Politics: From civil to evil

 

“No enterprise is more likely to succeed than one concealed from the enemy until it is ripe for execution.”

~Niccolo Machiavelli 


2018-11-07

Siddhartha Gautama was one of the most pioneering thinkers who revolutionized the very manner in which man used to think, act and operate at mundane levels. Long before the Magna Carta or the American Constitution came into being, the Buddha told us that no man was unequal to the other;
long before this modern-day social-scientists castaway the discriminatory caste system in the Asian world. The Buddha showed us by example that man is not born a Brahmin or a coolie, but his actions alone defined the lines of such divisions among man and women; that alone would shape and explain whether he is one or the other. 

Such sophisticated and erudite thinking has endured its own corruption specifically by the order, Buddhist Clergy, and still guiding us in trying times telling us right from wrong, good from bad and reasonable and unreasonable, all of which qualities that set the human being apart from all other species. 

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• Transformation of politics from civil to evil has already begun
• The system that sustained a civil service that was apolitical has now become the victim of an extremely corrosive political intervention
• When one sees what’s occurring today, all teachings of the Buddha, Chanakya, Socrates, Plato and Aristotle seem meaningless

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Siddhartha’s attainment of a supreme state of mind- Buddhahood- set him apart from all his contemporaneous thinkers and philosophers until this day. 

Although we, mostly Sinhalese Buddhists, believe in the philosophy taught and preached by Siddhartha Gautama, the Buddha, we cannot or should not disregard another school of erudite thought, a very classical group of doctrines and social theories that attempted to analyze and dissect human behaviour at a fundamental level and present quite a sophisticated macro philosophy. 

Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, the ancient Greek Thinkers were amongst the initiators of this thinking, which formed the foundation of Western Philosophy. 
Plato writes in his Republic:

“Until philosophers rule as kings or those who are now called kings and leading men genuinely and adequately philosophize, that is, until political power and philosophy entirely coincide, while the many natures who at present pursue either one exclusively are forcibly prevented from doing so, cities will have no rest from evils,... nor, I think, will the human race.” (Republic). 

Socrates, who was a contemporary or one who roamed the cities of Greece with his exquisite dialogue and immensely wise discourses in the aftermath of Buddha’s ‘Maha Parinibbana’, prescribed a set of dialectical and logical thinking for the ordinary man to understand and attain. 
Yet, it did not happen. The majority in Greece, as in other parts of the world, were more ready to accept an easily marketable religious merchandise- the concept of God. Clouded by the avaricious orders of organized religions, the clergy, wisdom and intellectual curiosity of a few could not withstand the onslaught of politically sweetened storms; nor did they create novel ways and mechanisms of how to take a sophisticated thought and teaching into the next level of mass-comprehension. 

History bears testimony to the fact there were only a handful of religious leaders, who dared the prevalent thought and practices and became successful to create a ‘religion’ that would later add to itself the essential meat and bone in order to endure and embrace mass participation at the multiple rituals that ultimately were mistaken for the essence of the central gospel of the teacher.

This has happened to all religions and Buddhism too was not spared of this debasement of the core teaching.  Politicians identifying the magic of man’s vigorous faith and unbending allegiance to the religious order began cultivating these various orders and sectoral leaders. Amongst many allurements offered by politicians to cultivate and sustain this relationship between politics and ‘religious order’ are money and tangible offers of the rebuilding of temples and the provision of material assistance.

In a real and perceptible sense, the context of political thought and action has changed beyond recognition. Sri Lanka is no exception in this contextual transformation; her ancient history as well as the recent post-Independence time span, politician’s dependence on the Buddhist Temple has grown exponentially. 

While our monarchical-rule in the ancient past was more or less equal to a theocracy, introduction of democratic elements such as universal suffrage and Westminster Rules of Parliamentary Affairs have embellished the mind of the average Sri Lankan. 

What transpired last Friday, October 26, was the swearing in of an ordinary Parliamentarian, who also happens to be the former President and the Chief Antagonist of the Governing Coalition, which was elected on a platform of anti-corruption, anti-nepotism and anti-dictatorial rule by the very man who opposed him.

The country was in a state of profound shock; it may have taken one-half day for almost everyone, whether one favoured or hated the news, to gather from the ensnaring limbo of a collapsing value system. 

The system that sustained a civil service that was apolitical in every sense of the word and resisted its own corruption by selecting the best of the best students, who passed out of the Universities at the time, now has become the victim of an extremely corrosive political intervention at every level of governance. 

Arthashastra , the Eastern counterpart of Plato’s Republic, authored by Kautilya, also known in history as Vishnugupta and Chanakya, the teacher and guardian of Emperor Chandragupta Maurya, went to the same or even greater extent to define and term the ideals of a just polity. 

Chanakya also prescribed a very workable and practical blend of socio-economic-political strategies and tactics with a sublime purpose of attaining a perfect union between the ruler and the ruled and also with total and dynamic equilibrium between the two parties. 

However, when one comes down to earth and sees what’s occurring in Sri Lanka today, all these teachings of the Buddha, Confucius and Chanakya of the East and Socrates, Plato and Aristotle of the West seem meaningless. 

Especially in the context of the developing culture of corruption, nepotism and resort to means of ‘Stalinist’ approach to power, erudite political philosophies flow out of the window in a hurry.
Transformation of politics from civil to evil has already begun. 

A civil transformation of power within the constraints of our Constitution is not only a necessary element of good governance; it is also a political probability. 

That is why negotiations between the aggrieved parties in this confrontation, President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, should have been towards a more amenable and acceptable candidate for the position of Premiership within the coalition that brought Sirisena into power. 

That is where the fundamental misjudgment and error were committed. Whether it was willful or as a matter of oversight due to the rush of problems that confront a President as the arbiter-in-chief of government machinery is of no less significance than otherwise. Both paradigms are as problematic in the larger scheme of things. 

What is even more severe is the total collapse of the governing machinery at all levels. 

The total focus of the new Cabinet and parliamentarians seems to be on whom to persuade to leave their current affiliations to the United National Party (UNP) and join the emerging political reality of another Rajapaksa-led ‘Joint Opposition’. The confusing realities of non-democratic alliances and political machinations have produced a new reality of parliamentarians being treated as cheap merchandise for buying and selling in the open marketplace. Such devaluation of those who have been elected to high office is a direct affront to the supreme teachings of Chanakya in the East and Socrates and his fellow philosophers in the West. Both, Chanakya’s ‘Arthashastra’ and Plato’s ‘Republic’ have been thrown into the dustbin of contemporary back-channel lobbying. Trading of politicos for the convenience of coming into or staying in power has come to occupy supreme significance. 

This disgraceful practice of buying and selling of politicos for the attainment of power is not new in the history of man. Nor would it come to a sudden halt in the future. But the clever and intelligent ones who still possess some modicum of civility, grace and self-respect would reckon that what must be denied and rejected for the sake of civility and inner progress of society must take control of the situation and demand that justice prevails. 

‘Justice’, as defined in terms of Socrates’s teachings is that ‘It is to your advantage to be just and disadvantage to be unjust’. 

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In such a confused context, the UNP has the following options:  

1. Accept the grossly unjust current political manoeuvring and sit on the Opposition benches.  
2. Negotiate with both Ranil Wickremesinghe and Maithripala Sirisena and find a third person to be the Prime Minister and continue with the same Cabinet and Government party as it existed prior to October 26.  
3. Fight the new reality of seemingly unconstitutional act and persist with the demand that Ranil Wickremesinghe’s position as Prime Minister be restored before any other resolutions are considered.  

Then resolve the matter of Wickremesinghe’s future as head of the Government with an acceptable and third candidate who is capable of mustering the support of the coalition that brought the current President into power. 

The reality of transformation of politics from civil to evil has dawned! 

The writer can be contacted at vishwamithra1984@gmail.com

JVP will vote against MR

GAYATHRI GUNASEKARA- NOV 05 2018

All JVP Parliamentarians will vote against former President Mahinda Rajapaksa when the Parliament reconvenes, the Leader of the JVP, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, told the Media today (05).
Dissanayake added that Rajapaksa's appointment as the Premier was a violation of the 19^th Amendment to the Constitution.

The JVP vowed to back the Speaker of the Parliament Karu Jayasuriya’s official statement regarding the Prime Minister and the Parliament, which is until a new faction is capable of showing a majority in Parliament, the Speaker is compelled to accept the state of the Parliament that existed before the change on 26 October.

MPs crossover for black money and Ministerial positions, said Dissanayake, adding that “it has been normalized in our country so much so that it has become a part of the political culture where they are awarded large sums of black money and other perks to join the Government, however this is the first time a President crossed over and sacked his own Prime Minister.”

This whole political conspiracy damaged the confidence of the voters and the politicians in general, said Dissanayake. “A number of MPs who voted for Rajapaksa are no longer in favour of the President and his unconstitutional Government. That is why the Government is now collecting numbers and that is why the Parliament is suspended until 14 November,” he said.

He further said that JVP is even ready to defeat the Appropriation Bill if the Parliament decides on Rajapaksa as the incumbent Prime Minister.

He noted that JVP will organize protests all over Sri Lanka against this unjust political conspiracy.

Greed and fear that sparked this crisis

 Wednesday, 7 November 2018

The issue is not about keeping Ranil Wickremesinghe or getting Mahinda Rajapaksa back; that issue can be fought in the regular battlefield of competitive politics. It isn’t acceptable to play that out through the medium of a conspiracy to violate the Constitution and democratic process. Therein lies the offence against which we all must unite – Pic by Ruwan Walpola


Two dynamics: Fear and greed

In the first place, the current crisis in Sri Lanka is not a constitutional crisis. It is misleading to call it so since the constitutional guidelines set out in the 19th Amendment for the removal of a prime minister and an appointment of a new one are unambiguous and clear.

The crisis is political and it is deliberately and unilaterally created by a desperate act which is the outcome of two intertwining dynamics namely, a mortal fear within the ranks of the former regime leaders and an outrageous expression of greed by a foolish President. A coincident occurrence of greed and fear!


Trial of Gamini Senerath

As reported in the Daily Mirror of 3 November, the Mara (Mahinda Rajapaksa)-Sira (Sirisena) junta, as a popular online journal calls it, wants to put off the very first scheduled Trial-at-Bar case by the Special Court against Gamini Senerath, Private Secretary of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Gamini Senerath is charged with embezzling Rs. 500 million belonging to Litro Gas. That there is some semblance of hope for this country, at least for now, is evidenced by the fact that the Judiciary has rejected the call for postponement of the case.

This is the opening case of the special High Court. Other cases bringing in Gota, Basil, Avant-Garde, Shirani Rajapaksa, the sons, and so many alleged offenders to boot are to get their turn and account for their actions done when in the seats of mighty power. The cases will be heard daily until finish. Among the Rajapaksa family and cohorts a deadly fear that badges and nags operates.

On the other side, Sirisena on whom “greatness was thrust,” began his term announcing he would never ever seek to be re-elected. In the course of this unexpected journey Sirisena’s taste buds for being in the limelight and in the company of world leaders, travelling the world so often with his kith and kin and receiving obeisance had developed. He wanted another term.

First wanted to know if the current one could be extended. AG said, “No sir.” He foolishly got himself surrounded by a selfish and crafty group of MPs of the Mahinda wing who had even mocked him mercilessly during the campaign. The latter were given ministries but they were Mahinda men who kept on working on this foolish man.

In a madness for another term in office he nervously navigated to the side of his erstwhile enemies. This caused rifts with his major coalition partner, the country’s largest single party – the United National Party. Sirisena would never have won without the UNP forces. Through a process of action and reaction President Sirisena broke off ties and flirted with the Rajapaksas. Like the cunning fox, “come into my parlour,” said the Rajapaksas.

Gamaralalage Maithripala Sirisena, President of Sri Lanka, is now where he is as an outcome of a string of events that flowed from this situation.


Crunch time

This is crunch time for Sri Lanka. Anybody with patriotic feelings has to look at this situation. This is the test of your patriotism and your basic moral longing for the rule of law, democracy and decency in our public life.

If Sri Lanka isn’t going to be a banana, third-rate republic; if the peace that the rule of law brings in its wake, is to prevail so that enterprises and ordinary people can be let to flourish; if a few ruling elites aren’t going to be permitted to run the country at their whim and fancy; and if citizens alone can determine how they are to be governed, then there isn’t any option but to defeat the evil forces (adharma) of the Mara-Sira junta, which has wrested the hold from the legitimate government of our country.


Issue

The issue is not about keeping Ranil Wickremesinghe or getting Mahinda Rajapaksa back; that issue can be fought in the regular battlefield of competitive politics. It isn’t acceptable to play that out through the medium of a conspiracy to violate the Constitution and democratic process. Therein lies the offence against which we all must unite.


Brave Court action

States the Daily Mirror: “The Special Trial-at-Bar yesterday dismissed a request by the defence to put off the trial until the Appeal Court order on the jurisdiction of the special Trial-at-Bar to conduct the trial against former President’s Chief of Staff Gamini Senarath and three others. The three-Judge bench comprising Sampath Wijeratne, Sampath Abeykoon and Champa Janaki Rajaratna fixed the trial to be conducted on a day-to-day basis from November 7 onwards.”

How far away our courts have travelled since the defeat of the Rajapaksa regime and the ouster of the regime’s Chief Justice, Mohan Peiris! The new independent Constitutional Council set up during the first 100 days of the Yahapalanaya Government now picks our judges for the country’s highest court and bastion of liberty.

The purpose of the political transformation in 2015, now known as Yahapalanaya, was to establish systems that can control individual behaviour rather than the other way about where we rely on exhorting individuals-authorities or others – to conform to the right way of doing things. You put your naked finger on the hot oven and you will burn. Likewise, if you violate the laws of the land no politician can salvage you from the consequences. You must recourse to court for that.

The Yahapalanaya Government does invite a lot of criticism for its omissions and commissions. However, this much has been achieved in our country, namely, that Government has set the system of justice right. Courts have given many a verdict against even the Government. No Basilian minister can revenge the court if his ministerial plans are upset by court decision. Sri Lankans observed how a former Chief justice, Shirani Bandaranayake, was illegally removed merely because she blocked Basil’s Divi Neguma Bill. How horrible was that! Yet, the Rajapaksas weren’t the kind with any moral sense who can feel guilty about such wrongdoing.


Amoral

Both components of the ‘Mara-Sira Junta’ by a high profile online journal are totally devoid of moral sense. Ethicists call such individuals ‘amoral’. An appeal to conscience isn’t relevant to such people. It is most unfortunate for a country to have such brutes ruling our country. It is dangerous, too, because these guys set an example to ordinary people. Other high-ups tend to fall in line with the new dysfunctional values. Ministers would think it nothing to demand bribes or to abuse the underlings.

The consequence is that the Sri Lanka Parliament is black-star-studded with numerous venal and double-dealing MPs including S.B. Dissanayake, Wimal Weerawansa, Gammanpila, Aluthgamage, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, and Susil Premjayanth. Even the learned G.L. Peiris is seen pathetically metamorphosing into Mahinda Rajapaksa’s poodle. Like Mary and the little Lamb, GL is seen trotting behind Mahinda meekly and obediently.

Crossovers have become rife – all done for money. When the question about numbers shortage was pointed out to the Mara-Sira junta, it is reported that Basil responded, “I will look after that.” He is, indeed, keeping to his word.

A young mother writes in her blog: “We teach our children never to utter falsehoods, never to deceive, never to cheat, and never to betray.” Could our mothers of the future mentor on such lines?

As every day passes, we now observe morally outrageous action by high-ups who wouldn’t bat an eyelid. Down through the corridors of the wider society, the new and disastrous value system of “might is right” and “corruption is acceptable provided you don’t do that aloud,” penetrates. Whole governance systems deteriorate and break up.

(The writer can be reached via sjturaus@optusnet.com.au)

Speaker refuses to recognise new govt. until it shows majority

November 6, 2018, 12:09 pm 

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya yesterday said he would have to continue with the previous status in Parliament until a different clear majority was shown in Parliament. A majority of the MPs had requested him to accept the previous composition, he said.

The Speaker said in a statement that MPs had pointed out that the recent changes were against the Constitution and parliamentary tradition and had requested him to accept the previous composition of Parliament.

He said he could not remain silent anymore on the information received by him that people’s representatives were being offered perks and privileges in violation of democratic principles.

Full text of the Speaker’s statement:

Even though I have remained silent so far at a time our motherland is embroiled in an unprecedented crisis,   I consider it my paramount duty to act in accordance with my conscience for the protection of rights and privileges of the majority of the Members of Parliament including the Leader of the Opposition of the Parliament and the prevention of the destruction of democracy that we have safeguarded up to now.

I am of the opinion that the request submitted to me under the hand of 116 Members of Parliament of the United National Party, the Tamil National Alliance, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the Muslim Congress stating that the decision made by His Excellency the President was unconstitutional and undemocratic and as they are not in agreement with the said decision that the Parliament should be summoned forthwith and seek approval thereto is extremely reasonable.

When I met the President on 01st of November, he conveyed to me that he would pay attention to the request made by me to summon Parliament and would brief me on the evening of that day itself.

Though it did not materialize, he contacted me over the phone the following day around 10.30 a.m. and informed me that the gazette notification proclaiming the summoning of Parliament on 07th November would be issued and during a meeting with the ambassadors of Japan, France, the U.S.A. and Afghanistan in the morning of the same day, the President had reiterated that Parliament would be summoned on 5th November.

Mahinda Rajapaksa, too, confirmed during a meeting with a group of university teachers that the Parliament would be summoned on 5th November.

If I am to follow the verbal assurance given by the President, it is my duty as Speaker to summon Parliament by 7th November and restore stability in the country. I consider it as the duty of the President too to extend his support to me towards this end.

It is difficult for me to remain silent in the face of severe violation of democratic principles, forcible taking over of administration of media institutions and other public sector institutions disregarding the moderate employees and information to the effect that various perks and privileges are offered to Members of Parliament.  

At a time it has been brought to my attention by the majority that the lawful summoning of Parliament has been prevented and the rights of the Members of Parliament have been usurped, in the name of justice and fair play, I have to make my stance known to the world.

As the majority is of the opinion that all changes made in the Parliament are undemocratic and inconsistent with traditions of Parliament and as the majority of Parliament have requested that the status that existed before these changes were made shall be accepted, I wish to emphasize that I am compelled to accept the status that existed previously until such time that they and the new political alliance prove their majority in Parliament.

Finally, I wish to state that these events which should not have occurred in a democratic society are an unpleasant phenomenon that took place without the use of arms.

Questions of Freedom: Problems in Sri Lanka’s Constitution, Laws and Institutions

Featured image courtesy Hemmathagama.lk

RAVI RATNASABAPATHY-11/05/2018

“Commander in chief of the army, navy and militia, with the power of making treaties and of granting pardons, and to be vested with an authority to put a negative upon all laws… is in reality to be a KING” (An Old Whig,1787)

Citizens of Sri Lanka should heed this warning to the framers of the US constitution.

The Sri Lankan Presidency was, until recently, a fixed executive, not dependent or answerable to parliament and not removable except for limited reasons. Head of the State, the Head of the Executive and of the Government, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. With the power to appoint higher officials, Supreme Court judges, the Police Commissioner, Elections Commissioner it was, essentially an elected monarch.

Questions of Freedom Proble... by on Scribd

An Open Letter To President Sirisena By A Young “Samanala” Sri Lankan

By Mahela Gamage –NOVEMBER 6, 2018

I was going home after work when a friend messaged me with Sirisena’s latest statement.

Having read the caption, I read and rewatched it. The caption hadn’t prepared me enough me for what I had just watched. I’m not going to go into detail or dwell into what was said because all of us would have seen it multiple times by now.

Let me first reiterate that this is not a statement supporting Ranil Wickremesinghe. I’m no fan of him. Neither am I a fan of Mahinda Rajapaksa or you, Mr. President. I’m fed up of the political system that is easily bought and sold to the highest bidder these days.

Back to you Mr. President. You could have attacked Ranil W on his policy decisions or his inaction during his tenure. But no, Mr. President, the almighty protector of this nation’s culture of two thousand and five hundred years decided to stoop lower when we thought you couldn’t go any lower. You decided to call Ranil a සමනළයා, a derogatory term to address someone who’s gay. You referred to Ranil and his gang as his සමනළ කල්ලිය, a swarm of butterflies, because when you have ways to demean people why not use all of what’s possible casting civility aside.

Our culture is supposed to be one of tolerance not one of intolerance and ridicule.

Words have consequences Mr. President, people in this country voted for you to protect the rights of every citizen. Not just a certain group of people. But let me reiterate, every citizen. I didn’t vote for you because I was too young to have voted for you when the presidential election was held but if my memory proves right you were elected on a mandate to safeguard the rights of EVERY citizen. But no, you decided to go and bash a whole group of individuals because of a grudge you hold against a previous political bedfellow of yours. It’s sad to see a President that should represent every one of the country’s citizens sink this low.

I’m young. Yes. But I’ve gone through the bullying. The teasing. The endless nights crying and cutting myself because I hated myself, because of statements and ridicule that the society in general directed at me. I’m a “grown-up” now and a proud, strong butterfly. But let’s remember that there are other young people, much younger than me who’ll look at your comments and the people cheering you on and egging your statements on. Drawing pleasure from your ridicule of the perceived sexuality of RW and his advisors and ministers in his inner circle.

The very act of ridiculing someone based on their sexuality is downright appalling to say the least. We need to make Sri Lanka safe for everyone. That’s how we grow. Stronger. Together.

But your words today will have proven to the younger generation that Sri Lanka isn’t open to accept them. That their own President sees them as inferior. And their sexuality as a detriment to hold positions of power. Lest we forget Alan Turing, Tim Cook, Ellen De Geners, Leo Varadkar, Arthur C. Clarke, all butterflies, සමනළයො in your words Mr. President, all exemplary individuals in their own right, trailblazers for young LGBT+ people around the world. It’s sad that young people here will always have to look outside for inspiration because it doesn’t look like anytime soon that they will be able to fly freely, true to their self. Certainly not with a President who ridicules them for who they are.

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Culture of democracy important in Sri Lanka

The Commonwealth Secretary-General’s spokesperson today issued the following Statement on the unfolding political situation in Sri Lanka.

5 November 2018

“Commonwealth Secretary-General Patricia Scotland today noted the decision  by President Sirisena to reconvene Parliament on 14 November 2018.  Secretary-General Scotland emphasised the importance of the role of Parliament as provided for under the constitution and expressed hope that Parliament would meet as soon as possible to resolve the current crisis in the country.  

The Secretary-General referred to the Commonwealth Charter, adopted in 2012 by all the Commonwealth member states which specifically refers to the responsibility of governments, political parties and civil society to uphold and promote democratic culture and practices.  

The Secretary-General encouraged the political leaders and people of Sri Lanka to engage in constructive dialogue and ensure that the country’s constitution and the rule of law is upheld. The Commonwealth remains ready to assist  and will collaborate with other international partners to provide support if required by the Government and people of Sri Lanka. ”

Sri Lanka

Won’t recognise Rajapaksa as PM till he wins floor test: Sri Lanka Speaker

Sri Lankan civil rights activists hold placards during a demonstration outside the official residence of ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in Colombo on Sunday.   | Photo Credit: AP

The tough statement comes after President Sirisena postponed the reconvening of Parliament to November 14

Meera Srinivasan
- NOVEMBER 05, 2018

In his first public confrontation yet with President Maithripala Sirisena since the dramatic events of October 26, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya on Monday indicated that he would not accept former President Mahinda Rajapaksa as Prime Minister until his majority is proven in parliament.

Citing the opinion of a majority of lawmakers that the recent changes were “undemocratic” and “inconsistent with the traditions of Parliament”, the Speaker said in a media statement: “I wish to emphasise that I am compelled to accept the status that existed previously until such time that they and the new political alliance prove their majority in Parliament.”

Seeks Sirisena’s support

Pointing to President Sirisena’s earlier assurance to him that Parliament would be reconvened on November 7, Mr. Jayasuriya said: “If I am to follow the verbal assurance…it is my duty as Speaker to summon Parliament by 7th November and restore stability in the country. I consider it as the duty of His Excellency the President too to extend his support to me towards this end.”

Coming a day after President Sirisena’s announcement that Parliament would be reconvened on November 14, the Speaker’s statement suggests a shift in his approach to tackling the political crisis that broke out on October 26.

Sri Lanka has been in turmoil since Mr. Sirisena’s abrupt decision to sack his Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and appoint his former rival Mr. Rajapaksa in his place. Shortly after this, Mr. Sirisena prorogued Parliament for over a fortnight, drawing wide criticism.

While Mr. Jayasuriya, in a letter to Mr. Sirisena on October 28, urged him to reconvene Parliament, Monday’s statement suggested the Speaker may have now taken matters into his own hands.

Further, in a letter to select Colombo-based diplomats on Monday, Mr. Jayasuriya made no bones of his position on the matter, and termed the recent developments a “coup”, The Hindu learns. “The entire series of events can only be described a coup, albeit one without the use of tanks and guns,” Mr. Jayasuriya had said, diplomatic sources confirmed.

While it remains to be seen if the Speaker will reconvene Parliament on Wednesday, defying Mr. Sirisena’s announcement, the “new government” appeared keen on asserting its power. Senior lawmaker and a Rajapaksa ally Dinesh Gunawardena on Monday “assumed charge” at the Office of Leader of the House in Parliament, local media reported. “They took over the office by force, and it seems that the Sergeant At Arms connived with them,” said Lakshman Kiriella, Leader of House in the national unity government that collapsed recently. “Clearly, they are disregarding the Speaker’s announcement,” he told The Hindu.

Meanwhile, leaders of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the leftist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna met and discussed their strategy to tackle the crisis. The two parties, with 15 and 6 lawmakers respectively, will have a crucial say in the imminent vote in the 225-member House, given that the Rajapaksa-Sirisena combine, as of Monday afternoon, had about 105 MPs on its side, while deposed PM Wickremesinghe’s front had 98.

Following the meeting, JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake said: “What happened on October 26 was a coup. We reached an agreement today with the TNA that in Parliament, we will intervene to defeat this coup, and stand up for democracy in whatever way we have to.”

TNA leader and Leader of Opposition R. Sampanthan said the circumstances in which the Parliament was prorogued raised “grave doubts” of MPs being bought over with the promise of office and money. “This is not acceptable, this is a violation of the tenets of democracy and we are committed to oppose that,” he said.

POLITICAL TURMOIL COULD TEST SRI LANKA’S TIES WITH INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

LAKRUWAN WANNIARACHCHI/AFP/Getty Images:  A Demonstration in Colombo on November 4, 2018.

05/11/2018

The U.S. and Japan have both paused their respective projects in Sri Lanka amid concerns about democracy, according to the country’s ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

• The European Union said it may consider revoking Colombo’s trade privileges if the government doesn’t continue progress on human rights.
• “Foreign governments and organisations should reconsider any economic support linked to democratic governance,” The International Crisis Group warned in a statement.

Nyshka Chandran | @nyshkac

International concerns about Sri Lanka’s ongoing political crisis are growing, pushing major powers to take action.

Nearly $500 million in U.S. aid and a Japanese loan of $1.4 billion have both been put on hold amid fears about the state of democracy in Sri Lanka, the country’s ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe told Reuters over the weekend.

That came after the European Union said last week that it may revoke Colombo’s trade privileges if the government doesn’t continue progress on human rights and Sinhalese-Tamil reconciliation. Strife between the country’s two major ethnic groups — the majority Sinhalese and minority Tamils — underlined a brutal civil war that lasted from 1983 to 2009.

“Countries are sensitive … democratic countries have concerns,” Reuters quoted Wickremesinghe as saying with regard to his dismissal.

More than a week after President Maithripala Sirisena replaced Wickremesinghe with former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, Colombo remains in a political deadlock. Wickremesinghe, who called the move illegal, refused to leave his post, essentially leaving the country with two prime ministers.

After a period of forced recess, parliament is now due to reconvene Monday. That means members of parliament will be able to hold a confidence vote on Rajapaksa but many fear the decision could be rigged amid potential attempts to intimidate and bribe officials. Speaker of the Parliament Karu Jayasuriya announced Monday that Rajapaksa would not be accepted as the new prime minister until he proves he commands a majority in parliament, Reuters reported.

 ‘Reconsider’ economic support

“It is hard to imagine the cooperative, positive relationship with the international community continuing under a Rajapaksa government,” Jeffrey Feltman, visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution, wrote in a recent note.

While he was president from 2005 to 2015, Rajapaksa isolated Colombo from the world as a result of widespread human rights atrocities and his resistance to international investigations on war crimes.

 But Colombo’s global image improved in 2015 with the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, which was willing to work with the United Nations and address issues such as accountability and missing persons.

The International Crisis Group has called for more global pressure to punish Colombo if Rajapaksa does not receive parliamentary approval.

“Foreign governments and organisations should reconsider any economic support linked to democratic governance,” the organization said in a statement last week. “Governments should also begin to consider applying targeted sanctions against Sirisena, Rajapaksa, their families and their close associates should Sri Lanka’s constitutional coup proceed.”

The prospect of fresh violence should serve as a warning sign for Western powers.

A former strongman associated with authoritarian-style politics and communal divisions, Rajapaksa could re-ignite Tamil extremism, which could prompt Sinhalese Buddhist politicians to justify anti-minority policies, Feltman warned. It “hardly seems coincidental” that Buddhist extremist Amith Weeresinghe was released on bail just days after Sirisena appointed Rajapaksa, Feltman added.

 

Sri Lanka not under 'threat' from US-China trade tensions, says PM

Sri Lanka not under ‘threat’ from US-China trade tensions, says PM

Economic fallout

If Sri Lanka loses the support of trading partners such as the U.S., Japan and the E.U., its already vulnerable economy is set to suffer.

The Ministry of Finance on Friday announced a slew of initiatives meant to revive the economy, including lower petrol prices and reduced levies on certain agricultural commodities. The crowd-pleasing measures are likely to boost Rajapaksa’s popularity — the newly-appointed PM is a known populist — ahead of the expected parliamentary vote.

But the fiscal relief package could also strain state finances at a time when revenues are already weak, according to economists. A day before Friday’s news, Sri Lanka’s central bank warned that Colombo may miss its budget deficit target for 2018 — 4.8 percent of gross domestic product — amid lower-than-expected income collection from import duties.

That, in turn, could impact Colombo’s three-year $1.5 billion loan program with the International Monetary Fund. Under the agreement, the island nation must implement a range of reforms that include fiscal consolidation, revenue mobilization and structural reforms on state enterprise.

Given the risk of fiscal slippage under Rajapaksa, the final tranches of IMF funds may be called into question, said Kenneth Akintewe, head of Asian sovereign debt at Aberdeen Standard Investments.

Colombo also faces significant rollover risks in terms of national debt.

“Some of the biggest maturities are coming up next year so this [political crisis] is extremely bad timing for Sri Lanka,” Akintewe added.

 

Nyshka ChandranReporter, CNBC Asia-Pacific

Courtesy of CNBC.

Rajapaksa rising 

Sanjana Hattotuwa-November 3, 2018, 

Extraordinary times, these. Aside from everything already published on the President’s actions, my fear – which has grown since 2015 – is that politics in Sri Lanka amongst the largest vote base is negotiated through and predominantly framed by vicious, divisive commentary and content, robbing electoral processes of vitality and validity. Most of what I’ve done in recent years, written on, championed and studied is around the net effects of ever greater division over social media, and how that, in turn, impacts kinetic, real-world interactions.

This is why the President’s actions are so devastating.

He has, single-handedly and overnight, normalized the illegal, unconscionable and unconstitutional. The immediate effect of this was to render constitutional rule optional instead of integral to and inextricably entwined with democratic tradition – one which Sri Lanka has, even through the worst violence, never once risked or ridiculed in this way. The legacy will be felt for decades hence, if not reversed through Parliament. It will impact everyone, including everyone who volubly cheers on, or is apathetic towards, Sirisena’s actions. Further, the appointment of Rajapaksa has visibly galvanized physically – as awfullyevident in the photos and broadcasts from last week – as well as exponentially over social media, racist, nationalist, xenophobic voices who are amongst the chief architects of and apologists for ethno-religious violence, post-war. Finally, Sirisena has abrogated in spectacular fashion any and all promises around good governance, bringing back into power the very individuals he has publicly and privately, spoken out again, and with good reason. The impact on young voters who supported him and were galvanized by a promise of a different, more decent, democratic political culture, is incalculably devastating.

Revealingly though, the capture and transfer of power, both unprecedented and unconstitutional, hasn’t been met with widespread opposition by the citizenry. My doctoral research affords a unique perspective into these terrible developments. Read the following in light of the brutish takeover of state print and electronic media on Friday night itself, and extending to the weekend, the immediate and complete deletion of all content from the Prime Minister’s official website, the insertion of a photo of Mahinda Rajapaksa on its homepage, pictures of the military and the IGP saluting, exchanging tokens, pleasantries and plans with Rajapaksas, a traditional propaganda machine on overdrive and not a single domestic media channel, paper or platform courageous enough to critically question key individuals involved in the constitutional coup.

Gossip sites, in Sinhala, are the predominant purveyors of political news and opinion. They are by order of magnitude engaged with more than Sinhala mainstream news accounts. English mainstream news sources, quite literally, flatline in comparison. The qualitative nature of content on these sites, this week, fetishized the army, militant Buddhist monks and former members of the armed forces in custody, on trial for murder. Overall, content overtly partial to Mahinda Rajapaksa as an individual, the Rajapaksas as a family and the SLPP as a political party, overwhelmed all other content from political actors over Facebook and Twitter, in Sinhala and English.

The total control of state media led to framing and content that openly celebrated Mahinda Rajapaksa and ridiculed the incumbent Prime Minister, and his party. Over social media, private media partial to the Rajapaksa, with massive numbers of followers and engagement, also engaged in the legitimization of the President’s actions. On social media, several user of Twitter noticed a rapid increase in bots following them, suggesting the activation of investments around what’s called algorithmic propaganda – the use of computational methods to influence public perceptions on social media. On social media, misinformation – the deliberate spread of falsehood – dominated every single Facebook and Twitter account partial to Sirisena or the Rajapaksas.

This included a Photoshopped letter purportedly penned by Ranil Wickremesinghe asking UN Peacekeepers to come into the country - a risible request, but one that even when clearly, officially and repeatedly denied, was engineered to spread virally. Memes generated on Facebook, engaged with and shared by the tens of thousands if not more, celebrated Rajapaksa and often venomously decried Wickremesinghe. I summed it up on October 30, after the quantitative study of hundreds of thousands of posts and the individual, qualitative study of a lesser number, that the content pro-Rajapaksa, SLPP, JO, Sinhala-Buddhist, racist, communal, violently exclusive, vicious, anti-UNP and anti-Wickremesinghe. The SLPP sported an amazing array of self-styled experts on constitutional matters, offering the most ridiculous interpretations and yet by virtue of airtime, broadcast and publication, managed to galvanize public attention.

A rally organized by the UNP, joined by others organized by civil society, barely got any coverage on state media or domestic, private media. The astonishing, anomalous fact that at the end of the week, only China, Burundi and Pakistan had recognized Mahinda Rajapaksa as PM, and every single other bilateral, multilateral entity including the UN, EU and the governments of India, UK, US, Australia, Canada, Norway and others, calling for a restoration of democracy and the reconvening of Parliament, wasn’t reported in domestic media.

The common term ‘echo chambers’ to describe the partisan divides online don’t capture what I observed last week. Pro-UNP or Wickremesinghe supporters or those interested in constitutional rule who were bunched up with this group versus those in favour of Rajapaksa or Sirisena constituted competing frames of contemporary politics at complete, violent odds with each other. Each group is large and growing, but the pro-Rajapaksa group dominates the discourse and framing, by far – supported by algorithms that clearly reward content that the more viciously contentious, is the most visibly viral. The intoxication of engagement hides the toxicity of the exchanges. And very clearly, live video on Facebook now competes with, and very likely far exceeds in a certain demographic, terrestrial TV broadcast. Some of the video streams feature over ten thousand comments.

All this suggests, if nothing else, that the Rajapaksas (greatly aided now by Presidential fiat) have calculated and planned for – with great accuracy and skill –Sirisena’s actions to be judged in the domain of populist politics, and not on the basis of constitutional merit or legality. It is clear from the SLPP’s public rhetoric that they do not want to risk the fragile legitimacy of Mahinda Rajapaksa domestically, and the near-total non-recognition of his appointment internationally, with physical violence. This is why, combined with what has traditionally been an entirely decrepit, elitist and utterly useless communications strategy, at best, from the PM and by the UNP, the Sirisena-Rajapaksa combine has focused so much attention on the media.In what I see today on social media, signature misinformation strategies of certain countries, well-studied elsewhere in recent years, are evident, and clearly used to seed, sow and subsequently reap the benefits of a hyper-polarized polity and society, partial to authoritarianism in the guise of national security, stability, security, safety and economic growth.

Coupled with a purchasing power measured in the millions of dollars, more than equal to the greed of politicians, Basil Rajapaksa’s brilliant political strategizing, Namal Rajapaksa’s rock-star appeal, Mahinda Rajapaksa’s undying charisma, Sirisena’s power and authority extending to the abuse of state resources, the near total control of social media framing and the blanket coverage of misinformation broadly accepted as factual, normal, legally sound or fair, I am not optimistic about a return to or restoration of democracy. We have crossed a Rubicon. I have been repeatedly asked this week as to what the future holds. Frankly, I just do not know, because as of October 26, anything goes. We should all be deeply anxious, apprehensive and angry. Tellingly, only a few of us are.

Apology

This weekly column by Sanjana Hattotuwa was last Sunday (Oct. 28), under the headline "Monitoring media ownership" was wrongly bylined. The columnist opened his piece with a quotation from Arthur Miller attributing it to Miller. Unfortunately, the column is itself was bylined Arthur Miller. We apologize to Hattotuwa and out readers for this blunder. Editor.

Sri Lanka crisis scares tourists

By AFP-November 6, 2018

COLOMBO, 6 November 2018: A political crisis in Sri Lanka, where two prime ministers are fighting for power, is scaring away tourists and raising questions over foreign aid, ringing alarm bells for the economy as the currency slumps to record lows.

The turmoil in the Indian Ocean nation that has seen one premier refuse to be sacked, and another battle to prove a majority in a parliament that is banned from meeting, has caused major upheaval that Sri Lanka cannot afford.

Amidst warnings from politicians of a “bloodbath” if the dispute escalates, tourists are cancelling hotel bookings just as Sri Lankan beaches and major sites like the Temple of the Tooth prepare for peak season.

While no official figures have been given, deluxe hotels have reported cancellations and a critical decline in new bookings in the past 10 days.

“This comes at the worst possible time when people in Europe are making their holiday plans abroad,” a Colombo city hotel executive told AFP. “We have had a lot of cancellations from the United States.”

“With the political crisis our winter season is gone,” the director of a luxury beach resort in the south of the island said.

Tourist dollars needed

Western nations have warned their citizens to be on their guard in Sri Lanka.

“You should exercise vigilance and avoid all demonstrations or large political gatherings,” a British government advisory said.

Tourism is a cornerstone of the economy. More than 2.4 million foreign holidaymakers visited last year, spending USD3.2 billion. Authorities had been counting on a rise of more than 10 percent this year.

And whether Ranil Wickremesinghe stays in office or former president Mahinda Rajapakse takes his place, foreign earnings will be badly needed.

The Asian Development Bank had predicted the economy would grow by 3.8% this year and 4.5% in 2019, but all bets are now off.

The power vacuum has raised doubts over a USD1.5 billion Japanese-funded light rail project and another USD480 million of US finance for transport and health, a Wickremesinghe minister, Patali Ranawaka, said last week.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) was about to announce an agreement on releasing a new tranche of a USD1.5 billion loan when President Maithripala Sirisena sacked Wickremesinghe 26 October.

“We are monitoring the situation closely and we remain in contact with our counterparts at the technical level,” an IMF spokesman said of the deepening power struggle.

Populist cuts

Wickremesinghe, a market liberal, has insisted he is still in charge while strongman former leader Rajapakse — already blamed for piling up the island’s debt when he was president from 2005 to 2015 — launched his rival administration last week with measures that caused new jitters.

Rajapakse, finance minister as well as head of government, reduced the price of fuel and other essential goods and cut taxes in a move to win over the public.

Treasury officials, who asked not to be named, said the revenue loss from the cuts could blow a new hole in the country’s balance sheet.

Official figures show that Sri Lanka will have to start repaying a record USD4.2 billion of debt in 2019, up from USD2.8 billion this year.

The crisis broke just days after Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera called for a “coalition of the willing” to stabilise the free-falling Sri Lankan rupee along with other emerging market currencies.

The rupee hit a record-low 177.32 to the dollar last week, despite official measures to arrest its decline.

The currency has shed more than 14% this year and Sri Lanka fears it could slide further as US sanctions squeeze Iran, the island’s chief source of oil.

Samaraweera, whose position is now disputed by Rajapakse, said the flight of foreign capital accelerated in the first four days after the political crisis.

He cited Colombo stock exchange figures showing foreign investors took out nearly USD23 million from the market, compared to USD35 million over the first nine months of this year.

Rajapakse has said he will cut down on non-essential imports and reduce personal and corporate taxes to encourage local industrialists and companies.

Fitch said however that a protracted political crisis could undermine foreign investor confidence and “make it more challenging” for Colombo to pay its debts.

© Agence France-Presse

Nobodies and Somebodies in Sri Lanka

Partisan views based on which political camp one belongs to dominate the day-to-day discourses in the media and in other forums. These discourses are closely aligned with power and privilege.

by Siri Gamage-Nov 7, 2018

( November 7, 2018, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) While most of the people are focused on the current saga relating to the sudden change of the Prime Minister and the instalment of a new government, not many are even thinking about how the current system of governance and politics that serves to legitimise power actually disempowers the average citizens? The current power play regarding the legitimacy of one or another PM (and differing versions of constitutional interpretation) is in effect between two factions of the same ruling class or elites who have enjoyed state power at one period or another over the last 70 years.

There is a significant power imbalance between those holding it in the name of the people and for the people and ‘displaying’ the same and those who do not have an iota of it. How did we come to such a situation in the matter of 70 years since gaining independence? Deep reflection is necessary on this question at a time like this rather than be preoccupied by the drama being played out at the top in Colombo.

The process whereby one end of the society is made very powerful and the other end made powerless is the so-called electoral process. Electorates exist nominally and in the minds of legislatures and bureaucrats. They also exist in the political maps and development plans. However, the question is whether people exist in them? Have the electorates been emptied of ‘people’ when they are made voiceless and powerless by the very process of elections?

If we have a truly representative democracy, elected representatives ought to be responsible to the electorates. Instead, what we observe is a one-way process where the voters elect representatives to the parliament, and to the post of executive president periodically but they lose their own power each time they do so. The effects of this process is so alarming that what we witness today is a population deprived of power in all senses and become not only vulnerable but also voiceless. Therefore, at a time like this, informed citizens have a duty to focus on this larger process of disempowerment of the majority and the empowerment of the minority i.e. ruling class, by the very process put in place by our predecessors to empower people as well as designing a way to address this conundrum in a liberatory way.

In an egalitarian society, the children of each and every citizen ought to have an equal opportunity to get an education, employment for a decent income and be usefully occupied, participate in the political process and decision-making processes, as well as to enjoy life without man-made barriers. In the current context, I do not see such an equal opportunity for all. Instead, all political parties involved in governance since independence have created a highly inegalitarian society. While a selected segment has been made more equal than others due to the particular political process in place, the large majority are struggling to get ahead in the face of depreciating rupee, rising costs of goods and services, discriminatory social attitudes and practices, and the hierarchical control exercised by the ruling elites/class on what is essentially public life. Those at the apex of these hierarchies appropriate wealth by using public office to the detriment of the public at large. Then they look for foreign aid and loans for projects. Ethics in such practices are not even contemplated today. The position of MP is treated as a marketable commodity for the highest bidder.

What has been created is a sick society during the last seven decades. Instead of decolonisation we witness re-colonisation in the name of globalisation, neoliberalism, need for foreign investment and education, etc. Yet our roads are full of traffic and diesel fume, eating places including the washrooms still do not have proper hygiene, ritual observance of rules and directives have become the norm instead of critical reflection, discussion or response, and caring for the weak is out of the question altogether. Dirty water from public toilets flow across roads. No Pradesheeya Sabha official to inspect these and rectify. Collection of garbage is ad hoc causing householders to chase the truck with money in hand as graft. Uncollected garbage is then dropped into waterways. A highly competitive society whose members visits the medical specialists as a matter of habit and visits temples for inner solace and face the daily challenges is in place.

A tense population trying to meet daily challenges jumping from one venue to another or from one mode of transport to another before the rain rather than a restive one going about daily life peacefully is visible. Social engineering to correct the path is not even considered. What seems to be more important is building more and more infrastructure, buildings, and acquiring status symbols in the name of public office –irrespective of the party in power. Display of power by those with authority in gang style with a retinue seems to be the game in town. Elected politicians with high office are surrounded by well built men carrying arms and mobile phones to protect somebodies from the nobodies. Ideally, this has to be the other way around. Nobodies who are in the majority need to be protected from the somebodies with so much monetary and fire power. When I read the news that the security for the PM Wickramasinghe has been reduced from 1008 to 10, I was wondering if there is such a contingent to provide security for a medium size town anywhere in the country? After the end of war, why such a necessity is highly questionable unless for the grandeur of office and person concerned? Change of government will not change such practices.

The public at large today do not enjoy their rights and feelings of power. If they walk on roads, take public transport especially buses, visit hospitals or government offices, they are humiliated by those who exercise power. Bus conductors shout at them asking to move forward or backward when there is no room left for movement, footpaths are obstructed so they have to walk on roads competing with passing vehicles, pedestrian crossings are not respected by motorists yet they have to cross, offices of lawyers treat them as colonial subjects, and places of education provide food for exams but not for thought. Foreign education establishments or private health facilities are beyond the realm of these nobodies – though they are in the majority- due to lack of funds that these establishments are after.

During a recent visit to Sri Lanka, I had the opportunity to witness the powerlessness and voicelessness of the majority in public spaces. It looked to me like a totally controlled society from the top – even though there was media freedom before the change of government on October 26th 2018. Those in power control life of the average citizens to such an extent that those with authority see them as no bodies. Being a status society with clearly defined hierarchies and individuals holding positions in them, unless you are somebody with a position and status, you belong in the category of the powerless, status less no bodies (PSLNBs). The life in this category can be a miserable struggle to meet ends on a daily basis.

I saw an old lady who sells food to students at the University campus for Rs. 100-120 each (depending on whether it is fish, chicken or vegetables). I remember the bus conductor who collects money from passengers and constantly look for others who want to get in. An old lady who runs a makeshift stall in the town making and selling ‘wade’ and hoppers. The shop owner who sells newspapers for a living. University student who attend classes with the aspiration to be somebody later. Or the mother who takes the child to Daham Pasala on Sunday and back to teach the right way. Women working on tea estates eking out a meagre income from daily work just enough to feed the family.

To these people, more than the power competition and display at the top, what is more important is whether the prices of food items, petrol, etc., are affordable; whether roads are in good condition; whether they can fix leaking roofs; whether they have means of subsistence; whether there is a country left for their children to live when all this drama is over.

Respect for the individual or care is no more in society unless one belongs to the somebody category. People at the bottom of hierarchies are considered worthless individuals that can be spared as animals. Monetised attitudes pervade the whole fabric of society and its institutions.

Partisan political ways of looking at the society dominate competing to attract the attention of the public. Media also reproduce the same as parrots. There is no non-partisan way of looking at the world perhaps except in the temples, schools and universities. How long this sickness will continue is beyond imagination. Reality is not only constructed politically but also legitimised by using powerful media including religious and cultural symbolism. Worldviews promoted by partisan interests are biased but presented as the truth. Desheeya hada bima (nationalist heartland) is compromised by such partisan truths and associated practices that serve the interests of powerful and marginalise those who are made powerless.

The concept of power cannot be limited to an elected group of individuals alone. In a democratic society, people or citizens by and large ought to be able to feel and experience power to a small or large extent purely by the fact of being citizens of a free society unbound by the vestiges of slavery, colonial subjectivity, caste oppression, class supremacy and discrimination or indeed political harassment.

Partisan views based on which political camp one belongs to dominate the day-to-day discourses in the media and in other forums. These discourses are closely aligned with power and privilege. If not they are associated with those seeking the same. They tend to look at society and the world from coloured lenses. To the proponents of such discourses, it is the opposing side, which is always wrong. One’s own side is righteous even when the public can see otherwise. Thus there is a certain hypocrisy built into the party political discourses and arguments. Nonetheless, these discourses construct reality and push forward certain worldviews. However, on the ground there are different discourses and conversations though not getting equal airtime. They are the discourses of the people subordinated by the very political and governance systems. Proponents of these speak truth to power indirectly. Their voices can be heard in private conversations (face to face, telephone, viber, skype), in public transport, social events at homes, temples and other public places. As there is no tradition of social research focusing on such topics, these discourses do not come to public attention.

During my recent visit, I came across elements of such discourses as I interacted with a cross section of the population in Kandy and Colombo. One view expressed to me very clearly was the failure of the Yahapalana government as well as the impact of its policies on people’s living conditions. People were complaining about the way the ruling elites were conducting themselves in lavish lifestyle while the people were hurting economically and socially. When I asked about their attitudes about the JVP as a third force, they referred to the reluctance of people to vote for it because of their bad memories in the past i.e. 1989/90. Furthermore, people did not like JVP’s association with the UNP-led government. They thought it goes against the expressed ideals of the party.

What we need is democracy at the bottom of society and various hierarchies and the empowerment of no bodies rather than this contest between UNP, SLFP or Podu Jana Peramuna. Those who are closely aligned with each of these parties and their alliance partners get their opportunities to hold onto power, positions, wealth and status by virtue of the kind of democracy practiced by the political establishment. The majority at the bottom of (sick) society look forward to some miracle (this used to be change of government before) to bring a sense of justice, fair play in policy and practice, governance, and moderate enjoyment of perks in office. However, such miracles may not happen in the near future because of the grip on power held by those who desire to keep the sick society as it is while controlling the bodies and minds by the myth of electoral democracy – yet exercising executive supremacy. Those who are involved in performing the pseudo miracles and maintaining the inegalitarian system may one day realise that as a country we have lost the plot. The internal colonialism that they have collectively constructed over the last 70 years making one segment of our population enslaved may haunt their conscience forever.

We need leaders who are able to and willing to understand this reality in the ailing society and implement changes with a measure of austerity to bring about social reform – not only economic reform. Leaders with a vision and a strategy to bring the country out of the current mess. Those with empathy for the powerless no bodies but willing to alter the arrangements of society significantly – particularly at the top level- to allow for all to experience and feel power and all that comes with it. I do not mean that all citizens ought to be provided with Benz or BMW cars, mansions with domestic staff, chauffer driven cars, security guards and defender jeeps, or foreign travel at their wish. Citizen empowerment means that they are placed at the top when it comes to service provision, respect for the individual, and various rights including right to information, association, expression (artistic, creative, political) and life without unnecessary hindrances.

Even though the absence of a credible third political force is the main problem in Sri Lankan politics, not many people thought about this option. Instead they criticise one lot over another for the ills facing society and the country. However, people tend to put all politicians in one basket and express their lack of trust. Some of these people are those who voted for the Yahapalanaya government in 2015. Seminars being conducted in various districts by Ravaya editor Victor Ivan under the title Punarudaya are not well known in the broader community.

The ultimate question that the nation will be asked to respond one day is how the political elites/ruling class has been able to sap the power inherent in the people – including the majority disempowerd already – to enrich so much in the name of democracy? Why the majority has been silent and voiceless when this was happening before their own eyes? What intellectual and other resources plus tools of engagement and empowerment need to be deployed to re-gain the lost power and status of the people in a more democratic but relevant way? Could a leader emerge from the existing ranks of the ruling class or outside it that could galvanise public opinion for a different government of the people, by the people and for the people? If we are to have a better future one-day, Intellectuals need to reflect on these questions and formulate workable ideas for a better society – rather than adopting partisan views and positions.