Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, January 15, 2018

Notes on history: The thinkers and the doers


By Uditha Devapriya-2018-01-14

The 15th and 16th centuries were largely eras of intellectual development in the West. These were eras of polyglots and versatile thinkers, whose preoccupation with whatever fields they worked in did not hinder them from exploring other fields. Da Vinci was in that sense a giant, with his range of interests extending to not just sculpting, not just painting, but also mathematics and music. The same could have been said of Michelangelo and Islamic Civilization (the latter of which saw its peak from the 9th to the 13th centuries): in these epochs we see polyglots as more the rule than the exception. They also came in a particular order, and were conditioned by their respective cultural ethos: the Muslim world with its paradoxical affirmation and defiance of Islam, and the Christian world with its as paradoxical trysts with deism.

But the sensibility of these centuries gave way to a sensibility of specialization, on the material and the intellectual plane. The Industrial Revolution, with its differentiation on the one hand between capitalists and workers and on the other between art for minorities and objects for mass consumption, oversaw a veritable bifurcation, which congealed into a world inhabited by either thinkers or doers. Adam Smith's famous hypothesis about the pin factory, in which various levels of production are categorized and compartmentalized for greater efficiencies and output, applied pretty much to everything else: "It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest," he wrote, and in that sentence he identified self-interest with a need to compartmentalize ourselves, to specialize in a given field of activity that would, theoretically, do away with the need for versatility and self-sufficiency. It was a culture of doers and dependents, of masters and slaves, in one respect, and of thinkers and doers, of philosophers and businessmen, in another respect. Karl Marx would later term this differentiation in the capitalist world as the rift between the base and the superstructure: between the multitude and the elite. The one needed the other.

Long before heresies became an established practice in a secularized West, heresies were entertained and even covertly encouraged in the Muslim world. The great Muslim philosophers – Al-Kindi, Al-Farabi, Avicenna, Al-Gazali and Averroes – exerted a profound influence over a pre-Industrial West, but they were not automatically accommodative of the conventional wisdoms and the orthodoxies that ran riot in their societies. Al-Farabi went as far as to suggest that God (of the Koran, no less) did not or could not know the particular (the contingent), rather only the general (the universal), which was an extension of Plato's thesis of universal forms and their mimesis in the realm of the secular. In other words, the function of the secular thinker was to obtain particulars from universals. God existed to rule over the latter, while us mortal beings existed to rule over the former. My point here, hence, is that four or five centuries before European heretical thinking became the rule, the Muslim world flourished with such heresies. The secular was not always the preserve of Europe.

It's with the progression (or regression?) in the Muslim world from the secular to the anti-secular, and in the Christian world from the anti-secular to the quasi-secular (quasi, because even the most profoundly secular thinker, as Professor Nalin de Silva has observed, could not escape the clutches of the two-valued logic system that was more or less a Judeo-Christian inheritance), that we see a deterioration in the values that propped these civilizations up, intellectually, at their peak. What I'd like to observe here is that history, with all its shifts of affiliations and tempers (ranging from wars between countries and collectives and conflicts or grudges between heads of State), is very often a good indicator of how the world regressed on the intellectual plane from versatility to specialization, from cohesiveness and openness to enclosure and compartmentalization. The rift between thinkers and doers hence opened its wings more widely with the development of capitalism, which is where we move from the 19th to the 20th centuries and a key aspect or constituent of that rift.

In the 20th century we see, as has been frequently noted before, the peak of capitalism and communism. These two ideologies evolved in pretty much the same era (the closest to a Hegelian conflict that we got to), shifting from cohabitation to mutually assured destruction to detente. Economic systems, however, never always result purely from themselves, and are the consequences of a certain culture, a certain way of looking at things. The fact then is that both capitalism and communism retained the welter of Western thought which both identified with as the years progressed: that of the material over the intellectual, that of tying up the intellectual with the material (in capitalism: the managerial system to harness the power of labour; in communism: the collectivist system to harness the power of commonly owned resources). In other words the intellectual and the artist became vassals to both consumerists and collectivists. Knowledge became instrumental, a means rather than an end.

The scientist, who earlier had been a harbinger of good intentions, was now an evil man after Hiroshima. During the Cold War it was the activist, the artist, the peace-lover, who gained prominence and popular empathy. Professionals, or the doers as conventional wisdom has it, were on the other hand looked down on. In The Doctor's Dilemma Bernard Shaw contends, rightly I should think, that "All professions are conspiracies against the laity," which was contorted in a Reader's Digest article I read as a child and misquoted (or paraphrased) as "A self-regulated profession is an insult to the laity." Whichever of the two you pick, it's the same story: the profession, the vocation, which was a product of the Industrial Revolution deteriorated to a network of moneyed, vested interests operating in the private sphere: doctors, engineers, lawyers, accountants, and academics in general. But not artists.

But then we must understand that the popular image of the artist as a lonely bachelor or spinster (as opposed to the busy, married husband and wife the professional is identified as), whiling away the time doing nothing, has persisted, and it is here that we come across a fatal contradiction in our societies, Christian, Muslim, Buddhist, or Taoist: the professionals are taken seriously, the artists are not. Not that the artists themselves have done themselves any favours, of course, particularly thanks to their penchant for obfuscations, for their blatant preference for ideological haziness and obscurity over vigour and clarity, after the advent of postmodernism. The separation of the thinker from the doer subsists in the arts, for the most, in the separation of the critic, the purveyor, from the artist, the performer. Two people. Two sensibilities. Two ways of discerning the world. Two ways of responding to that world.Isn't it ironic that the greatest theories expounded on the cinema and photography – especially in the most formative years of these art forms – were expounded not by the practitioners of the art but by theorists cut off from that same art? Neither Susan Sontag (On Photography) nor Roland Barthes (Camera Lucida) was an exponent of photography, and what they wrote, the thinking that buttressed these writings, was a product of their enthusiasms. Pauline Kael, who purveyed the movies more wildly and freely than any other critic in the history of the medium, was once employed by Warren Beatty as a consultant to Paramount Pictures; despite her reviews and rants and raves against the Hollywood studios, it took some months for her to comprehend fully the problem of art versus commerce that subsisted in those closeted studio quarters. She had only purveyed the movies: her short tenure helped her understand the power relationships that went into the making of those movies more clearly.

When criticism is cut off from the arts, when theorists and ideological obscurants and iconoclasts (for were not the postmodernists iconoclasts, shielded as they were from popular public opinion?) rule the day, and when experiences can't be conveyed to the general public without resorting to hazy generalisations, they no longer become valid.

I can enjoy a movie, however obscure it may be, by Antonioni or Fellini or for that matter Handagama, but when directors contend that works of art must be aimed not an mass entertainment but at esoteric tastes, the films they churn out in the name of Art (with a capital A) lose their sense of exhilaration, a point which I think can also be made of music, literature, drama, dance, and theatre too. The surest sign of a philistine is his ability to make clear to us his intentions, and our philistines in the arts have succumbed to the intellectualisations (real or imagined) of their purveyors and critics.The sensibility embodied in the post-Industrial Revolution world flourishes on such intellectualizations, particularly in the arts, and they seek to make the artist, who really should be but is not a professional (he lacks the defining qualities of the professional: frequency and stability of income, client relationships, deadlines and so forth), the vassal of the ivory tower thinker. Which brings me to a point I've raised more than once in more than one newspaper: in a country like Sri Lanka, where theatre and cinema and even music remain leisurely and not common activities, such a rift, between thinkers and doers on the one hand and performers and purveyors on the other, can prove to be detrimental, for our artists and our cultural spheres. It's a crazy paradox, certainly.

SRI LANKA’S PRESIDENT REJECTS MOVE TO ALLOW WOMEN TO BUY ALCOHOL


Sri Lanka Brief15/01/2018

A move to grant women in Sri Lanka the same rights as men to buy alcohol legally has been overruled by President Maithripala Sirisena.

He told a rally he had ordered the government to withdraw the reform, which would also have allowed women to work in bars without a permit.

He said he had only found out about the move from the newspapers.

The government announced on Wednesday it was amending a 1955 law, agreeing that it discriminated against women.

Critics have accused the president of not taking gender equality seriously.

“This is not just about this archaic sexist law but the archaic sexist system in which this law is just one more tool of control,” wrote one Sri Lankan blogger.

What would the reform have meant?

While the previous law was not always strictly enforced, many Sri Lankan women had welcomed the change.

It would have allowed women over the age of 18 to buy alcohol legally for the first time in more than 60 years.

A ban on alcohol being sold outside the hours of 09:00 to 21:00 would have been changed to allow sales between 08:00 and 22:00.

Why did the president step in?

Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena addresses a press conference in Colombo, 14 July 2015Image copyrightAFP-Image captionMaithripala Sirisena has been president for three years

Leading monks in the Buddhist-majority country had criticised the decision to lift the ban, arguing it would destroy Sri Lankan family culture by getting more women addicted to alcohol.

Saying he had listened to criticism of the government’s step, President Sirisena told the rally he had ordered the government to withdraw its notification announcing the lifting of the ban.

It came as no surprise to some as he runs an anti-alcohol campaign and has warned in the past that alcohol consumption among Sri Lankan women is increasing “drastically”.

However, commentators say the abrupt cancellation of the government’s reform suggests there are differences within the coalition government.

Why is the president being accused of hypocrisy?

Mr Sirisena has encouraged women in the country to play a more active part in politics, boasting last year that his government had acted to ensure more women were returned at future elections.
His apparent double standards over the alcohol issue drew anger from both women and men on Twitter on Sunday.

Just how much do women drink in Sri Lanka anyway?

According to World Heath Organization data from 2014, 80.5% of women never drink, compared to 56.9% of men.

Less than 0.1% of women above the age of 15 are prone to heavy drinking, compared with 0.8% of men in the same age bracket.

A majority of women in Sri Lanka traditionally choose not to drink alcohol as they see it as contrary to Sri Lankan culture, the BBC’s Azzam Ameen reports.
  • BBC

Amaraweera refuses helicopter, returns on SLAF flight

2018-01-15
Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Development Minister Mahinda Amaraweera, who had refused a private helicopter, had returned on an SLAF routine flight this morning from Palali, Air Force Spokesman Capt. Gihan Seneviratne said.
The pilot of the private helicopter, which carried the Minister yesterday to Palali, had reportedly lost way to the runway and had been airborne for over 45 minutes searching for the Palali runaway to land.
Speaking to the Daily Mirror, Air Force Spokesman Capt. Gihan Seneviratne said that the Minister had come to Palali to attend a Thai Pongal function, however had requested the support of the Air Force following the incident.
Capt. Seneviratne said the Minister returned to Colombo this morning via a scheduled flight as he refused to travel in the same helicopter.
He said Ministers had air travel privilege only with the consent of the Ministry of Defence (MoD).
“Some media is attempting to tarnish the Air Force image using the incident. Ministers can use the Air Force aircraft with the consent of the MoD. We brought the Minister back using a scheduled flight from Palali to Colombo and there is nothing unusual in this,” he said. (Thilanka Kanakarathna)

Cocaine stocks destroyed...


Cocaine stocks destroyed...

logoJanuary 15, 2018  

Initial steps were taken at Katunayake in the presence of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe to prepare 928 kgs of cocaine to be destroyed in Puttalam this evening (15).
The process of transforming the 928kg and 229g of cocaine, seized by the Police Narcotics Bureau (PNB), into a liquid substance that can be destroyed in an eco friendly manner, took place at the premises of INSEE Ecocycle in Katunayake this morning (15). 
The President, Prime Minister, Ministers Sagala Ratnayake and Thalatha Athukorale were among a host of distinguished figures present on the occasions. 
Pic By - TKG Kapila

Palestinian president calls Trump peace offer 'slap of the century'


Abbas denounces US president's Middle East policies and recognition of Jerusalem as capital of Israel
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, centre, in the West Bank city of Ramallah on Sunday (AFP)

Monday 15 January 2018
Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas denounced US President Donald Trump's peace efforts as the "slap of the century" at a key meeting on Sunday on the White House's declaration of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
In a wide-ranging two-hour speech, Abbas reiterated he would not accept the Trump administration as a mediator in peace talks with Israel and called for an internationally led process.
He also accused Israel through its actions of ending the 1994 Oslo peace accords that form the basis of its Palestinian relations, saying the Palestinians would study all strategies for responding to it.
Beyond that, Abbas attacked the US ambassadors to Israel and the United Nations, David Friedman and Nikki Haley, calling them a "disgrace".
Both Trump appointees have been strong supporters of Israel, with Friedman having backed Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank.
"US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman is a settler who is opposed to the term occupation. He is an offensive human being, and I will not agree to meet with him anywhere," Abbas said.

"We said 'no' to Trump, 'we will not accept your project'," Abbas said at the start of a key meeting of Palestinian leaders on how to face Trump's declaration.
"The deal of the century is the slap of the century and we will not accept it," he added, referring to Trump's pledge to reach the "ultimate deal" - Israeli-Palestinian peace.
Abbas made his comments at the opening ceremony of the meeting taking place in the West Bank city of Ramallah on Sunday and Monday in a marathon speech that lasted about two hours.
The meeting was called in the wake of Trump's 6 December declaration on Jerusalem that deeply angered the Palestinians.
Abbas had previously said the US could no longer play any role in the Middle East peace process after Trump's move.

'We will not accept American leadership'

On Sunday, he said the Palestinians were calling for an internationally led process in which the US was not the mediator. "Allow me to be clear: We will not accept American leadership of a political process involving negotiations," Abbas said.
He said the Ramallah meeting must take decisions on how to move forward.
"Our stance is a Palestinian state in the '67 borders with a capital in East Jerusalem and the implementation of decisions by the international community, as well as a just solution for refugees," he said.
"We are for the national struggle, which is more effective because there is no one else we can rely on."

Hamas, Islamic Jihad absent

The two-day Central Council meeting in the West Bank city of Ramallah - seat of the Palestinian Authority government - is being held with representatives from most Palestinian factions but without two important organisations, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, which announced that they would not attend, even though they were invited, Haaretz reported.
In the buildup to the meeting, Palestinian officials had stressed that all options were on the table for responding to Trump, including suspending the PLO's recognition of Israel.
Haaretz reported that talks over the weekend held by both the Fatah Central Committee and by the PLO’s Executive Committee included discussion of a slew of suggestions; among them is the idea of rejecting the Oslo Accords and security coordination on the grounds that Israel has breached all agreements, so the Palestinians are not committed to continue and uphold the accords.
The Oslo Accords are the 1993 agreement between Israel and the PLO which led to the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in the occupied West Bank and Gaza.
Another suggestion would be asking the UN Security Council to recognise a Palestinian state along the 1967 borders as well as define PA lands as a country under occupation, Haaretz said. Yet another suggestion was to turn to the International Court of Law in order to start legal proceedings against Israel.
A senior member of the PLO’s Executive Committee told Haaretz that in spite of the dramatic atmosphere Abbas’s associates are trying to create, there is no expectation for game-changing moves.
Hugh Lovatt, Israel and Palestine Project Coordinator at the European Council for Foreign Relations, said while the speech was full of rhetoric, there was little noticeable policy.
"It is safe to say that President Abbas has done little to improve US-Palestinian relations, which have now reached their nadir," he told AFP.
"Abbas's rambling speech was also noteworthy for what was not there - namely, any real vision for moving beyond the failed US-led Oslo paradigm.
"Those hoping for a glimpse of a new Palestinian strategy to end the occupation or a shift towards a one-state solution will have been left disappointed."
While Palestinian leaders have been outraged by Trump's moves, they also face difficult choices in how to respond as they seek to salvage remaining hopes of a two-state solution to the conflict.
Earlier this month, Palestinian leaders said they would not be "blackmailed" after Trump threatened to cut aid worth more than $300m annually to force them to negotiate.
Trump says "we refused negotiations. May God demolish your house. When did we refuse?" asked an indignant Abbas.
Ahed Tamimi began 2018 behind Israeli bars — as this protest in Gaza City emphasized. 
Ashraf AmraAPA images
Michael F. Brown-15 January 2018
When 16-year-old Palestinian Ahed Tamimi stood up to Israeli occupation soldiers, she couldn’t have known just how much of her story mainstream US media would cut away and twist.
Salient facts – like how Ahed has spent her entire life under military occupation and Israel’s near-fatal violence against her cousin – were either ignored outright or downplayed. Others – such as the indisputable reality that Palestinian land is being stolen by Israel – were treated as if they were simply matters of opinion.
Some in the US press even presented Ahed as the aggressor, rather than the Israeli forces she challenged through mild physical contact.
Ahed’s use of slapping, kicking and angry rhetoric received more attention from David M. Halbfinger in The New York Times and especially from Dana Dovey in Newsweek than the much more harmful Israeli resort to violence, theft and seemingly permanent occupation.
The shocking photo of Muhammad Fadel Tamimi – Ahed’s 15-year-old cousin – and his misshapen head published in a 5 January Haaretz article by Gideon Levy and Alex Levac stands in stark contrast to the solitary sentence Halbfinger allotted Muhammad’s shooting in a 22 December article one week after the confrontation.
Halbfinger dispenses with Muhammad’s severe injury by stating in the 13th paragraph: “The latest incident, filmed in the family’s backyard, occurred within hours after a cousin of Ms. Tamimi’s was shot in the face with a rubber bullet, and it was streamed live on Facebook.”

Victim treated as insignificant

That’s it. There’s no mention of the fact Muhammad is a child. There’s no mention of the fact he had been in a coma. There’s not even a mention of his name.
He’s insignificant. Just another nameless Palestinian child seriously injured by Israeli forces, a routine Palestinian injury in Halbfinger’s eyes. The terror of Muhammad’s harrowing trip to hospital through an Israeli checkpoint warrants not a line.
Instead, Halbfinger reduces the day’s encounter to an Israeli debate over the wisdom of trespassing Israeli soldiers not forcefully responding to a child’s mild physical provocations on her family’s property against intrusive occupation forces. For “balance,” internal Palestinian debate is also provided.
After the brief reference to Ahed’s cousin, paragraph 14 in The New York Times makes the reactionary case against Ahed.
“Right-wing activists demanded the teenager’s arrest. Israel’s education minister, Naftali Bennett, said Ms. Tamimi and the other women who scuffled with the soldiers alongside her – her mother and an older cousin – ‘should finish their lives in prison.’”
Reference to the “other women” suggests Halbfinger regards Ahed as an adult rather than a child in the grip of an occupying army. Halbfinger fails to expose Naftali Bennett’s hypocrisy. While Bennett, leader of the Jewish Home Party wants life imprisonment for Ahed Tamimi, he argued in October 2016 that Israeli soldier Elor Azarya, who shot dead a seriously injured and incapacitated Palestinian in Hebron, “shouldn’t sit a single day in prison.”
Space was provided in The New York Times to Yossi Klein Halevi, a senior fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem, to turn reality on its head by maintaining that “when you see yourself as under permanent siege, your greatest fear is the loss of deterrence.” Yet Israeli occupation forces control Palestinian movement from both Gaza and the West Bank, not the other way around. It is Palestinians, not Israelis, who have endured a decade-long siege in Gaza.
Finally, Halbfinger reduces Israeli theft of land and water to a Palestinian claim: “The Tamimis of Nabi Saleh and their frequent videos have drawn international attention to their tiny village and its long-running disputes with a nearby Israeli settlement, Halamish, that Nabi Saleh residents say has stolen their land and water.”
Yet this is verifiable theft and not merely a claim.
In fact, Ethan Bronner, then deputy foreign editor of The New York Times, acknowledged a similar concern in an email to me in 2005 when I complained that the illegality of settlements was not simply a Palestinian perspective, but one upheld by international law.
He wrote: “You make a legitimate point here. Calling Israeli settlements illegal is not something limited to Palestinians. Many important international bodies have done so. We will take note of that in future articles. Again, as I say, the paper has no position on the legality of the settlements but the fact that many others do is worth noting when we write about the issue. We have done so on occasion, but perhaps not often or clearly enough.”
This exchange led directly to the newspaper taking greater care to note that most of the international community regards settlements as illegal.
Likewise, The New York Times should take care to note that theft of Palestinian land is not just a Palestinian perspective.
How the newspaper will reference illegal settlements and land theft during the racist tenure of Donald Trump – particularly after his Jerusalem announcement of December – remains to be seen, though Halbfinger’s article offers reasons for concern.

Grotesque tweet

No critique of US media coverage of Ahed Tamimi’s encounter and subsequent arrest would be complete without examining Dana Dovey’s coverage for NewsweekNewsweek advertised Dovey’s article with this grotesque tweet: “Despite her age, Ahed Tamimi has a long history of assault against police and soldiers.”
Despite her age, Ahed Tamimi has a long history of assault against police and soldiers http://bit.ly/2Et4KYk 
Twitter exploded in response.
Many responses rewrote the headline to reflect the reality of belligerent Israeli occupation:
Hello Newsweek. I think you misspelled: 'Despite her age, Ahed Tamimi has a long history of active resistance against the heavily armed forces of an occupying power.' https://twitter.com/Newsweek/status/948124281040523264 
Astonishingly, Dovey’s article did not refer once to the Israeli occupation, theft of land in Ahed’s village, the near deadly violence employed earlier in the day against Ahed’s cousin, or the deadly violence inflicted previously against Ahed’s family.

Dangerous environment

Poor reporting of this sort has a cumulative impact on the lives and security of Palestinian children. When journalists upend reality and suggest that children are a far bigger threat than heavily armed occupation soldiers it indicates to the Israeli military that there will not be a heavy cost to Israel’s image if soldiers use deadly force against Palestinians, including children.
It was in this environment that Musab Tamimi, a relative of Ahed, was shot dead on 3 January.
Another family member, 19-year-old Muhammad Bilal Tamimi, was abducted from his home and arrestedduring a night raid on 11 January. He is the fifth member of the extended Tamimi family to be arrested in the last month.
The abusive rhetoric Israeli politicians and pundits have directed at Ahed creates a dangerous environment for a child – whether imprisoned or “free” in occupied territory under oppressive military rule.
The message being sent to soldiers is that greater violence should be employed against her in future. This has had deadly consequences for many Palestinians.
The administration of Donald Trump clearly is not going to intervene (and it is unlikely that Barack Obamawould have expressed concern if this had occurred during his presidency). The European Union generally saves its objections for the deaths of Israelis and is disconcertingly silent regarding Palestinian deaths.
Other actors, then, will have to speak up to make sure that the Israeli military is forewarned about the consequences of (further) violent action against Ahed.
Perhaps Betty McCollum, the most outspoken member of the US Congress in defense of Palestinian children, will prove the strongest voice on Ahed’s behalf.