who seems to have provided you with unfounded and uncorroborated “intelligence” that Nishantha Silva was an “LTTE mole” – intelligence that you forced down the throat of your IGP to try and tarnish the name of one of the bravest, most dedicated and accomplished detectives in the Sri Lanka Police.

I sympathise especially with Nishantha Silva on this point. Throughout my childhood, I noticed that whenever my father exposed someone, and that truth was so pungent and irrefutable that it shattered their reputations, these people would react by accusing my father – with zero evidence – of being an “LTTE mole”. My father’s reporting on the MiG Deal, for example, led to a consorted campaign by the Ministry of Defence to brand him and his newspaper as organs of the LTTE. But the truth came out. The truth always comes out.

The truth about Nishantha Silva is that he has been one of the single biggest thorns in the side of the LTTE in the history of the CID. As a junior officer he was part of the team that investigated and dismantled the LTTE intelligence networks that supplied and facilitated the attack on the Katunayake airport in 2000. He was a lead investigator into the 2006 assassination attempts on both Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Sarath Fonseka. He splintered the LTTE networks involved in these and the 2008 assassination of General Janaka Perera, and he participated in countless additional counter‐terrorism operations.

By desperately trying to brand a faithful public servant and national hero like Nishantha Silva as a terrorist just to please your strutting tin soldiers and to earn brownie points with your newfound political allies, you are degrading the office of the presidency to a degree that none of your predecessors ever have. My father at various times had fierce disagreements with both Presidents Chandrika Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa. They called each other many things they would want to take back. But neither Presidents Kumaratunga nor Rajapaksa ever stooped so low as to try and brand my father as part of the LTTE. That is the refrain of lesser mortals, such as Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and apparently, yourself.

I urge you to remember that you have sworn an oath to uphold and defend the Constitution of Sri Lanka, not to uphold and defend your Chief of Defence Staff and those who rule by white van death. I do not know if these people are guilty of any crime. Neither do you. That is for a court to decide after a thorough criminal investigation of the kind that Nishantha Silva was so ably and tirelessly performing before you cut him off at the knees. Our role in the criminal justice system is to support investigators however they may require.

For me, as a witness, that means answering their questions truthfully and comprehensively. For you, as a head of state, that means putting the law before your personal relationships, political needs and whims. It means making available to investigators the resources, political will and support from the state they require to get to the truth and present it before a competent court. Above all, your role is to make it clear to police officers across the country that working with dedication towards the pursuit of justice like Nishantha Silva has done will bring reverence and not retaliation.

I have faith in the Criminal Investigation Department and the independent institutions of Sri Lanka such as the National Police Commission and Constitutional Council. They will not allow you to get away with such a blatant abuse of power.

Mr. President, you have only two choices before you. You could be remembered as the President who quickly rectified an ill‐advised lapse in judgment by immediately reversing the removal of Nishantha Silva from the CID and letting him do his job.

Alternatively, you could wait until the independent National Police Commission or a court of law reviews your order and shoots it down. In that case you will be remembered as the President who tried to stop some of the most high‐profile criminal investigations in the country – and failed. Make no mistake, Mr. President: If you try to stand in the way of justice for my father and other victims of brutality, you will fail.

Yours Sincerely,

Ahimsa Wickrematunge

cc: Chairman, Constitutional Council

Chairman, National Police Commission

Inspector General of Police

Director, Criminal Investigation Department

Courtesy – Daily FT.

An Open Letter to Mark Zuckerberg


Human Rights Watch logo

The World's Freedom of Expression is in Your Hands

Human Rights Watch
November 14, 2018
Dear Mark Zuckerberg:
What do the Philadelphia Museum of Art, a Danish member of parliament, and a news anchor from the Philippines have in common? They have all been subject to a misapplication of Facebook’s Community Standards. But unlike the average user, each of these individuals and entities received media attention, were able to reach Facebook staff and, in some cases, receive an apology and have their content restored. For most users, content that Facebook removes is rarely restored and some users may be banned from the platform even in the event of an error.

Sri Lanka: Plunging into an Economic Abyss

Sri Lanka has hitherto never defaulted its debt obligations. The actions of 26th October have irreversibly undermined Sri Lanka’s credibility in global markets – risking our ability to service future debt as well.

by Mangala Samaraweera-
( November 21, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Just 9 days prior to the presentation of the 2019 budget, the Sirisena-Rajapaksa “coup” ousting the legitimate and lawful Prime Minister and cabinet has thrown the country and citizens into an unprecedented crisis.
The Speaker having gone through all legal procedures in parliament has also declared that as per Article 48(2) of the constitution, the purported Prime Minister and his cabinet are illegal.
As per Article 148 of the constitution, “Parliament shall have full control over public finance.” In the absence of a legitimate government, a grave situation has now arisen as there is no legal way to meet public expenditure and obligations of the state from 2019. The constitution does not provide for any alternative arrangements for public finance, even with the intervention of the executive envisaged under the limited circumstances of article 150(3) under which the President can only allocate finances for the first 3 months of a new parliament. Thus, under the current circumstances, from January 1st 2019 until a new parliament is convened, the spending power of the state ceases to exist.
As the Finance Minister, I have made allocations to ensure funding until December 31st 2018, however from January 1st 2019, the country will fall into a crisis.
A legitimate government with an adequate majority in parliament would have had the opportunity to present at least a vote on account which would have covered at least the first 3 months of the new year enabling payment of pensions, salaries, samurdhi payments, and settlement of debts. It is still not too late to reestablish the government that commands the clear majority in parliament to present a budget/vote on account to authorize expenditure from the consolidated fund from 2019.
This illegal government has no majority and are pirating the government benches through force and violence, and they cannot muster a majority to even pass a vote on account, they are forcibly preventing the lawful government from taking the critical steps to provide funding for 2019.
In any event as per Article 150 (2) of the constitution, only a legitimate finance minister can sign a warrant to release funding. As per the ruling of the Speaker on 16th November, as per article 48(2) of the constitution, the purported government, its finance minister, and cabinet stands dissolved.
As a result of the actions of the Sirisena-Rajapaksa coup, all payments of government from 1st January 2019 are illegal and cannot be affected by public servants. Some of the critical areas include public sector salaries, pensions, welfare payments including samurdhi, and all debt repayments.
Furthermore, as per the ruling by the Speaker under Article 48 (2) as the purported prime minister and cabinet are illegitimate, as per section 52(3) all ministry secretaries cease to exist and any actions taken by them are null and void and illegal. Such actions are serious violations and would be punishable under the Public Property law and other relevant legislation.
As a result of these actions, Sri Lanka is on the brink of economic anarchy and chaos as never experienced before. The cavalier and irresponsible actions of the president starting on October 26th based on personal animosities and precipitating a series of illegal acts, places at risk Sri Lanka’s ability to meet its immediate debt obligations. In early January 2019 we have to repay US$ 1 billion of Rajapaksa debt taken in January 2014, the repayment of which is also under the purview of Parliament.
Sri Lanka has hitherto never defaulted its debt obligations. The actions of 26th October have irreversibly undermined Sri Lanka’s credibility in global markets – risking our ability to service future debt as well. We are being pushed towards a state of economic collapse as we stumble on to a road of a Greece like situation.
The only way to rescue Sri Lanka from this unfortunate and unnecessary crisis is for the President to recognize the Prime Minister and the government that was in place prior to October 26th and continues to command the clear majority in parliament. It is necessary for all like-minded people, regardless of political affiliation, to come forward to save the country from an otherwise impending economic collapse, by supporting efforts to reestablish the supremacy of parliament and the constitution.
Mangala Samaraweera is the Minister of Finance and Mass Media of the Government of Sri Lanka