Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, January 29, 2018

Actress who played Suu Kyi in biopic slams ‘despicable’ Rohingya conditions
 
MALAYSIAN-BORN Hollywood celebrity Michelle Yeoh said she was appalled by the poor living conditions plaguing hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims who fled to Bangladesh to escape violence in Burma (Myanmar).

“It is very important that we’re here, because what the Rohingya people are going through is despicable and it’s very, very tragic. It should not be allowed,” she said. “Every single one of them deserves to have the human rights that should be given to them.”

Yeoh, who is a goodwill ambassador for the UN Development Programme, visited a string of packed refugee camps in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar as part of a Malaysian delegation led by her country’s military chief, reported The Star.


Poster for The Lady (2011). Source: Wiki Commons
The-lady-2011-poster-french-1  She played Burma’s defacto leader Aung San Suu Kyi in the 2011 film The Lady, a biopic chronicling the Nobel Peace laureates struggle to bring democracy to the Southeast Asian nation.

Around 688,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled from Rakhine to Bangladesh in recent months to escape an army crackdown following insurgent attacks on security forces.


Suu Kyi has often been criticised for violence that led to the exodus of Rohingya Muslims, who are denied citizenship in Burma and regarded as one of the world’s most oppressed ethnic communities.

Despite coming under fire, veteran US mediator Bill Richardson on Friday said Suu Kyi remains Burma’s best hope for change, days after he got into a fight with the Nobel laureate and quit an international panel advising her government on the Rohingya crisis.

Richardson said Suu Kyi – whom he described as a long-time friend – had developed a “siege mentality” in her position as Burma’s State Counsellor, the country’s civilian leader, but added that Western governments should continue to engage with her.

“The relationship with the West, with human rights groups, with the United Nations, with the international media is terrible,” he told Reuters by phone from New Mexico on Friday.

“And I think Aung San Suu Kyi has brought this upon herself, the constant disparagement of the international community, which I think can be helpful to her … She seems isolated. She doesn’t travel much into the country. I think she’s developed a classic bubble.”

2018-01-12T140013Z_493440996_RC17B6F33E70_RTRMADP_3_MYANMAR-ROHINGYA-BANGLADESH
Rohingya refugees are seen in a refugee camp at no-man’s land at the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh January 12, 2018. Source: Reuters/Tyrone Siu

Richardson said he resigned from the advisory board on Wednesday, during its first visit to troubled Rakhine State, saying it was conducting a “whitewash”. Suu Kyi’s office said on Thursday her government had asked Richardson to step down and accused him of pursuing “his own agenda”.

Burma’s armed forces have been accused by Rohingya witnesses and human rights activists of carrying out killings, rapes and arson in Rakhine in a campaign senior officials in the United Nations and United States have described as ethnic cleansing. Burma rejects that label and has denied nearly all the allegations.

Bangladesh and Burma agreed earlier this month to complete the voluntary repatriation of all the refugees. The remaining members of the advisory board on Wednesday toured temporary camps the government has set up for returnees.

Additional reporting by Reuters

The struggle to conceive with frozen eggs

Brigitte Adams became the poster child for freezing your eggs. But things didn’t quite work out how she imagined.

Brigitte Adams walks her dog, Grace, near her home in Manhattan Beach, Calif.

by Ariana Eunjung Cha-January 27, 2018

Brigitte Adams caused a sensation four years ago when she appeared on the cover of Bloomberg Businessweek under the headline, “Freeze your eggs, Free your career.” She was single and blond, a Vassar graduate who spoke fluent Italian, and was working in tech marketing for a number of prestigious companies. Her story was one of empowerment, how a new fertility procedure was giving women more choices, as the magazine noted provocatively, “in the quest to have it all.”

Share your experience: Have you started fertility treatments?


Adams remembers feeling a wonderful sense of freedom after she froze her eggs in her late 30s, despite the $19,000 cost. Her plan was to work a few more years, find a great guy to marry and still have a house full of her own children.

Things didn’t turn out the way she hoped.

In early 2017, with her 45th birthday looming and no sign of Mr. Right, she decided to start a family on her own. She excitedly unfroze the 11 eggs she had stored and selected a sperm donor.


Two eggs failed to survive the thawing process. Three more failed to fertilize. That left six embryos, of which five appeared to be abnormal. The last one was implanted in her uterus. On the morning of March 7, she got the devastating news that it, too, had failed.

Adams was not pregnant, and her chances of carrying her genetic child had just dropped to near zero. She remembers screaming like “a wild animal,” throwing books, papers, her laptop — and collapsing to the ground.

“It was one of the worst days of my life. There were so many emotions. I was sad. I was angry. I was ashamed,” she said. “I questioned, ‘Why me?’ ‘What did I do wrong?’ ”

In an age when egg freezing has become so popular that hip employers such as Apple and Facebook cover it as a perk and grandparents help finance the procedure like they might a down payment for a house, there’s surprisingly little discussion about what happens years later when women try to use them. Fertility companies tend to advertise egg freezing — “oocyte cryopreservation” — in scientific terms, as something that can “stop time.” And many women believe they are investing in an insurance policy for future babies.

Sunday, January 28, 2018

Sillysena’s Bond Comic-mission still comically active ! picking up new materials from garbage to sling mud – exposed with evidence !


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News - 28.Jan.2018, 6.40 AM)  It is an indisputable fact that the Bond Commission appointed by president Sword Sirisena which  transformed into a ‘Sirisena’s aachige Comic -mission’ ,finally  went up in smoke . Yet Sirisena whose pet name is now Sillysena is still using its report to give fresh lease of life to the damp squib through various sources to interpret it to suit their own ends ,  according to reports reaching Lanka e news. 
These sordid activities have been confirmed by the letter sent by presidential secretary Austin Fernando to the speaker on the 24th 
After the term of the presidential Commission is over , all its powers ends  . Even the powers of the officers of the Commission cease. The funds that were allocated to it also should be spent before the final day of the Commission , and thereafter no funds can be allocated towards it. While this is the legal position , this Commission which has been transformed into a ‘Sillysena’s Comic -mission’ , is still active  according to the letter sent by Austin Fernando to the speaker of Parliament.

This letter sent amidst a huge storm of controversy surrounding  the Bond Commission report that  was forwarded  to Parliament with a number of pages missing (how many pages cannot be said for certain)  as revealed by the president himself after a lapse of several weeks.  
The president of course in his Sillysena style gave his  stupid reasons for it  which made  the legal fraternity to laugh through every orifice in their body. Sillysena’s silly explanation is , some pages of the report sent to the Parliament were  held back and hidden because those have to be kept confidential  when cases are being filed against the accused.
It is a pity Sirisena alias Sillysena is not even aware that  a case against the accused cannot be filed on the sly. Nowhere in the world that can happen. All the documents and files relating to a case against the accused shall be made available to the accused and the lawyers. Therefore , the president is brazenly and blatantly lying.    if the president is really revealing the  truth ( a habit he is never accustomed to), how can he say , those ‘confidential  pages’ which were hidden will be forwarded to the Parliament ?
In the letter sent to the speaker by the president’s secretary on the 24 th it is stated , the pages which were not forwarded to the Parliament in the first installment are the report’s attachments  , and parts  of other evidence . The secretary had further mentioned, those are with the Government printer for book binding while  promising  to forward those to Parliament soon. When that is the actual position ,isn’t the utterance of the president that those are being kept hidden  to file cases  a damn outrageous  lie ? In that event won’ t  that be an issue?
What is most anomalous in the letter sent by the president’s secretary is , the Bond Commission is still functioning although its term ended  officially on 2017-12-31 . In his letter it is mentioned  thus ,..
 ‘I have informed the former secretary of the Commission to bind the documents sent to me in bundles into books .He is during the last several days engaged in that along with the Government printer. The books so bound have still not been received by me. However , I came to know today , he had been able to forward me three such lots….’
Even the tenure of office of this Commission secretary referred to ceased  on 2017-12-31 , and nobody had extended his official term. In that case , how can this Commission  secretary carry on  those   duties  ‘ since several days ago ?’
If Austin Fernando says , the documents were sent to the government printer for book binding , that is acceptable , but what Austin says clearly on the contrary is , he entrusted that to the ex secretary of a non extant  Bond Commission. How can he do that ?  In the circumstances the most befitting description for the Bond Commission is ‘ Sirisena’s Silly Comic-mission’ . It is a common saying ,’one has to utter   a thousand lies to cover a single lie.’
It is no big deal for bureaucrats alias  booruwa-rats like Austin to dupe the public in  order to shield and safeguard opportunistic villains like Sword Sirisena ,  for that is their favorite occupation and their method of survival.  Austin therefore  can no longer say ‘ my belly is white’ because he now stands exposed from belly downwards . He has confirmed , neither his belly nor his ‘droopy’ below is white .

It is worthy of note , it is while the term of the Commission was to end on 2017-12-07 , the Commission report was handed over to the president on the 6 th of December. Since there was nothing in it to sling mud at the UNP, the term of the Commission was villainously extended until 31 st December and the  report was returned  to be re edited.

No less a person than famous Dr. Wickremebahu Karunaratne , a reputed Cambridge University scholar exposed this villainy.
 The president later referring to the so called contents of the report made accusations  via his much hyped special statement ,only to finally realize there was nothing in the report to justify the accusations . Consequently , he and his clowns were forced to shut their mouths.
Now , a week after the report was forwarded to the Parliament , if it is being said , there are more pages to the report , surely , this  is to edit it again in order  to use the report to their  advantage. 
According to most reliable sources within the Central Bank , even now , Sirisena alias Sillysena’s ‘Comic-mission’ is picking up materials for mudslinging from everywhere including pavements to fill its bag in order to malign  afresh. The names and details of those involved shall be revealed shortly.
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by     (2018-01-28 01:29:17)

Whither now ‘international community’?


article_image
By N Sathiya Moorthy- 

All those Sri Lankans – and the tipping-scale – who had voted Candidate Maithiripala Sirisena for President, on their own perceptions that the international community (IC) was there to see through at least the first five years of the unnatural coalition that too facilitated the same should be looking themselves in the mirror just now. Going beyond the post-war Tamil population, egged on as they were by the TNA – or, in the reverse – and the Muslims after a series of BBS attacks on the community tying down the their political leadership(s) in knots, too should be asking themselves the question: "Whither now the international community?"

For the Tamils, it was the promise of a political solution, following the post-war peace of the graveyard kind. For the Muslims, there was to be peace without fear of future attacks. Even the Christians from among the majority Sinhala community were not spared with Mahinda Rajapaksa was President. All three communities voted against incumbent Rajapaksa, and by default, for Sirisena. The UNP that needed some political victory or the other after losing the presidency way back in 1995, too obliged Sirisena – or, was it the IC, instead? That way, who did Sirisena oblige – his conscience (?) or the international community, by revolting against the Rajapaksa leadership, and still making it to the presidency.

No marks for guessing, who were all behind the grand strategy that made Sirisena, President? The Rajapaksas thought instead that it was a ‘grand strategy’. There could not have been a better political coup than this one in a democracy, and more so in the Rajapaksa era. Three years down the line, what has come of that coup, and that leadership? They are still on the ‘fighting mode’ only that they are fighting themselves.

The wise men

It is anybody’s guess, who had advised the international community on the day to get rid of Mahinda R politically, five years after he had eliminated the LTTE and Velupillai Prabhakaran. It is anybody’s guess equally as to how did the IC come to believe those all from Sri Lanka who were their think-tanks from within. Ask any one of them, and those very persons that may have claimed credit in the past may now want to distance themselves disown the project.

The more circumspect among these wise men with an eye on the future (their own, to begin with) might even tell you that they were not wrong, but the execution of the project was wrong from day one, two or three, as they may wish to believe, or want you to believe. After all, they need to pick up the pieces from where they all had dropped, and expect the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo too to drop sooner than latter so that others could pick it all up and rejoin the pieces to see if it still fitted the zig-saw that is Sri Lanka.

No justification

There is prima facie no need to suspect the international community’s hopes and expectations for and from post-war Sri Lanka. Democracy was in peril under the Rajapaksa regime, long after the war had ended. To give it the benefit of doubt, if at all, leadership did not know when and how to dismount from the war-time high-horse that had been the problem with the Sri Lankan State and the ruling party even before the LTTE had become so very powerful and nationhood-threatening.

There was no war per se when the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983. If anything, the war and violence flowed from it. Neither Rajapaksa, nor his SLFP was in power at the time. So was when the second JVP insurgency occurred under the UNP’s watch, though for the first insurgency, the SLFP and the Sirimavo regime had to take the blame. The annihilation of the Sinhala youth (also in their reproductive age-group, as with the Tamil youth, if proved to be any, at Mullivaikkal) in their thousands should not be forgotten either, if history were not to repeat, be it in the North or in the South.

The very announcement of President Mahinda R that he was conceding the election on the morning of 9 January 2015 was enough to ease the tension on the streets of Sri Lanka and in the minds of Sri Lankan, which until the earlier minute could have been cut with a knife, no questions asked. That also included the democracy that was being denied to the Tamils of the North, East and even capital Colombo, where all they continued to remain suspect in the eyes of the armed forces, which were still recovering LTTE weapons cache every other day, from every other conceivable and inconceivable nook and crony.

But that is what all the nation in general and the Tamils in particular got on the democracy front, and almost in the first minute of Sirisena’s election, with his formal elevation following that very evening – along with the ‘selection’ of Ranil W as Prime Minister. Sirisena and Wickremesinghe have on umpteen occasions since then have publicly criticised the media, which in the pre-war Sri Lanka meant something, and in the war-era, something worse. Yet, overall the situation is better than it was even under the second Rajapaksa regime, for which there was no real justification unlike possibly during the first.

Tilt and tip

The same cannot be said about other issues of governance, starting with corruption and maladministration, the economy and prices – which again the international community too felt could tilt and tip Sri Lanka one way or the other under the Rajapaksas. The less said about the Central Bank bonds scam the better – not only because it happened but more so because it began just a month after the new government had assumed office (implying that the plot, starting with Singaporean, Arjuna Mahendran’s nomination as CB Governor) had been hatched even when these worthies were berating the Rajapaksas for visible and perceived corruption.

For the Tamils, the tip and tilt related to power-devolution and return of civilian lands in the possession of the armed forces during the war years and decades. On the first, there was real progress at the table, but both sides would go back to original, uncompromising positions, once out in the open. Anyway, there was no talk of ‘accountability issues’ to which the TNA and the resident Tamils of the nation got wedded only after the IC began eating out of the pro-LTTE sections of the Tamil Diaspora.

There was hence a lot of tall talk, both on war-crimes probe and power devolution. Truth be acknowledged even at this distance in time, the Rajapaksa regime possibly offered what was/is possible under Sri Lankan circumstances and post-war environment, and not what the IC thought the Tamils needed to be given (even when they had Afghanistan and Iraq happening in front of them, and thanks mainly due to them).

When Mahinda R offered a negotiable political package acceptable to all stake-holders, the TNA would backtrack. They possibly and readily agree to a new Constitution Assembly and a newer Constitution, when the IC talked them into accepting it even pre-poll, for a post-poll government to pursue. If not the IC, the TNA leadership knew pretty well that it would not happen under Sri Lankan circumstances and the State and the Sinhala polity had ways to scuttle it all, wantonly or owing to the very nature of the nation’s politics, since Independence and even before that.

The unstated IC expectation, if not outright demand, concerned China. Today, China has more of Sri Lanka, not less. Given the way, Sirisena and Ranil are sharpening their will and daggers for each other as much as for the one-time common adversary in the Rajapaksas, the nation can possibly forget the new Constitution, the Tamils what all that was promised to them by nations and forces that could not possibly move a pin in a democratic Sri Lanka any more than earlier.

Who then said that the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo fooled or cheated the international community as much as they did the Tamils nearer home, and also their own traditional urban, liberal Sinhala middle-class, which under the Rajapaksa rule had also expanded to cover semi-urban centres, elsewhere too in the South? The IC too wanted to be fooled after their freewheeling deals in and with Afghanistan and Iraq. They got what they possibly wanted, but did not know they wanted it, after all!

If someone can still stop Mahinda R from returning to power as President, it is the Sri Lankan people and their existing Constitution, not the international community. But then, he may still be able to return as Prime Minister, a la Vladimir Putin in Russia, and there even an incumbent President in Sirisena’s place may not be able to stop him – if it came to that. If it were to happen, if at all, then Sri Lanka would have come a full circle under the duo’s care, nothing more, nothing else. Amen!

(The writer is Director, Chennai Chapter of the Observer Research Foundation, the multi-disciplinary Indian public-policy think-tank, headquartered in New Delhi. Email: sathiyam54@gmail.com)

Who plays to the gallery?

  • Proposal for free tabs for 200,000 A/L students

  • Despite odds, unity government was able to maintain the economic stability

  • People’s mandate made Ranil PM with a record 500,000 votes 

  • President’s recent comment comes purely as a political stunt

2018-01-29 
No sooner than later there will be a Sri Lankan version to the book “Fire and Fury” which has sold millions of copies in USA. When you read and hear the comments made by the President Maithripala Sirisena during the last few days there is no doubt that someone who was instrumental in making him President may pen the paper against the philosophy of what the President stood for before being elected and until recently.  
To the surprise of all, the President went on rampage a few days ago blaming the UNP for mishandling the economy during the last two years and therefore he will begin to lead it from this year. This means that he will either take over the responsibilities of the Finance Minister or will create an institution above the Finance Ministry or veto his powers to the extent that he controls the subject economy.   
However by looking at the calibre of people he has in his camp, he may not be able to handle by himself but to get assistance from the UNP again.   
Why UNP again? Can the President rely on and trust people from the previous regime or the SLFPers who came on board with President Sirisena after he took over the party leadership from Mahinda Rajapaksa merely for their survival, who now enjoy the benefits of ministries at the expense of the UNP victory in August elections in 2015.   
Are the President’s comments ethical? However ethics are no longer an expensive commodity in the Lankan political market. It can be ignored too.  
How logical are those comments, should be the most appropriate question. It’s a fact that the President came in to office with the overwhelming support of the UNPers who rushed to the polling stations in numbers to overthrow the Rajapaksa regime. The mirror effect of that discourse was to ensure Ranil Wickremesinghe’s premiership. It was a pledge made by the President himself in the latter part of December 2014 after leaving the Rajapaksa regime.  
As promised Ranil Wickremesinghe was appointed as the Prime Minister together with the President at the swearing-in ceremony.   

"The crafting of the economy since January 2015 was a collective responsibility of both the SLFP and the UNP"

But it was not so in August 2017 it was the people’s mandate that made Ranil Wickremesinghe the Prime Minister with a record number of preference votes over 500,000.   
Then the supplementary budget for 100 days was passed. Subsequently, all the budget proposals thereafter were passed not by a simple majority but by a two thirds majority. Who led the SLFPers in the house to give a nod to the respective budgets? It was none other than the President. So why did not he see this earlier and rectify it? The answer is simple. There was no election forthcoming then. It means the President’s recent comment comes purely as a political stunt and as a relentless effort to hold together the dwindling masses from the SLFP.   
The crafting of the economy since January 2015 was a collective responsibility of both the SLFP and the UNP. Therefore credit of whatever the benefits passed to the masses should be shared equally by both parties that made a historic milestone in Sri Lankan polity by creating a national government by two parties that never matched ever since their inception.   
Despite shortcomings in the macro and micro economic management - the unexpected floods, landslides, droughts, dengue outbreaks, the collapse of the Meethotamulla garbage dump – the national unity government was able to maintain the economic stability in the country. Notwithstanding allocating money for education, health, housing, sanitation like never before in any era.   

"Vision 2025, the unity government’s economic plan, jointly presented by the President and Prime Minister to the public has included ideals of both the UNP and SLFP"

Listed here some of the cardinal socio-economic benefits received since 2015


  • Increase in salaries of around 1.4 million public sector employees by Rs.10,000  
  • Completion of Moragahakanda multi-purpose project  
  • Commencing construction work of Colombo-Kandy expressway  
  • Completion of Rajagiriya flyover   
  • Regaining the GSP+ benefit from the European Union  
  • Removal of the ban imposed on fisheries exports to EU since April 16, 2016  
  • Recommencing the reclamation work of the port city after amending the initial agreement making it a financial city. US $ 1.4 billion will be the investment for reclaiming the island, an overall investment of USD 15 billion when completed  
  • Providing a health insurance scheme worth around Rs. 500,000 including 200,000 hospitalization cover for all 4.5 million student population in the country. Initial allocation is Rs. 2,700 million  
  • Providing free tabs for around 200,000 A/L students in the country. Rs,5,000 million allocated   
  • Launching 13 years of compulsory education programme in schools. Rs. 3,500 million allocated   
  • Commencing the project ‘nearest school is the best school’ project to provide physical infrastructure to schools. Rs. 64 billion was allocated for the project  
  • Providing vouchers instead of uniforms to school children  
  • Providing shoes for 4500 needy school children   
  • Establishing mobile science labs for 3000 schools in the country costing of Rs. 450 million  
  • Increasing Mahapola scholarship amount to Rs. 5,000 per month from Rs. 2,500  
  • Reduction of prices of essential medicines. Around 400 branded medicine prices have been brought down substantially due to this effort  
  • Reduction of medical tests and laboratory charges  
  • Reduction of fuel and gas prices  
  • Reduction of prices of essential commodities  

Moreover, the vision 2025, the unity government’s economic plan, jointly presented by the President and Prime Minister to the public has included ideals of both the UNP and SLFP.   
Be that as it may the cardinal feature of the present unity government was to reinforce and revitalize the deteriorated democratic institutions that were inherited by them from the previous regime. Introducing the constitutional council and establishing very important commissions, the election, human rights etc added social value.  
It gave breathing space for those who lived with fear. The era when village thugs openly controlled civil society ended. One may remember incidents that happened in Deraniyagala area, specially the killing of the Noori estate Superintendent by a famous thug “Athakota” who was given political patronage by the previous regime ended. What surprises us is that those who were responsible in creating such a vandalized society now beg for the vote again.   

"Are the President’s comments ethical? However ethics are no longer an expensive commodity in the local political market. It can be ignored too"

Despite all these, one cannot understand the comments made by a Head of State against your own coalition partner or your better-half.  
There are many quotations from the speeches made by the President overwhelmingly acknowledging the positive work by its partner but the public is the best source to judge the pros and cons stemming from the speeches.   
Lastly, one must remember if not for your partner UNP; where would have been the dream of “Yahapalanaya”?  

A president’s fireworks and a country’s misery

The Sunday Times Sri LankaSunday, January 28, 2018

These days, it seems that President Maithripala Sirisena lights matches with relish, igniting political fireworks that go off virtually every day of the week in a dazzling display of verbal pyrotechnics. Mostly aimed at the United National Party (UNP) his squirming coalition partner in Sri Lanka’s governing ‘unity’ alliance, these onslaughts send the media scurrying in delight and cause intense discomfiture to dwindling and demoralized ‘yahapalanaya’ believers.

But the question is as to how much of this is pure showmanship aimed at the upcoming local government elections?

Challenging party leaders
On the face of it, the President’s anger is underpinned by solid factors. His challenge to party leaders on Thursday, to debate the two Presidential Commission reports detailing major financial scams implicating the country’s two political parties before the Local Government elections on 10th February this year had all the hallmarks of classic theatre to it.

One Commission of Inquiry Report related to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) treasury bond issuance in 2015 and 2016 implicated the Prime Minister’s handpicked appointee for the Governor of the Central Bank and the Governor’ son-in-law, the head of Perpetual Treasuries. Alleged fraud and corruption of a similar nature from 2008 (before the Commission’s mandated period of inquiry)
causing massive losses to the Employees Provident Fund was also recommended to be investigated. The irreparable damage to the country’s premier financial watchdog by these disclosures will take a very long time to repair, if at all, regardless of any number of ‘internal actions’ or forensic audits that may be initiated.

As observed in these column spaces previously, the ‘cover-up’ of the scandal by the ruling UNP was as bad as the impugned transactions themselves. This sorry saga stands completely at odds with the Prime Minister’s (surely tongue-in-the-cheek) injunction this week that his party was like a ‘glass mirror’ in its adherence to transparency. This may be too much to swallow even for its die-hard loyalists apt to dismiss the ‘bond scam’ with flippant waves of their hands.

Systemic thievery and the public purse
Equally disquietingly, the second Report by the tongue twistingly named Presidential Commission of Inquiry to Investigate and Inquire into Serious Acts of Fraud, Corruption, Abuse of Power, State Resources, and Privileges (PRESIFAC) related to several gigantic frauds of the previous regime benefitting corrupt politicians and Rajapaksa acolytes of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) including members of the entertainment industry.

The loss to the public purse from the sum total of this systemic thievery is colossal, literally boggling the imagination as it were. Both Reports were released at the same time though the President has, with some reason, dispensed with the snide allegation that the dual release was anything more than purely coincidental. So his challenge to ‘VIP robbers’ on both sides of the House called them out in right royal style. The self-styled Joint Opposition (JO) led by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa had been loudly demanding the Commission report on the CBSL bond scandal to be furnished to the House and a debate to follow as if their very lives depended on it. Indeed, the political lives of utterly corrupt JO members may certainly depend on this great lifeline thrown to them by the UNP. Yet the furnishing of the second Commission of Inquiry report, which implicates all if not most of them, have rendered these once snarling parliamentarians to docile kittens.

In that background, the agreement by all party leaders to hold the parliamentary debate on these reports on February 20th and 21st 2018 after the February 10th polls is telling. The President’s acerbic barbs therefore are understandable, except for the fact that, as the UNP has expostulated in response, his own representatives at the party leaders meeting also agreed to these dates. Reportedly, his most recent broadside meanwhile is to reiterate allegations that the UNP was to blame in holding up the prosecutions against Rajapaksa frontliners, including on charges of murder and assassinations.

Political gambles that may backfire
The Presidential outbursts are to be expected. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) is facing the electorate divided and torn with the Rajapaksa breakaway group exerting significant political pressure. Assessed against traditional voting tendencies in this country, these are formidable obstacles to fight against. The heady glow with which he came into power in 2015 has largely diminished. In some part, this is due to political jostling that he engaged in after a misconceived positioning as the ‘saviour’ of his party. But in larger part, it is owing to the UNP’s mortifying entanglement in a muddle of bond corruption and inefficient government.

President Sirisena’s consequent withdrawal into narrow corners of traditional conservatism, best illustrated by his sexist command to restore a long ignored excise notification banning women from buying liquor in the premises of a tavern, is a long cry from the enlightened and progressive President that he promised to be. From his viewpoint, these are liberal niceties to be sacrificed on the altar of the far more overwhelming need to stay politically relevant during the remainder of his Presidential term. That is a path that the President is now firmly on, come what may.

These are of course gambles that may badly backfire. Whatever may be the sins of the UNP, there is no doubt that there is a block vote for the party, heightened also by the cold logic to the Prime Minister’s injunction that it is the Government which holds the public purse, including spending on local government projects. Where the Rajapaksa vote is concerned, that too has solidly survived through the past three years. And with ‘floating voters’ more inclined to float away entirely from an election which has dishearteningly degenerated to a monstrous test of competing political strengths, the President’s skills in capturing public attention may not be quite enough.

From the mud to the trees
So what can Sri Lankans extract as positive factors where systemic reform and accountability is concerned? First, the two Reports of the Presidential Commissions of Inquiry have established without a doubt, the murky and serpentine tentacles of the ‘deep state of the corrupt.’ Glimpsed in vague and indeterminate forms earlier, the precise details expose a terrifying confluence of an elite and amoral few forming privileged connections across political and establishment lines. Second, the recommended use of Section 70 of the Bribery Act (as amended) against these crooks in the PRESIFAC report in particular, is encouraging. It may actually be that the power of the 1994 amendments to the Bribery Act, which had been dormant for decades, may now come into its own.

If so, then this ugly tumult that we see on the political stage may just about be worth it. And a President who once promised the sun, moon and stars in 2015 may conceivably be able to allow his unhappy countrymen and countrywomen to glimpse at least the top of the trees from the mud in which they are presently in.