Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, January 18, 2018

Sri Lanka: One Step Forward, Two Back


Government Delays Implementing Rights Pledges to UN
Demonstrators hold candles at a “Black January” vigil to commemorate killings and disappearances of Sri Lankan journalists, Colombo, Sri Lanka, January 24, 2017.
Demonstrators hold candles at a “Black January” vigil to commemorate killings and disappearances of Sri Lankan journalists, Colombo, January 24, 2017.
 
© 2017 Dinuka Liyanawatte/Reuters

January 18, 2018
(New York) – The Sri Lankan government stalled on its key pledges to provide justice for conflict-related violations and strengthen human rights protections, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2018. The government took some steps in 2017 to reduce restrictions on speech and assembly, but there was little progress on transitional justice initiatives agreed to at the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2015.
In the 643-page World Report, its 28th edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in more than 90 countries. In his introductory essay, Executive Director Kenneth Roth writes that political leaders willing to stand up for human rights principles showed that it is possible to limit authoritarian populist agendas. When combined with mobilized publics and effective multilateral actors, these leaders demonstrated that the rise of anti-rights governments is not inevitable.
The government needs to put a timetable in place for meeting its pledges to the world and to the Sri Lankan people. 

Meenakshi Ganguly

South Asia Director
“Victims of abuses who struggled for years seeking justice finally had a moment of hope two years ago when Sri Lanka pledged to the UN to take action,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director. “Since then, victims have received many words but little action. The government needs to put a timetable in place for meeting its pledges to the world and to the Sri Lankan people.”
In October 2015, the Sri Lankan government agreed to a consensus resolution at the UN Human Rights Council to establish four pillars of transitional justice. While it conducted national consultations on issues around the resolution, the government has since failed to act on the recommendations. In July 2017, the government announced after many delays and setbacks that it would operationalize an Office on Missing Persons. But there was no meaningful progress during the year on the other three justice mechanisms, most notably a judicial mechanism to prosecute those responsible on all sides for grave crimes committed during the country’s civil war.
The government’s pledge to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), which was used both during and after the civil war to detain terrorism suspects for years without charge or access to counsel, also languished. In the last couple of years, the government under President Maithripala Sirisena released many of those long detained under the PTA, but offered no reparations or apologies to those arbitrarily held.
The government has yet to take meaningful steps to reform laws criminalizing same-sex relations. Muslim women campaigned for amendments to discriminatory marriage laws.
In March 2018, Sri Lanka will appear before the Human Rights Council for an interim report by the high commissioner for human rights. UN member countries should press strongly for the government to deliver on its commitments to its population and the UN.

RETURNING TO THE LAND 

Dead army officer’s claim doubtful: CID

The Army Intelligence Officer who had committed suicide by hanging himself in 2016, having written a letter taking responsibility for the killing of senior journalist and Sunday Leader Chief Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, had in fact spent that day in the Kegalle area, the CID informed the Mount Lavinia Magistrate yesterday.
This revelation is based on the officer’s telephone records, unearthed by the CID.
The army intelligence officer, who was a resident of Kegalle had written this letter claiming responsibility for the killing of Lasantha Wickrematunge and hung himself thereafter.
However, the CID notified court that while the handwriting on the letter belongs to the said intelligence officer, the details in the letter are contradictory to the details of his phone records.
The information gathered by CID investigators were presented to the Magistrate revealing that the suspects who were arrested on suspicion of having carried out the assassination of Lasantha Wickramatunge, had in fact been loitering near his home.
The case was taken up before the Mount Lavinia Magistrate, Mohammed Sahabdeen.
Further revealing the information uncovered through the investigations before court, the CID said the two youth identified as the owners of the motorcycle on which they had allegedly come to assassinate Lasantha, were found to be residents of Vavuniya.While Wickrematunge was assassinated on January 8, 2009, these two youths had been killed and their bodies had been burnt a few days prior to his assassination on January 1, 2009 by an unknown party and their charred bodies were found in the Anuradhapura area.
The Criminal Investigation Department informed court that the investigation into the murder of Wickrematunge began in March 2015 and officials have recorded statements from 950 persons regarding the incident.
It was also disclosed that 295 out of 950 such individuals are army intelligence officials.
The Department also informed court that the fingerprints found in the car of Lasantha Wickrematunge at the site where he was murdered did not tally with the fingerprints of intelligence officials of several army camps including the Tripoli Army Camp.
The Court was also informed that investigations into the vehicles that were following the Lasantha Wickramatunga’s car on that fateful day are continuing. The CID also informed court that they are investigating as to why 17 officials of Tripoli Army camp who were arrested in connection with this murder were released.
The CID also informed court that they handed over the CCTV footage of the route on which Wickrematunge’s car was plying from his wife’s residence to office on this day, to the Moratuwa University for further study.The university had informed investigators that they are unable ascertain facts with regard to the CCTV footage.
The CID told court that they would hand over the investigation into such CCTV footage to another institute.
It was also revealed in court that the mobile phone of Lasantha Wickrematunge has been imported to the country in 2008 and the relevant phone and the SIM card have been sold to him by one of the three dealers of the Softlogic company. The CID told court that they are yet to identify the dealer who sold the particular phone to Wickrematunge.The notebook and other items which were in possession of Wickrematunge at the time of murder had been named as court productions by Sub Inspector Weerasinghe of the Mount Lavinia police.
The CID had found that these items had gone missing and the relevant page in the Police Record Book containing the details of these items had been replaced with another page.
The Criminal Investigation Department also informed court that the investigations reports conducted by the Mount Lavinia Police and the Terrorist Investigation Department into the murder have been destroyed.
The Sergeant Major who was arrested and remanded in connection with this murder was produced in court yesterday. Senior Lawyer Athula S. Ranagala appeared for the aggrieved party. The case was put off for March 15. The Magistrate ordered the CID to produce the progress of the report on the investigations

Landmarks In Our Journey To Ethnic Morass 


By Ameer Ali –January 17, 2018


imageToday’s tumultuous ethnic relations that bedevil Sri Lanka’s political and social tranquillity is the end product of decades of political miscalculations and misunderstandings by each community about the others, and the overall mismanagement of the country’s pluralism by post-independence rulers. In this saga of miscalculations, misunderstanding and mismanagement certain historical landmarks stand out prominently. Before outlining these and interpreting how they shaped our journey to an ethnic morass it is important to remember two contrasting episodes from Sri Lanka’s pre-independence history.

The first episode relates to the successive Dravidian invasions from South India dating back to 230 BCE according to one source, and the destructions they inflicted upon Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa, the seats of Buddhist royalty. These acts of aggression, conquest and destruction, the memory of which has been kept alive by partisan historians and story tellers, have ingrained in the Sinhala Buddhist psyche over centuries that Tamils are a domineering community. In the modern era, the state of Tamil Nadu across the Palk Strait and the concentration of Tamils in the north and east of the island with another 19th century addition in the central highlands added to the Sinhala Buddhist psychological fear that similar invasions from Tamil Nadu, perhaps on the invitation of their local brethren, cannot be discounted. This fear almost translated into reality in 1987 when the Indian Air Force forcibly entered Sri Lankan air space and dropped what India called “Mercy Aid” to Tamil victims during the civil war. No wonder Sri Lanka condemned it as an act of “naked aggression” and President Jayewardene called it an “invasion”.

The second episode relates to the advent of Muslims to the country. Nowhere in Asia or for that matter in any part of the world was a Muslim minority treated with such great magnanimity and respect as in Sri Lanka during the reign of the medieval Buddhist kings. The hospitality that these monarchs extended to the early Arab and Persian Muslim immigrants is unparalleled in the annals of history. Even when the Muslims were chased out of Sitawaka during the Portuguese rule in the 16th century it was a Buddhist king, Senerath, who gave the victims refuge in his Kandyan Kingdom. This historical fact is a living memory in Muslims psyche.
 
On top pf these two contrasting historical episodes and their equally antithetic impact on the Sinhalese and Muslim psyches respectively other developments in the modern era added to the prevailing inter-ethnic mistrust and miscalculations. These developments are the landmarks that contributed to the current tumult. 

Development 1:

During the British rule in the 1880s, at a time when an opportunity arose for Muslims to gain representation in the Legislative Council, the then Tamil leader and Legislative Councillor Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan argued in the council, and authored a paper, which was published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, that the Muslims were Tamils by origin but the follow the religion of Islam, implying thereby that there was no need for a separate representation for them. This diabolical blunder by Ramanathan, not so much because of the substance of his arguments but because of the timing of it, sowed the seeds of mistrust between the Tamil and Muslim communities. A permanent legacy of this unfortunate episode is that from that time onwards the Muslims of Sri Lanka began to call themselves Moors, a disparaging epithet bestowed upon all Arabs and Muslims by the Portuguese. This mistrust however, got further deepened after the 1915 Sinhalese-Muslim riots when the same gentleman led a delegation to London to plead before the court for the release of the Sinhalese leaders who were arrested by the colonial government on charges of aiding and abetting the rioters. Later in the 1930s and 1940s the mistrust deepened again when the Tamils supported the Indian Congress and Muslims the Muslim League in the struggle for Pakistan.

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Government has failed to jump-start



By Dr. Vickramabahu Karunaratne-2018-01-18


The Local Government election campaigns are on and voting is close by. This time without preferences and ward orientation compulsory, no doubt eager political and social elements have entered politics from all parties. As political parties have fielded their candidates in a hurry, there is still the possibility that many fools or unfit candidates, too, would have received nominations to get elected to this bottom level of power.

But, nominating such a person as a candidate the parties are doing a disservice to the people for they cannot put an end to the corruption, money rackets and even nepotism present in politics today and will not get the voters to break free from the trapped, incompetent and backward feeling.
Much worse, it is such fools and misfits who are easily moved in to racist fascist political tendencies. They become famous politicians by shouting against minority communities. On the other hand, take the case of the people in the north-east for example; the presence of excess Sinhala soldiers, the failure to free more Tamil land held by the military and the failure to abolish the Prevention of Terrorism Act are all particularly detrimental to the restoration of normalcy in this region.

However, this grievance of being trapped and the incompetent feeling, as shown above is not specific to the north-east or to the Tamil people, although they are the most vocal about the failings of the Government to deliver on its promises. Clearly the complaint regarding the slowness of the government is more widespread.

In Sri Lanka, all those who voted for the Government to ensure that there would be good governance, expansion of democracy with a Constitution acceptable to all communities and economic prosperity from all over the country are dissatisfied with the progress that has been made so far. They see the failure of the Government to take those accused of corruption, abuse of power and racist fascistic oppression to trial and to prison as indications of infirmity of those who may do the same in the future. On the other hand, the less political larger population whose main priority is to improve their standard of living and get out of the poverty traps they are in, are disappointed that the Government has patently failed to jump start the economy. Some bourgeoisie economists demand that Sri Lankans must accept the reality that the country as a whole is not generating enough wealth and it had been the main cause for their disintegration into smaller groups divided by regions based on nationality and religions, while the majority is dominating the minorities due to the folly of the past leaders who were stupidly hero - worshipped by the people. This is putting the cart before the horse. It is the development under capitalism that created nationalist consciousness that was misdirected by parochial political leaders.

There were vulgar racists in the past who advised people to boycott elections as it happened at the first provincial council election in 1987 and later at the 2004 general election and the whole world knows the consequences. In 88-89 the JVP led the racist campaign against devolution, parity of languages and citizenship for Upcountry Tamils. They killed many people and in the end the bourgeois State carried out a repression where nearly 40,000 disappeared. In 2005 the election boycott by Tamils gave the opportunity to Mahinda to win. He destroyed the Tamil liberation and finally established a fascist regime. Today, too, there are theoreticians who advise people to go to polls and to cast spoilt votes at the oncoming Local Government elections. To any sensible person it should be clear that there is no sense in wasting votes but time is ripe now for the Sri Lankan people to shutter this barrier in their mind and break free from the trapped-in feeling of incompetence, to select the right candidate to represent them at this lowest level of power, in the journey to take the country forward to democracy and development.

Presidency – Parliament and political garbage

The LG elections is an utter waste of Rs. 4 bn and would cost the taxpayer another Rs. 178.4 mn every month to maintain the elected
These “empowered” women will have to endorse Victorian puritanical restrictions re imposed on them by this President-PM led government
 2018-01-19
The Bond Commission (PCoI) Report that led to many political frictions is now out in the public domain in the English language only. It was this report that led to PM’s theatrics in parliament, the social media swallowed in bellyfull and then switched to President Sirisena on his outburst at the Cabinet meeting last Tuesday. His accusation that some UNP parliamentarians including Minister Harin Fernando have slandered him on election platforms, does not allow him to work with the UNP and his claim that he cannot work with the corrupt were both appreciated and ridiculed equally in social media.   

This Report and the presence of MR have led to many interesting episodes in the Local Government elections. Today Mahinda Rajapaksa’s photo is being used by some candidates contesting from President Sirisena’s SLFP/UPFA. Interestingly the implied message is, their leader cannot harness votes like Rajapaksa does. Only time in history a candidate used a photo of an opposing politician to his/her advantage was when UNP candidate Milinda Moragoda used Samasamaja stalwart Bernard Soyza’s photo to promote “decent politics”. That had a different undertone with electorates in Colombo having a caste advantage more than “decent” politics.  

This LG elections have made President Sirisena resort to executive powers he vowed to completely abolish and go home after the first term. Asserting his powers as President he even had Budget proposals adopted in parliament, changed. Projecting himself as the sole custodian of this hybrid “Yahapalana” government. He is making an attempt to impress upon the SLFP voter that this government is controlled by him and not by the UNP. He then asked the Supreme Court if he could continue for one more year as President and had been told he cannot. It would have been far wiser for him and more dignified had he said, “It’s the 19AI honour and would leave after 05 years”. He is already set for a second term though.  
This LG elections have made President Sirisena resort to executive powers he vowed to completely abolish and go home after the first term 
He forgets he is projecting a “powerful” image and lamented at an election meeting during the weekend he only came to know through the media about a gazette notification issued by Finance Minister Mangala Samaraweera that extended business hours of restaurants and pubs and also removed the barrier against women purchasing liquor. Donning his much fancied feudal garb of a “Sinhala-Buddhist Patriarch” he said the PM agreed to have that gazette revoked to “save families from ruin”. After loud protests in a misogynist Cabinet, FM Samaraweera was compelled to withdraw his gazette notification. In all this drama,what is interesting is that two opposing political party leaders, one from the Sinhala rural patriarchy and the other from elite urban liberal society, agreed to continue with 19th Century Victorian puritanical taboos influenced by Christianity, to win over 21st Century Sinhala Buddhist vote.  

These same leaders yet claim they empowered women by enacting amendments to guarantee 25 per cent women’s representation in LG bodies. These “empowered” women will have to endorse Victorian puritanical restrictions re imposed on them by this President-PM led government. The UNP Mayoral candidate Ms. Rosie Senanayake, who would represent the most urbane of the women’s population in Colombo to Alexandrina in Kotagala, Sindhuja in Batticoloa and Sabeena in Hambantota, all will have to continue with Victorian taboos feeling more “empowered” contesting elections with a 25 per cent quota.   
Even new political re-alignments that could emerge post LG elections, cannot clean the present parliament and make 
it sane 
More importantly, President Sirisena’s anti-corruption campaign with puritanical Victorian morality is now his political platform in his bid to overrun all others for the now decided presidential election in 2020. This façade looks very much a fake with corrupt and criminal elements appointed by him as electoral organisers and as candidates for the LG elections. It would also be fun to ask him to name ministers who are “clean” and without allegations of corruption and fraud. More fun it would be to ask him, if he could publicly say how publicly owned spectrum can be sold to Maharajas without any tender procedure through the TRC under him. Anti-corruption rhetoric does not answer rotten, inefficiency; inability to have fertiliser in time, shortage of fuel and in importing rice and coconut that again is wired to corruption somewhere in his administration.  

President Sirisena has nevertheless effectively driven PM Wickremesignhe and the UNP into defensive gear with his statement on the Bond Scam report. This provoked a backlash from UNP parliamentarians that reached the Cabinet and would not end there as election campaigns gain heat. For those who stand for “slash and burn” neo-liberal economics, it is an overwhelming task to win votes by promising development and employment. People, even the die-hard UNP voter has lost confidence in this government’s economic performance. The Census and Statistics Department in their first “Labour Demand Survey – 2017” reveals “sewing machine operators” have been on the decline since 2015 with 297,627 going down to 240,688 in 2016 and to 188,117 by June 2017. That in a very profitable apparel sector now benefiting from EU GSP “Plus” and has grown by 11.3 per cent during the first 09 months of 2017 with a 1.6 billion US dollar gain.  
In short, all political parties are wholly corrupt and don’t make any effort to know what society needs
It is not that Sri Lanka is short of labour. It is that employment created with foreign investments despite huge profits do not provide decent, reasonably paid employment for rural youth who seek employment. Therefore 39,394 women had left employment as sewing machine operators in 2016 and in the first 06 months of 2017 that number was 23,886. This sector alone was left with77,189 vacancies by mid 2017. These are jobs the ILO terms as underpaid “precarious” labour. Most therefore do not want to slog in them.They instead migrate to Middle East as house maids. Other than blaming Rajapaksa, the UNP campaign has hardly anything to showcase as successes during the past 03 years. That is also reason for President Sirisena to distance himself from the UNP.  
Even new political re-alignments that could emerge post LG elections, cannot clean the present parliament and make it sane.  

It is therefore ridiculously insane for the ITAK leadership of TNA to tell Tamil people the “on going Constitutional process” would get derailed if they do not vote TNA. It is also extremely saddening to read R. Sampanthan, the most senior politician in the country with over 57 years of active politics behind him, reiterating his popular ‘mantram’ wishing a “heartiest Thaipongal” for all Tamil people with “a New Constitution (that) will be framed without any further delay in the new year, which will uphold the dignity, self respect and justice on the basis of equality amongst all citizens of Sri Lanka….” as both Leader of Opposition and leader of TNA.   

His honesty apart, can the Tamil people expec this Thaipongal wish to ever come right under this Yahapalana government? Can the Tamil believe these government leaders would respect and honour “dignity, self respect and justice on the basis of equality” to Tamil people, though Sampanthan and Sumanthiran believe? What hope could remain when this government doesn’t even release Tamil youth held in detention for long years without any charges, ignores protesting mothers and widows who demand answers for involuntary disappearances of family members and then the protesters in Keppapilavu, who dared to continue agitating in front of a military camp for 300 days demanding return of their own private land held by the military? This again is a government that has conveniently trashed its co-sponsored UNHRC resolution and now says there will be no investigations against “war heroes” on war crimes.  

For ITAK leaders to demand the Tamil vote with veiled threats promising a “Constitution making process” is shameless lying to their own people. One - there is no valid Constitution making process though there is “an interim report of the Steering Committee”. That is no serious intervention as far as Southern Sinhala politics is concerned. Two -  this LG elections would further cement the Sinhala ideology and make this Yahapalana government wholly incapable of even considering “Tamil aspirations”. Sadly ITAK leaders don’t want to accept they are on a wild goose chase with this Yahapalana government.  

In short, all political parties are wholly corrupt and don’t make any effort to know what society needs. It is these political parties and not the voter who control elections from nominations to representation. Thus to tell the people to pick “good” candidates to vote is an utter farce. From professors to professionals and lawyers to the illiterate, every parliamentarian has been corrupt and rowdy over decades. This LG elections therefore is an utter waste of 04 billion rupees and would cost the taxpayer another 178.4 million every month to maintain the elected. This will not help resurrect a rotten system decaying and degenerating like the Meethotamulla garbage dump. It is therefore time to rethink whether our vote needs to be crossed for a political party or crossed right across the ballot paper. A protest if you wish to make.  

Sajith frowns on election laws, laments suspension of ‘projects’


article_image
Ranjan Ramanayake and Sajith Premadasa

By Shamindra Ferdinando- 


UNP deputy leader Sajith Premadasa, MP, said that he had been recently compelled to postpone handing over of buses to eight schools in the Hambantota District in view of current restrictions in place due to forthcoming Local Government polls.

Countrywide elections to LG authorities are scheduled for Feb.10.

Addressing a public rally at Yodakandiya, Tissamaharama, early this week, housing and constructions minister Premadasa said that he had raised funds required for the project with the help of friends, philanthropists, dignitaries and various companies.

Premadasa said that eight buses that had been bought at the cost of Rs 3.5 mn each were now parked outside his home until the conclusion of LG polls.

The UNPer said that current restrictions prevented him from handing over the buses to Pangamuwa Rajakeeya Vidyalaya, Debarawewa Janadhipathi Vidyalaya, Yodakandiya Devananda Vidyalaya, Hambantota Suchi Vidyalaya, Hambantota Primary School, Hambantota Zahira, Ambalantota Therapuththa National School and Viharagala Vidyalaya at Sooriyawewa on his 51 birthday. Premadasa said that since he had launched Hambantota district based political career 24 years ago a two week long project was conducted annually to mark his birthday on January 12.

Premadasa said that he rejected a request to hand over one out of eight buses and reschedule the event after the polls.

Premadasa regretted that he couldn’t go ahead with some planned activities, including handing over of buses to schools due to protests and obstacles. Premadasa alleged that interested parties sabotaged the projects meant to bring relief to the needy.

The UNP Deputy Leader said that the above mentioned schools had sought his help to acquire a bus of their own after he provided buses to national schools at Debarawewa and Sooriyawewa.

Premadasa alleged that those who had robbed the country were against relief being given to the needy.

Reiterating that his projects were never aimed at elections, Premadasa insisted that he didn’t gain political advantage through development work and relief rendered to those struggling to make ends meet.

Premadasa recently drew fierce criticism from his opponents when at the onset of the local government polls campaign he vowed to continue planned projects regardless of election laws. Premadasa declared that he wouldn’t even mind going to prison by rendering assistance to the needy.

However, addressing the gathering at Yodakandiya, Premadasa said that he accepted instructions and advice received regarding elections laws. He said unlike previous rulers, they wouldn’t disregard instructions and advice received from relevant authorities.

In an obvious reference to National Elections Commission (NEC) intervention, Premadasa said that they peacefully accepted directives received in that regard.

Premadasa acknowledged that they had been forced to suspend the issuance of housing loans installments until the conclusion of the polls.

Castigating those who had demanded suspension of various ongoing projects until the end of elections, Premadasa said the UNP would comfortably secure Tissamaharama Pradeshiya Sabha.

Premadasa reminded that as a minister he didn’t receive any payment from the government though he served the Hambantota district.

Responding to growing opposition allegations that youth had been given temporary employment in the run-up to Feb. 10 polls, Premadasa reassured over 5,750 job recipients in the Tissamaharama electorate that they didn’t have anything to worry. Premadasa said that in addition to them, about 15,000 employment opportunities would be soon available in the state sector.

SRI LANKA ELECTION MONITOR CAFFE CAMPAIGNING AGAINST UNP LEADER: WHERE IS THE NEUTRALITY?


Sri Lanka Brief18/01/2018

Issuing a statement on the Central Bank Bond issue election monitoring orgnisation CaFFE has clearly taken  a political position that goes against one of the main political parties contesting upcoming local government elections in Sri Lanka.

The statement questions that whether Prime Minster  ( leader of the United National Party)  is suitable to lead the country: “Isthis the kind of person we can continue to have as the Prime Minister of the country?” This is a cleat political position against one political party and once a election monitoring organisation talks such a stance it looses it neutrality.

CaFFE statement fellows:

CaFFE Press Statement

If President Maithripala Sirisena still trusts Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, he has not read the report submitted by Presidential Commission of Inquiry on the controversial Treasury bond transactions, said Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon, Executive Director of the Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE).

Moreover the Prime Minister has shown that he relies, not on impartial inquiry and independent investigations when making decisions on important matters but on verbal assurances given to him by his associates.

Tennakoon said that the report of the PCoI states that ‘the question of whether or not the fact that, Mr. Mahendran was not a citizen of Sri Lanka precluded him from being appointed the governor of the CBSL was not a Question of Law. Instead, it was a value judgment, which had to be made by those who considered the wisdom of appointing Mr. Mahendran, who was not a citizen of Sri Lanka, as the Governor of CBSL.

“So it is obvious that the Prime Minister made an erroneous value judgment. He made this decision despite the fact that a number of the most senior cabinet ministers had objected to the appointment. The cabinet Spokesperson Minister Rajitha Senaratne continuously states that he opposed the decision until the Prime Minister requested him to trust his judgment and not to intervene in his decisions. The erroneous value judgment of the Prime Minister has cost the nation over Rs 11 billion,” Tennakoon said.

 The  CaFFE Executive director added that when the Prime Minister was aware that, Arjuna Mahendran had a conflict of interest, when he was appointed the governor of the CBSL, as his son in law Arjuna Aloysius was in charge of Perpetual Treasuries.

The report states that the Prime Minister ‘has directed that Mr. Mahendran must ensure that, Mr. Arjuna Aloysius resigns form all positions he held in Perpetual Treasuries…Mr. Mahendran has repeatedly assured the Hon. Prime Minister that, Mr. Aloysius ‘would not under any circumstances play any role in the business activities of ‘Perpetual Treasuries. It appears that the Hon. Prime Minister has relied on those assurances given by Mr. Mahendran.’

 Tennakoon states that the report adds that the confidence which the Prime Minister has placed on Mahendran was misplaced. The commission states the prudent course of action would have been to independently verify whether ‘Mr. Mahendran was honoring the assurances he gave the Prime Minister. We regret that the Hon. Prime Minister did not take this course of action.’

 “Is this the kind of person we can continue to have as the Prime Minister of the country? The report shows that he was not only mislead by Mahendran but also by a number of other officials. This is a man who has made a series of terrible mistakes. Anyone can make mistakes, but these are mistakes that could have been easily avoided because a lot of people were trying to show the Prime Minister what actually transpired. But alas, Wickremesinghe continues to be stubborn as ever and it’s up to the President to decide whether he can entrust the management of this country t such a man,” Tennakoon said.

PM says Bond probes prove ‘yahapalanaya’ change


  • PM says Govt. started delivering change that public voted for in 2015 with bond investigation
  • Emphasises steps taken, believes no other Govt. has taken such sweeping measures to address allegations 
  • Minister Marapana appointed to head committee to probe alleged links between UNP members and bond scandal 
  • Promises UNP will implement Marapana recommendations
  • Insists governance change embodied in stronger parliament, presidential commission and COPE 
  • Acknowledges transparency transformation cannot happen overnight but Govt. steadfast in its goal 
logo  Friday, 19 January 2018 

Taking his message straight to the public, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday said the unparalleled transparency the bond issue was dealt with can be regarded as the start of the change the public voted for in 2015 and pledged to hold all responsible parties accountable.

Making a special statement outlining actions taken by the Government to investigate the allegations of bond sale irregularities, Wickremesinghe stated it was the best example to date of how transparency had been infused into governance and how Parliament was strengthened over the last three years.

Taking another step towards achieving greater accountability, Wickremesinghe said a committee headed by Foreign Minister Thilak Marapana has been appointed to identify any United National Party (UNP) member links to the bond issue and the party was committed to work on any recommendations presented by Marapana.

The change that people expected when they voted in January 2015, the virtuous society they wanted would be achieved by this Government, Wickremesinghe insisted. He conceded that this was not a goal that could be realised in “one day or one night” but “this bond investigation can be regarded as the start to that change. We will pay equal attention to the past as well as the present. We will tread on the right path and we will correct our mistakes.”   

“Our aim is to develop Sri Lanka, to make it prosperous and peaceful. Let us work together to achieve this aspiration,” he said. 

The Prime Minister also took pains to detail the measures taken by him and President Maithripala Sirisena to deal with the bond issuance scandal when it first broke.       

“We came to power to stop corruption and fraud. To bring justice no matter the colour or party. When the bond issue came up we did not sweep it under the carpet. In just two weeks we appointed a commission and the former Central Bank Governor recued himself from duties during the investigation. Parliament was updated and told to appoint a Select Committee if it wanted to, all reports were also presented to Parliament,” he said.

He also pointed out that during the previous administration of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the chairmanship of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) was given to a member of his party, however under the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration it was returned to an Opposition member as was customary. The COPE report on the bond issue was subsequently debated in Parliament, he recalled and forwarded to the Attorney General for appropriate action on 31 October 2016.

“Further investigation into Perpetual Treasuries was recommended. As a result President Sirisena, following discussions with me, appointed the Presidential Commission of Inquiry. We supported the commission to the fullest; several top ministers went before it. Even I went before it. Never has there been a Government that has worked so hard after allegations have been directed at it. We have had three investigations into this issue.”

 Wickremesinghe noted that even though similar allegations had existed against the former Government no efforts had been taken to investigate them or release information to Parliament. Even when questions were raised in Parliament they went unanswered, he observed.

“Sri Lanka’s financial management lies with Parliament but that had been forgotten. This bond issue was one instance when Parliament was able to use its due powers to protect the public. We enabled that to happen. This is the best example of transparency at work.”     

As the Central Bank, which remains under his purview, had frozen financial assets worth Rs. 12 billion belonging to Perpetual Treasuries it was therefore possible to recoup Rs. 9.2 billion the bond report had calculated was lost to the State, Wickremesinghe said.

“We will recover this amount. Therefore, there is no loss to the State. If there is any official involved in it, we will implement the law against him accordingly,” he added.

“We cooperated fully with the investigation since the allegation against the bond scam surfaced. We will take steps for the implementation of the Commission’s recommendations. We have been able to prove that ours is a policy-oriented, ethical and pious government.”

“No other government has acted in that manner in the recent past. The Judiciary took decisions independently, and the media worked fearlessly. ”

Parliament yet to receive two crucial volumes of bond report: CaFFE

  • Two missing volumes consist of approximately 9,000 pages
  • CaFFE calls on Speaker to obtain missing volumes for MPs to reviewslams UNP committee appointed by PM

The Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) yesterday charged that two whole volumes of the report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Central Bank bond scam had not been given to Parliament.

CaFFE Executive Director Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon said that he had requested the Speaker to ensure that Parliament was provided with the remaining volumes of the bond report.

“Two volumes of the report, one on marked documents and the other on the recorded evidence, have not been given to Parliament. My rough estimation is that there are about 10,500 pages in the full bond report but only around 1,250 pages have been given to Parliament. I have written to the Speaker urging him to obtain the two missing volumes of the bond report for Parliamentarians to study,” he said.

He pointed out that these two volumes were crucial for Parliamentarians to make a fair and informed judgment.

“Without these two volumes it is almost impossible to fully comprehend the volume that has been given. For example, the volume that the Parliament has got and is available online refers to a ‘C 350’ but there is no explanation of what ‘C 350’ is within that volume. This means that without the remaining volumes one cannot ascertain a comprehensive understanding of the findings of the report.”

Furthermore, Tennakoon was critical of the committee appointed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to determine who in the UNP was involved in the bond scam and what course of action to take.

“The Committee is headed by Tilak Marapana. His brother Gamini Marapana was the advocate for Arjun Aloysius. The Prime Minister is attempting a complete whitewash of the issue,” Tennakoon asserted. 

Sri Lanka: Bond Book — Chapter 33 — Recommendations

The presidential commission of inquiry which probed Treasury bond scams has determined that the then CBSL Governor Arjuna Mahendran provided ‘inside information’ to Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL) owned by his son-in-law Arjuna Aloysius and acted in collusion with that company.
Here are the Recommendations;
( January 18, 2018, Colombo, Seri Lanka Guardian) The Presidential Warrant dated 27th January 2017 issued to us, requires us to make recommendations with regard to the matters we have investigated and inquired into and reported on.
On the basis of the evidence placed before us and our determinations and conclusions based thereon and our observations, which are set out in our Report, we recommend:

President orders AG and other officials Act Now on Bond Commission Report Prime Minister’s ‘Value Judgment’ questioned



By Gagani Weerakoon-2018-01-18

President Maithripala Sirisena yesterday directed the Attorney General, Jayantha Jayasuriya, the Governor of the Central Bank, Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy and DG Bribery Commission Sarath Jayamanne and other officials to immediately act on the recommendations of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the alleged Bonds scam.

The President's meeting with the top law enforcement officials came as 26 copies of the report were sent to the Speaker of Parliament Karu Jayasuriya to be tabled before the House and copies distributed to individual Members of Parliament.

The Speaker also received copies of the report of the other Presidential Commission that examined seventeen cases of alleged major acts of corruption and fraud carried out during the regime of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. This report in Sinhala stretches almost to 10,000 pages.

The much-awaited Bonds Commission report was also uploaded on the website of the Presidential Secretariat and the site of the President's Media Division.

The Executive Summary of the report faults a number of people for the alleged Bonds scam. It lays the blame squarely on the shoulders of the......former Governor of the Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran. It recommends that the losses suffered by the Government be recovered from Mahendran and his son-in-law and owner of Perpetual Treasuries Arjun Aloysius.

The report says, "We have determined that, the Government of Sri Lanka suffered an avoidable loss of Rs 688,762,100 as a direct result of Mr. Mahendran's intervention in the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27th February 2015 and the instructions he gave to both the PDD and the Tender Board that Bids to the value of Rs. 10,058 billion must be accepted at the Auction and we have determined that, Mr. Mahendran is liable and responsible for this loss."

The report says that the "appointment of Mahendran not a 'Question of Law' instead 'Value judgment' which had to be made by those who considered the wisdom of appointing Mr. Mahendran, who was not a Citizen of Sri Lanka, as the Governor of the CBSL."

The Commissioners said that they "consider that, the confidence which the Hon. PM states he placed in the assurances given to him by Mr. Mahendran, was misplaced. We are of the view that, the more prudent course of action would have been for the Hon. PM to have independently verified whether Mr. Mahendran was, in fact, honouring the assurances he gave the Hon. PM. We regret that, the Hon. PM did not take that course of action."

The Commissioners also said that Sales of treasury bonds, during the period relevant to their Mandate, to the EPF and other Statutory Bodies and Government Institutions and aggregating to Rs. 8,529,964,495.61 have been made, by using inside information {Price sensitive information} and by 'market manipulation'.

The Summary also faults three Deputy Governors of the Central Bank for negligence in allowing he alleged scam to go through. The Commission also pointed a finger at the Secretary to the Treasury Dr. R H S Samaratunga who over sees three State-run Banks for not keeping the Monetary Board apprised of these mega deals.

Meanwhile, the Executive Director of the Centre for Free and Fair Elections Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon asks whether "President Maithripala Sirisena still trusts Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe." A statement from CaFFE said "moreover the Prime Minister has shown that he relies, not on impartial inquiry and independent investigations when making decisions on important matters, but on verbal assurances given to him by his associates."

The report states that "the question of whether or not the fact that, Mr. Mahendran was not a citizen of Sri Lanka precluded him from being appointed the governor of the CBSL was not a Question of Law. Instead, it was a value judgment, which had to be made by those who considered the wisdom of appointing Mr. Mahendran, who was not a citizen of Sri Lanka, as the Governor of CBSL."
The Commissioners also recommended that former Finance Minister be referred to the Bribery Commission to investigate allegations that the rent to his luxury apartment had been paid by Aloysius.

Some of the key recommendations of the Commission are:

We recommend that, the CBSL investigates the operations of the Primary Dealer arm of Pan Asia Banking Corporation PLC;
Although there is evidence before us with regard to several Transactions entered into between Mr. Nimal Perera, former Chairman of PABC, and the EPF, which require scrutiny, these Transactions have not been established to fall within the scope of our Mandate. Therefore, we did not summon Mr. Nimal Perera to appear before us and, accordingly, we cannot arrive at a determination adverse to Mr. Nimal Perera in these Proceedings.

However, we recommend that, the CBSL carries out a specific and detailed investigation into the Treasury Bond Transactions which Mr. Nimal Perera and his Company and other Clients of PABC, had with the EPF;

As set out earlier in Chapter 19, we have determined that, the Government of Sri Lanka suffered an avoidable loss of
Rs 688,762,0100/- as a direct result of
Mr. Mahendran's intervention in the Treasury Bond Auction held on 27 February, 2015 and the instructions he gave to both the PDD and the Tender Board that Bids to the value of Rs 10 billion must be accepted at the Auction and we have determined that,
Mr. Mahendran is liable and responsible for this loss.

As set out earlier in Chapter 19, we have also determined that,
Mr. Mahendran directed that Bids to the value of Rs. 10.058 billion be accepted for the improper, wrongful and mala fide collateral purpose of enabling perpetual Treasuries Ltd to obtain a high value of Treasury Bonds at that Auction, at low Bid Prices and high Yield rates and that, Mr. Mahendran provided 'inside information' (price sensitive information") to Perpetual Treasures Ltd, which Perpetual Treasures Ltd used to its benefit at the Treasury Bonds Auction held on 27 February 2015 and that, Mr. Mahendran acted in collusion with Perpetual Treasuries Ltd.

Therefore, we recommend that, appropriate proceedings are also instituted against Perpetual Treasuries Ltd for the recovery of this los
Rs 688,762,100. In this connection, we consider that, the provisions of Section 21D (5) of the Registered Stocks and Securities Ordinance are likely to be relevant.

In this connection, we also recommend that, the Hon. Attorney General and other appropriate authorities consider whether, Perpetual Treasuries Ltd has used and gained and benefitted from 'inside information' ('price sensitive information') at the Treasury Bond Auction on 27 February, 2015 and, if so, whether Perpetual Treasuries Ltd should be prosecuted under the provisions of section 56A(1) of the Registered Stock and Securities Ordinance and in the event of a conviction being entered by a learned Magistrate after Summary Trial in such a Prosecution, recovering, from Perpetual Treasuries Ltd, a fine which is twice the value of the aforesaid sum of Rs 688,762,100 or such other amount as the Court may be pleased to determine.

We further recommend that, in view of the determinations referred to above, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption and the other appropriate authorities consider whether the aforesaid acts of Mr. Mahendran amount to acts of "Corruption" as defined in Section 70 of the Bribery Act and, if so, prosecute Mr. Mahendran under the Bribery Act and other applicable Law.

As set out in Chapter 19, we have determined that, Perpetual Treasuries Ltd obtained and used 'inside information' ('Price sensitive information') at the Treasury Bond Auction on 29 March, 2016 and gained and benefitted thereby.

We have also stated that, given the complexity of the task and the expertise needed, a Forensic Audit or similar process should be carried out to accurately estimate the quantum of the sum of which Perpetual Treasuries Ltd gained and benefited from the 'inside information' ('price sensitive information') at the Treasury Bond Auction on 29 March, 2016.Here too, we recommend that, after the quantum of the sum to which Perpetual Treasuries Ltd gained and benefited from the 'inside information' ('Price sensitive information') at the Treasury Bond Auction on 29 March, 2016 is estimated by means of a Forensic Audit or other similar process, the Hon. Attorney General or other appropriate authorities consider whether, Perpetual Treasuries Ltd should be prosecuted under the provisions of Section 56A(1) of the Registered Stock and Securities Ordinance and, in the event of a conviction being entered by a learned Magistrate after Summary Trial in such a Prosecution, recovering, from Perpetual Treasuries Ltd, a fine which is twice the value of the extent of the gain and benefit gained by Perpetual Treasuries Ltd or such other amount as the Court may be pleased to determine.

As set out in Chapter 23, we are of the view that, Perpetual Treasuries Ltd has made the major part of its Profits by using 'inside information' ('price sensitive information') and by 'market manipulation' in the Secondary Market and, thereby, knowingly violated and acted in breach of the provisions of the Code of Conduct for Primary Dealers, which has been issued by the CBSL under and in terms of the Regulations issued under the Registered Stock and Securities Ordinance No. 7 of 1937.
We recommend that the Hon. Attorney General and other appropriate authorities examine whether prosecutions should be instituted, under the Penal Code or other relevant provision of the Law, against Mr. Mahendran, Mr. Arjun Aloysius, Mr. Palisena and relevant officers of the CBSL and the EPF on the basis of the facts and circumstances established by the evidence placed before this Commission of Inquiry.

As stated earlier in Chapter 22, we recommend that, the Hon. Attorney General or other appropriate authorities consider whether the material contained in the Report 'C350' (and related documents) establishes that, some of the evidence given by Mr. Mahendran and Mr. Palisena before us, is shown to have been incorrect and, if that is the case, whether there are grounds to prosecute Mr. Mahendran and Mr. Palisena under Section 179 and/or Section 188 of the Penal Code or other relevant provision of the Law, read with Section 9 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act No. 17 of 1948;

As stated earlier in Chapter 24, we recommend that, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption should consider whether Hon. Ravi Karunanayake, MP, while he was Minister of Finance, derived a substantial benefit from the Lease Payments made by Walt and Row Associates (Pvt) Ltd (which is an Associate Company of Perpetual Treasuries Ltd and which is owned and controlled by the same persons who own and control Perpetual Treasuries Ltd) for the lease of apartment occupied by Hon. Ravi Karunanayake, MP and his family and, if so, determine whether appropriate action should be taken against Hon. Ravi Karunanayake, MP, under the Bribery Act;
As stated earlier in Chapter 29, we recommend that, the Hon. Attorney General and other appropriate authorities consider whether Perpetual Treasuries Ltd has, wrongfully and fraudulently, deleted Call Recordings for the purpose of concealing the true nature of the Transactions entered into by Perpetual Treasuries Ltd and attempted to suppress evidence with regard to wrongful acts of Perpetual Treasuries Ltd and, if so, whether prosecutions should be instituted against Perpetual Treasuries Ltd, Mr. Arjun Aloysius and Mr. Kasun Palisena for criminal offences under Chapter X and Chapter XI of the Penal Code, including Sections 175, 189, 193, 198 and 201 of the Penal Code read with Section 9 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act No. 17 of 1948. The appropriate authorities may also consider whether Mr. Nuwan Salgado and Mr. Sachith Devathanthri should be prosecuted in this regard;

We also recommend that the Hon. Attorney General and other appropriate authorities consider whether, Mr. Palisena's statements in the Affidavit affirmed to by him, where he declares that complete Telephone Call Recordings have been submitted to the Commission of Inquiry by Perpetual Treasuries Ltd, were false and, if that is the case, whether Mr. Palisena should be prosecuted under Section 179 and/or Section 188 of the Penal Code or other relevant provision of the Law, read with Section 9 of the Commission of Inquiry Act No. 17 of 1948;

We recommend that, pending the consideration of institution of the aforesaid Proceedings, the Assets of Perpetual Treasuries Ltd and its beneficial owners – namely, Mr. Arjun Aloysius and Mr. Geoffrey Aloysius – and the persons who were in day-to-day control of Perpetual Treasuries Ltd – namely Mr. Arjun Aloysius and Mr. Kasun Palisena – including all monies lying to the credit of Perpetual Treasuries Ltd's accounts with the CBSL and other Banks, the aforesaid Shares in National Development Bank PLC and the Dividends aggregating to Rs. 641.556 million paid by Perpetual Treasuries Ltd to its beneficial owners, should be held or placed "under lien", so that such Assets cannot be disposed of in the meantime.

Whither women’s empowerment?


In countries built exclusively on the rule of law, such things as democracy and equality measures are valid

In Sri Lanka, we have tried to impose democracy on a feudal citizenry

Those who get hammered most are the communities whose sensibilities and systems have been compromised, violated and forcibly broken down without justifiable cause or sufficiently insightful thinking

2018-01-19

One fourth of the seats at this edition of the local council elections are set aside for women. The general consensus among people at the news seems to be… “Good! Finally!” 

While I laud their enthusiasm I must smile into my collar. I am going to tell you a tale that should give you some idea why I am amused. This is a story of that which is casual, commonplace. A story based on the application of human psychology and traditional sociology that I was fortunate enough to stumble upon during a decade spent traipsing around the country observing its ways and wiles, its means and methods, its systems and strategies.

As we know, local councils, village committees and other such village level governance bodies are, to this day, saturated with men. In most, men made up the entire body. I used to casually wonder about the role of women in the charting of their own lives and in helping chart the lives of their communities in such a lopsided system of local government. That was, until I met a middle aged woman on the east coast just after the tsunami. It was a time when they were trying to rebuild their lives and reallocate common resources to speed up recovery. Since I do not have consent to use her name let us call her Kalya. I was trying to get a participatory rural assessment done and in our discussions, the issue of the lack of women in governance came up.


She smiled and said “Don’t worry about us. We have our methods”. I sat up. Instantly alert. 

“Take this case now?” she continued. “Three days from now, our committee will meet. At this meeting they will decide whether a two-acre plot set aside for agriculture is going to be given to Shivasubramaniam or Ragunathan. Now, Ragu is a wheeler dealer and we knew he probably had our committee in his pocket. Shiva is a good farmer. When we women met at the well yesterday, including the wives of the committee members, we decided that we will not let Ragu have his way. Then we went home. Then the wives of the all-powerful committee told their respective husbands that they have a choice. They can either allocate the land to Shiva or they do not have to bother themselves angling with their wives for a bed game for the next three months”. 

I must have at least blinked twice if not looked downright skeptical because she laughed and said “We met again today at the well and the overwhelming vote of the men was ‘yes dear’, ‘of course darling’, ‘definitely love’”. A week later Kalya casually mentioned to me that Shiva had got the land with a 100% vote in his favour. She also mentioned in quiet satisfaction that an ineffectual Raghu was foaming at the mouth, unable to figure out what had gone wrong. 

Then she said something that I refuse to forget: “We are good. We know what we are doing. Men are dumb. They engage in power politics. We are smart. We engage in pillow politics. Much more effective”.
Those segregated rights cannot be effectively ensured in a country such as ours that lacks those four institutional fundamentals

I asked her if this was the case everywhere and she flashed back “Everywhere that women are not given a few seats on a committee or a council.”

Slightly angry she went on “You see, the minute we get three or four seats on a committee of eleven, our men our empowered. Not our women”. 


I must have looked confused because she hastened to explain. “See, the great idiots of government believe they are doing us a favor because they have a mad idea that we are then part of the decision making process by being on the committees. The opposite happens. We are outshouted and outvoted because men are in the majority and pillow politics are no longer viable. If we try it under those circumstances, they simply turn around and tell us that we are now on the committee and that if we lose in committee votes we cannot hold that against them. To get things done the way women want things done, it is far better not to be in a minority in a democratic committee. It simply disempowers us. It is a foolish system. Instead of being part of the decision making process, the system makes sure we can never be a part of it”. True! Yikes!

In countries built exclusively on the rule of law, such things as democracy and equality measures are valid. In those countries, four things work together to give everyone a fair shot at ownership of well-being, state building and development. Those are a) constitutional guarantees, b) access to legal relief, c) access to social institutions and d) trust in enforcement agencies. Let’s face it folks. Sri Lanka doesn’t have any of those available to the average citizen. They must rely on leveraging organically created social dynamics and societal torques to feel that they belong and that they are safe, secure, happy and can get things done. For many rural communities, these come from community stratagems. They do not come from women’s rights, youth rights, child rights or human rights. Those segregated rights cannot be effectively ensured in a country such as ours that lacks those four institutional fundamentals. Therefore, in the process of trying, with the best of intentions, to enforce segregated rights approaches, all that happens is that the community breaks apart at its seams and becomes essentially dysfunctional. Quite apart from making people feel secure, it makes them feel vulnerable. 

In Sri Lanka, we have tried to impose democracy on a feudal citizenry. On one side this has resulted in a confused society and on the other, as we have seen a national disaster of epic proportions in our decades long experiment with democracy. In the end, those who get hammered most are the communities whose sensibilities and systems have been compromised, violated and forcibly broken down without justifiable cause or sufficiently insightful thinking. If rights are so bloody important, then, we had better understand that the only right worth recognizing and protecting is the right of a community to decide how it will ensure its own societal equity. Statespersons should look very closely at those and then decide how they are going to create their laws accordingly. They must figure out how they can factor in community methods of assuring equity into the legislative mishmash. 
We met again today at the well and the overwhelming vote of the men was ‘yes dear’, ‘of course darling’, ‘definitely love
But how? No one has heard of such nonsense as “community rights”, right? That is because those types of rights are inconvenient to a reductionist world which has brought itself to its knees by insisting that one size fits all. In our systemic idea of the planet, we have picked up an import known as democracy and have tried to flog that to our people regardless of its viability or its capability to help, solve or strengthen our society. Such is the extent to which we have blindly bought into this that in many urban communities, we believe that democracy is truth regardless of the barrel full of evidence pointing to its executive disaster. If our women were to know better, they should be very wary of the casually perceived gains of having a minority presence on enacted bodies, put those in the balance with existing strengths and see which end tips up. Kalya would tell you that there are many ways to skin a cat and that the democratic knife is probably the dullest and most useless tool of them all.