12 years on and still no justice - Trinco 5 killings

On this day 12 years ago, five Tamil students were summarily executed by Sri Lanka's Special Task Force, whilst they spent an afternoon on the beach in Trincomalee.

To date no one has been held accountable for the murder.

02Jan 2018

The case – known as the 'Trinco 5' – remains one of the highest profile killings in Sri Lanka to receive international attention, listed in 2014 by the then UN High Commissioner for Human Rights' report on the island as one of four ‘emblematic cases’ of the government's failure to ensure accountability and having been raised repeatedly in international forums.

This report was compiled with testimonies collected by Together Against Genocide (see here), UTHR-J (see here) and Amnesty International (see here).

12 years on and still no justice - Trinco 5 killings.docx by Thavam on Scribd

‘Non- writers murdering the writers’ - Sri Lanka Guardian editorial on LeN ban tears those responsible into bits !

(Lanka-e-News- 02.Jan.2018, 9.25AM) President Maithripala Sirisena now turned executioner of media websites met with a group of website journalists on the 29 th of December 2017. The aim and objective of the meeting was to create a new breed of web journalists who are  his henchmen and lickspittles ,after justifying his action taken to ban  Lanka e news thereby  kicking out unceremoniously and unlawfully the right to information of the people despite the fact that Lanka e news is a most  popular website which is  read by more than 2 million viewers within Sri Lanka .

This meeting was organized by Ferdinands  the unofficial secretary of the media ministry and his group of stooges.  Prior to the meeting the coordinating secretary to the president Shiral Lakthileke the NGO crook cum brief-less lawyer issued instructions to the participants that nothing should be spoken about Lanka e news and the participants abided by the instructions like zombies and dummies.

However there are  a number of reputed  websites that bitterly resented this deplorable attitude . Among those was the SL Guardian news website which in its editorial raised the  issue of the controversial ban on Lanka e news . The editorial of Sri Lanka Guardian editor Nilantha Ilangamuwa under the caption ‘Lanka e news ban -Non writers murder writers’ is  hereunder …:

Lanka e news ban – Non writers murdering  writers. In addition, they drink sherbet while standing on those  dead bodies …..

Lanka e news website has been banned .Except the Lanka e news  website which is carrying on an  unstoppable struggle against the ban , apparently the response of the other websites to this ban is deplorably timid  . When trying to understand this timidity  ,it is evident the primary cause of this is , following the exacerbation of  some internal conflict, after acutely politicizing the issue ,the political powers have been most intensely utilized.

The  editor stands by the media profession via his Lanka e news reports. This is most praiseworthy as there hasn’t  been an use of  the cyber space for only financial gains on the sly ,or  resorting  to scurrilous publications. His is a rare laudable  characteristic. 

It is an unequivocal fact that Lanka e news website has always contributed immensely when whipping up  public opinion , and is still doing that. During the decades of its unending struggle , it is visible there has been intense privatization. Similarly, it is visible the individuals who left the website are expressing views against it. Nevertheless  it is clear amidst all those odds and obstacles, the editor is committed to carrying on the website unrelentingly and standing by the ideas he articulates through it.

When the mass media sphere  is considered vis a vis the other sectors in the country , it is a most complex and distorted  sphere. Within the so called modern media sphere that has surfaced in the country , there are those who survive on plagiarism by publishing articles of others; there  is no innovative or investigative quality in that. This is an unfortunate scenario in the country.

In order to amplify on the fundamental cause , let us explain as follows :

When looking at most people whom we meet  daily ,an attempt can be made to understand the fundamental cause.

Through the people whom we come into contact daily , an attempt can be made to understand the fundamental cause. By watching the activities of a professional  skilled personnel on the sly, an individual who had not even dreamt of developing his  professional skill ( a vagabond ) thinks he can also perform equally like the one engaged in the skilled profession and  blabbers enthusiastically though   emptily .He  parades  as though he  knows everything  while deceiving  others. Thereafter he commits plunder on them somehow. Towards this he employs various methods. After resorting to all those evils , he tramples or chases away a skilled professional , and brings to the frontline of his fake drama a clever masquerader to play the role of which he is the director  to accomplish his objectives. Having successfully reached his goal , he fastens the liabilities of  his villainies on others to save his skin  , oblivious of  national interests even if the country is led into a holocaust . When looking back on the past several decades, it is these machinations and manipulations which led the society to utter devastation. 

Robberies take place , but there are no robbers ; Rapes are committed and the victims are there , but no rapists; sins are committed but no sinners. 

When considering the media amidst this society’s  degeneration ,what had  happened was  : Non writers not only murdered the writers, but they even stood on the dead bodies of the murdered and drank sherbet.

In the  backdrop of what is aforementioned , though  many have complained against Lanka e news as regards the manner in which the media  language has been used , its  editor Sandaruwan Senadheera has accepted the responsibility in respect of the language used. If he  is holding himself responsible for his creations , and standing by it , such statements must be treated as important and representing  his strong standpoint .

The stance taken by Lanka e news pertaining to politics is well known to all.  Challenges notwithstanding ,the editor expressed / expresses his views in concord and consonance with his political vision. If anybody is saying those did not make an impact among society , that is a hypocritical utterance , no more no less. 

It is a strange quirk of cruel fate that those whom you  steer forward is the one who hits you  below your belt  . That is most hurting. But that is the eternal truth in the political world. Through that practical experience and understanding gained amidst  the ‘knock out’ punch , lifting  oneself up  is imperative.

A great fear has been created regarding Lanka e news in the country .That is, it is prone to  extortions ; after publishing a report  when it doesn’t  get paid , it indulges in extortions ; and its agents  line their pockets with  millions of rupees and as far as possible ‘sell’ the name of the editor  within the country . By mounting such  grave charges against the website , inordinate  fear has been instilled in the minds regarding the website. These are accusations mainly faced by news websites that are operating from a foreign base. 

It is most paramount this is systematically resolved  because the pressures that can be brought to bear by media Institutions  like  Lanka e news on future politics is tremendous. 

It does not take  much time for the soiled  hand that gropes the private part to sever  that part . SL’s political history had been that 

An individual who deserves  no respect forces another to accept that  he is respectable ; an individual without honor forces another to accept him as honorable .Owing to this , the members of the society of this country have  transformed into masqueraders hiding away from the true world, because of the treacheries committed exploiting power . Sadly , we are also without any sense of shame worshipping them for our own survival .

There is a prime  fact that should be made known: One’s freedom can be safeguarded only to the extent one commits oneself to safeguard that of the neighbor.  The ban imposed on Lanka e  news is  the primary challenge before those who are committed to protect mass media freedom , and the country.

It is the prime and paramount responsibility to cast aside the antagonism stemming from warped  mentality and / or political differences  , and come forward to extricate the friend and ally  from the injustice and oppression  he is facing.

At this juncture the primary popular novel, 'The First Teacher' that is taught as a lesson in life by a good teacher is most relevant…

‘I do not know whether I have the strength to display the human emotions and expectations which are subject to diverse fates linked with  the difficult lives full of struggles? Do I have the strength to pool together all these and display  it?   It is not my desire to only impart my ideas , rather it  is to make you join with me and become a part of the innovative art’ ( The First Teacher -Chinghiz Aitmatov)

If the writers are to rally together against the non writers who murder the writers , they must make a concerted effort and organize themselves to ensure and safeguard  their professional freedom,  rights and skills. 

Becoming a writer of dignity and skill  is not easy.  It is rarely such writers spring up among us. It is the duty of the society as a whole to save and safeguard such a writer  when he is  alive rather than wait until he is dead to  idly  gossip and talk  about him .

We hereby record our bitter opposition to the ban imposed on Lanka e news 

Nilantha Ilangamuwa – Editor, SL Guardian 

Translated by Jeff

---------------------------
by     (2018-01-02 03:55:04)

SRI LANKA: The Quality of our Judiciary ?

An interview with Dr. Sunil Coorey on delays in the administration of justice

[Basil Fernando- BF; Dr Sunil Coorey-SC.]-January 1, 2018

The Sectoral Oversight Committee on Legal Affairs (anti-corruption) and Media made its recommendations pertaining to the expeditious and efficient administration of criminal justice on 20 September 2017. The Committee recommended an increase in the number of High Court Judges, State Counsels and stenographers. They also recommended that cases should be heard on a day-to-day basis to deal with what the Committee called the shameful state of delays that has angered the public.

Basil Fernando, Director of Policy and Programmes at the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), interviewed a senior lawyer and legal scholar, Dr. Sunil Coorey, on this report.

[Basil Fernando- BF; Dr Sunil Coorey-SC.]

BF: Do you think that the mere increase of the number of judges and State Counsels is sufficient to overcome the problem of delays in the administration of justice?

SC: In my view, what is needed in order to better deal with cases is not increasing the number of judges or the officers in the Attorney General’s Department. What is needed is better quality judges; judges who are able to understand cases quickly and deliver justice without much delay. Therefore, merely increasing numbers will not help.

BF: Would you say the same thing about the Attorney General’s representatives?
SC: Yes, I would say the same thing about the Attorney General’s Department. What is needed is quality, not quantity.

BF: Can you explain how the limitations in quality are the reason for the delays in justice, including the problems with getting indictments filed?

SC: Yes. When a judge is not up to the mark, there will obviously be a failure in delivering justice; he may not understand the evidence, he may not properly evaluate the evidence, he may not know the law and he may not be able to give a proper judgement. One of the parties will be dissatisfied, so dissatisfied that they may have to appeal. And if the appeal is also not properly handled – if it is not dealt with by competent judges - there will be dissatisfaction again. The lawyers will think of a further appeal, maybe to the Supreme Court. So, in that way, there is more delay caused by the inefficient administration of justice.

BF: Now, other than the knowledge of law, in a trial there is an administrative aspect. Has court administration and the various approaches by which you limit submissions, and various other limitations and actions that have to be taken, been affected in recent times in a big way?
SC: It has been affected. First of all, I would say that the judges are not very competent. Even the lawyers are not very competent. It is the same with the court staff, and there are various problems with the work of the court staff because of the lack of electronic equipment and delays in proceedings being made available to parties and the lawyers, and so on.

BF: In relation to that, the Committee’s suggestion is that the stenographers’ limitations are a major problem and they are making recommendations on how to get a greater number of stenographers, as well as how to improve the quality of stenographers. Would you think that better utilisation of more communication facilities, as is done elsewhere (e.g. evidence is video recorded, and there is more IT for the secretarial work, such as getting copies) will create much more efficiency in that area?

SC: Of course and, in fact, this was thought to be put into practice even in Sri Lanka. The World Bank or some other body gave assistance, and even if you go to Colombo District Court today, they have installed monitors and electronic equipment. For a time, when some order was being made, the stenographer who sat with the judge would type it on the computer and it was put on the screen for all the court, for the lawyers and everybody, to see the order that that was being made. But now, because of the lack of trained persons to operate these things, it has now stopped.

BF: The way they put into effect elsewhere is that there is a separate management. The technical management provided by the World Bank here was from the same company that is doing it in Hong Kong. They are managing efficiently there.

SC: Yes, some other person is responsible and it is managed by them.
And the funds were allocated. Where it stopped in Sri Lanka was that they said it has to begin the Supreme Court, and the Supreme Court was then under the leadership of Sarath Nanda Silva, who didn’t want its proceedings to be recorded – because if you are recorded, everything gets recorded, the comments and everything. So there has to be a willingness from the Supreme Court and other courts to participate in this process. In the Supreme Court and other courts, leadership and initiative should come from the top. The other thing is that many people complain that although we gave out computers, many do not know how to operate the computers. Some judges and lawyers don’t know, so there has to be some training and it should be made compulsory that they should be given some training. At the time of recruitment, there must be some competence in it. Like language competence, they should learn communication technology skills.

BF: But the thing is, if that is done, many of the things that are being done cannot happen. So you must be willing to go through the required discipline but now, for convenience, discipline is sacrificed.

SC: I think most of them are not competent in the use of computers. And they don’t want to get competent at it, even the judges. The secretaries break the computers. They prefer to do it on the typewriters for small gains, such as small bribes from the lawyers, and that means it is connected to the salaries they should get, isn’t it? So that they don’t have to do that.

BF: Sunil, you mentioned that the lawyers and judges all need improvement in work quality. These are the main actors. There is certain inadequacy in their quality. Now, what are the methods by which you can improve quality? For example, is it the levels of education at the recruitment level? And, thereafter, the levels of quality improved through by various training and examinations etc.?

SC: Various examinations should be held for both the judges as well as the staff. I think that is very essential. Salaries, of course, should be improved, because otherwise you don’t attract the best quality of candidates. Therefore, these are things to be improved.

Now, there is also the question of the equipment that has been installed and is lying idle in the court houses, and issues about lawyers not being allowed to operate their laptops inside the court houses. They should be able to do so without causing a noise or any disturbance and this should be allowed. These are the things that should be thought about by the courts.

Some judges take offence even if you have a recording device. [There is no system for officially recording in place.] For example, when a witness is giving evidence, sometimes people bribe the person taking down the evidence to purposely change the evidence. That causes big problems. To avoid that, some lawyers wish to electronically record evidence when it is being given. Even if they are willing to do so themselves, without the court’s assistance, it is looked down upon.

BF: This time, in the Budget speech, there was a section where they directly say that technological improvements in audio recording should be made, and they allocate a certain amount of money towards that. Whether the allocation is sufficient or not is one issue, but the fact is that, for the first time in history, the Budget has been used to recognise these changes as necessary.

SC: Yes, there is an allocation called ‘judicial improvement.’ That’s the first time it has happened in the country.

BF: The other aspect is that there is a lot of criticism of lawyers, particularly for seeking dates [postponing trial dates] on personal grounds.

SC: Yes, that is true. It could be said that around 50 percent of cases in the Supreme Court are moved out each day because of personal grounds given by counsel. That is a very sad thing because sometimes very old cases are postponed due to some difficulties with the lawyer. It is a matter that should be looked into: whether we should continue this practice of personal grounds being mentioned as reasons for cases to be postponed.

BF: One big problem after the period of Sarath Nanda Silva’s period as the Chief Justice was the tampering with procedural law. In many places, you can see that procedure is still being ignored. Do you think that this is a factor that is affecting the outcome of cases?

SC: I think after Sarath Nanda Silva’s stewardship of the Supreme Court, a lot of problems have arisen in the administration of justice. There have been a lot of judges who have been mistreated by the Judicial Services Commission. No reasons have been given when judges have been summarily asked to resign. This caused a great deal of stress for judges. In that context, it is not easy for judges to carry out their work in fairly assessing all the facts and law involved in cases. This is because there are so many implications that come into giving judgments for one party another. There have been reported instances of such incidents. At one time the Chief Justice would inform judges by telephone how a judgment of the District court or lower court should be given. One does not know how a Chief Justice could come to taking such a course of action. And if the judicial officer informed the Chief Justice that the direction did not fit with the judicial officer’s view of the case, the Chief Justice expressed unhappiness and that could be the beginning of the end of that person’s career in the judiciary of Sri Lanka.

BF: Now, in particularly in instances of leave to appeal, a habit has developed of making orders without giving reasons.

SC: Yes, this is a big problem because they can get away with anything. The judges can get away with anything because, when they say leave is refused, that is the end of the case. Sometimes we as lawyers find it difficult to explain to our clients why we could not get leave to appeal. That is a big problem, so there must be a specific provision made that for any judicial decision, reasons must be given.

BF: There is an argument that is used in the more developed systems that judges are not elected and that they are not examined in other ways. For example, if you are an MP, you have to give explanations to your electorate and otherwise you will not get elected. So there are other ways of explaining to people what they do, but judges don’t have such avenues; therefore, that is one reason why, by their very nature, to avoid arbitrariness, judges should necessarily give reasons.

SC: Yes, they should necessarily give reasons because they are performing a very important function of the state. They are deciding on people’s property, people’s lives and people’s freedom, so it is absurd to say that they need not give reasons for their decisions. In the field of administrative law, it is generally said that reasons must be given; natural justice requires that reasons have to be given for every decision. So, if that be so, we don’t see how judges can say, “Well, we will not give reasons”.

Government is reasonably unpopular – Sithadthan

BY Mirudhula Thambiah-2018-01-02

Leader of People's Liberation Organization of Eelam (PLOTE) Dharmalingam Sithadthan said that at this juncture, there is a belief that Rajapaksa may do well at the upcoming elections. If that happens, then the whole process of finding a political solution for the national question will be disturbed or even shelved. "Definitely no Sinhala leader will go against the will of the Sinhala people, in such a situation there will be no hope for the Tamils to go forward in the process of finding a political solution. We have seen such changes over the last 60 years. I think in the current context the government is reasonably unpopular," he said.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

Two coalition parties, the TELO and EPRLF had disagreements within the TNA. The EPRLF recently left the coalition. Why did TNA face many internal problems a few months back?
A: This is mainly because of the attitude of ITAK who takes almost all the decisions. They do not really discuss or consult with the other constituents. This issue is faced by all three constituents, PLOTE, TELO and EPRLF. Recently even TELO threatened to walk out of TNA, purely on issues relating to the local government elections, especially regarding the allocations on the number of Pradeshiya Sabhas. Although they threatened, they did not leave the coalition.

EPRLF had complaints mainly relevant to the attitude of the ITAK with the other parties. They continued to complain that other parties were not consulted on any of the matters, but were just taking individual decisions. Whenever elections are over, any decisions relating to appointments to a bonus seat, national list or ministerial were decided alone by ITAK. They failed to get any of our views. Initially these issues were small matters, but later it accumulated into a bigger issue. Thus, Suresh walked out. However, if he contests as part of the TNA, in the current context, he will only manage to secure a few seats for his party. Yet if he contests alone, he can win that numbers of seats as EPRLF.

Currently I don't understand why he aligned with TULF. He had joined with Anandasangaree and they have formed a new alliance. I'm unsure how far this will work. But as far as we are concerned, we are very firm that our party, PLOTE, will never breakaway from the TNA as far as the constitutional process are moving forward. We feel that we should not excuse from the government or southern political parties that TNA has split and thus a settlement cannot be reached.

We believe that we should travel with TNA until we find a solution to the national question.
So do you mean to say that PLOTE never had any disagreements within the coalition?

A: We do have. Not only with the Leader of TNA, even with the ITAK, we have many disagreements. We had issues on the allocations of the Pradeshiya Sabhas and the seats. However, we overcame all the issues and today we are contesting as TNA. We are not complaining about those issues. Our main aim is to win the local government elections with maybe 60 or 70 percent of the votes. We want the TNA to be strong and then we will continue to get recognition as the representative of the Tamil people.

Why do you have doubts about the newly formed TULF-EPRLF coalition? Some say it would be a turning point in Tamil politics. How do you assess it?

A: I don't seriously believe it, because the TULF and EPRLF cannot travel together for a long period. Both parties are not strong enough to show to the Tamil people that they are the alternative to the TNA. Even though there are complaints against the TNA, or ITAK, people feel that there is no alternative as such. I don't seriously believe this coalition or the All Ceylon Tamil Congress led by Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam is seen by the Tamil people as an alternative to TNA.

Unless there is a viable alternative among the Tamil people, they will continue to vote for TNA.
There were criticisms among EPRLF as well as TELO members that Leader Sampanthan and Sumanthiran are taking all the decisions in the coalition. Do you agree?

A: Certainly these complaints are still there, especially when there are appointments for bonus seats and even on constitutional matters. Leader Sampanthan at least explains the situations at the Parliamentary Group meeting, however members of other three parties like us feel that he only tells few of the developments and not the entire decisions or happenings.

Not only us, but all three parties were of the opinion that Sampanthan and Sumanthiran take decisions on many matters, this is true to a certain extent.

But our party is of the belief that if there are any secret deals with the government or with constitutional matters, it should be openly expressed. All decisions must be there at the final constitutional draft. Therefore the decisions shall be included in the final report of the constitutional reforms and our party will not stress much over this issue. We will somehow be aware of their decisions when the final report arrives.

Is it true that ITAK grabbed members of other constituent parties as their party cadres?

A: Yes, that is happening. A Parliamentarian and two Provincial Councillors have recently joined the ITAK. This situation arose because we contest under the ITAK symbol. ITAK deals with the elections commissioner apart from giving nominations and selecting people. Therefore prospective candidates, even current Parliamentarians think that if they want to ensure their candidature, it is better to join the ITAK. Within the TNA they choose to join the ITAK as they are of the view that the party will provide them candidature in upcoming elections. They get more chances if they are part of ITAK.
However, this situation had brought in disappointments within other parties. PLOTE has still not faced any such problem. EPRLF in particular, lost three of their members.

What repercussions do you think the new electoral reforms will have, at the upcoming local government polls?

A: The electoral reforms are a mixed system of ward and proportional representation of 60:40 and is problematic, especially to political parties contesting as an alliance. In our coalition, TELO and ITAK as well as us will aim for the same vote. There will be problems in allocating the votes. This was the main issue that created recent chaos within the TNA coalition.

The last two or three days, just before nominations, thousands of people gathered at the ITAK head office in Jaffna. Before that, hundreds of them came to our party office asking for candidature.

This election has currently got undue importance. Every political party in the country is trying to establish their dominance. We are working to show our political power. This may create many contradictions and sometimes violence too. Many people wanted to contest.

There were arguments among ITAK members before nominations.

While the electoral reforms introduced female representation which is mandatory, female candidates had to face many challenges in obtaining candidature. What was the situation in the North?

A: Unlike the South, northern women's participation in politics is very minimal. We had to go after them to collect female candidates and get them to sign nominations. Females did not face such challenges and it was not a big problem for them, only that we faced a big challenge in finding female candidates.

They are bound to follow a conservative tradition even if they are educated. The number of Tamil female parliamentarians has been always less.

But a large number of women are engaged in social and village level women association activities, especially after the war. Still they are reluctant to enter politics.

There are various opinions that there will be a need for an alternative Tamil leadership if TNA does not perform at their best. Some suggest Northern Chief Minister Wigneswaran as an alternative leader. What are your thoughts?

A: I don't think so. He is a newcomer to politics and therefore he may think the party will have to always follow whatever it said. I don't seriously think the TNA or especially ITAK can accept something that cannot be agreed to by the Tamil community. Sampanthan had said this in and out of Parliament that he will not accept it.

Therefore currently, personal statements have become political statements.

Why did you recently say there is no hope for a solution to Tamils?

A: Due to the local government elections where President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe are contesting separately, while former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is also contesting independently. At this juncture, there is a belief that Rajapaksa may do well in the elections. If that happens, then the whole process will be disturbed or even shelved.

This is my analysis of the upcoming local government elections. Definitely no Sinhala leader will go against the will of the Sinhala people, in such situation, there will be no hope for the Tamils to go forward in the process of finding a political solution. We have seen such changes in the last 60 years. I think in the current context the government is reasonably unpopular. Unless they are very popular among the people, it is very difficult for a government to go for radical changes. It cannot happen.
But still we will go along with the government and try our best to see that the current process of working for a political solution will proceed well.
Email:che.myhero@gmail.com

ANCL Chairman Krishantha Cooray's Message

A HISTORIC MILESTONE

ASSOCIATED NEWSPAPERS OF CEYLON LTD,CHAIRMAN KRISHANTHA COORAY

Wednesday, January 3, 2018

It has been my privilege to play a role in the journey of the Daily News and to steward its exceptional team through this historic milestone in the life of our nation.

For one hundred years, this newspaper has been held in the hands of our citizens, and keeping them abreast of what is happening in our country through sun or rain, curfews and failed coup d’e tat.

As my friend Lasantha Wickrematunge wrote in his own obituary shortly before he was slain, “the free media serve as a mirror in which the public can see itself sans mascara and styling gel. From us, you learn the state of your nation, and especially its management by the people you elected to give your children a better future.”

While those were not our finest hours, it is our duty to reflect on and learn from such episodes, and forge a culture and systems into our institution that ensures a level of journalistic integrity and balance that can withstand whatever challenges the future presents.

In that regard, I could not be prouder of the example set by our Editor Mr. Lallith Allahakkoon and the entire editorial team, who strive every day to do justice to the public trust and ensure that the citizens of this country get the news that matters to them, with the level of detail they require to fulfill their own civic duties, whatever they may be.

It is no coincidence that the revival of this newspaper’s independence came under a government distinguished by a President and Prime Minister who both worked at Lake House before entering politics, and a Media Minister with a unique intuition for the media. It is in this context that I join the leaders of our country in doffing my hat to the Daily News team, and looking ahead to the next chapter in our journey together.

Sri Lanka’s Way Forward – Let’s Think Outside The Box

By Vishwamithra –January 3, 2018

“Man is not permitted without censure to follow his own thoughts in the search of truth, when they lead him ever so little out of the common road.” ~ John Locke

Another year is now history; nothing much to write home about. Politically, 2017 has been one of non-eventful year. For most of us, barring some personal achievements for a few, it has been a terrible disappointment. Seventy years after Independence, with thirteen elections, nine changes in government and two failed revolutions and another two aborted coup d’états, where have we arrived? That is not to forget a twenty seven-year war. The sighs and wheezes are many and inhalation of satisfying breaths are a way too few.

It’s not too late to change gear, not only to accelerate the speed but more so alter the course in search of that receding oasis of success. The journey after Independence has been one of winding and rough trekking. Some politicos may have succeeded in enriching themselves and they may have amassed wealth to secure the comfort and safety of a couple of their generations. That is the ‘blood money’ they have earned by hoodwinking the voter and securing that comfort and safety. Yet where has it taken the common man? That is the ‘sixty four million dollar’ question.

Religion has been desecrated; ethnicity soiled; language decapitated and culture totally wrecked. A nation of many ethnicities, languages and religions has been polarized and demanding more divisions. Caste divisions which everyone thought is a matter of history’s litterbin is still sustaining its ugly and obscene dynamic. Its manifestations are evident in marriage proposals published in the Sunday newspapers. Sri Lanka as a nation, Sinhalese-Buddhists, Tamils, Christians, Catholics and Muslims is still thinking, breathing and acting within a box, a cocoon of sort. All four attempts, two coup d’états and two revolutions, to go outside the box – outside the democratic framework of course- have ended up in failures. Yet no politician or any social-minded leader of any worthy repute has tried anything outside the box, within the democratic framework.

Is it possible to think outside the box and still retain our democracy with all its freedoms, that of religion, movement, expression etc.? One does not know because none has attempted. The culture that has set in during the last few decades, irrespective of the color of the political party-flag, has imprisoned almost each and every citizen in the country. From the government servants to the private sector executives and ordinary workers, from religious leaders to the media organizations, from laymen to clergy, from civil servant to domestic servants, the whole nation as a collective body of citizenry has been captured, enslaved and being consumed from head to toe by this new culture of money-worship and power-pursuit.

Politicians supply the oxygen and in turn feed the country with the same rusty, warped and degenerate set of values whose value is low and the price high. Why are we blind to its corrupting mechanics and embracing its extravagances? The answers to these questions perpetually stay concealed. As in all difficult tasks, mundane or extraordinary, from securing gainful employment for a University graduate to becoming a millionaire overnight to stopping smoking and losing weight, if one wants success, one has to want it. If one does not want it, one won’t have it, it’s as simple and uncomplicated as that.

Forty four-year-old Ray Goforth is Executive Director of the Society of Professional Engineering Employees in Aerospace (SPEEA), showing an assertive style as he leads the white-collar union in contract talks with Boeing on behalf of about 23,000 technical staff said thus: “There are two types of people who will tell you that you cannot make a difference in this world: Those who are afraid to try and those who are afraid you will succeed.” We in Sri Lanka belong to either of these groups. We are either afraid to fail or we are afraid that the one who tries will succeed. It’s not a very flattering description of a society intent on rapid advancement. We may not have Mahatma Gandhi or Nelson Mandela among us; we may not have Franklin Roosevelt or John Kennedy or Lee Kuan Yew with us; yet why not try with our own kind? Sounds like a utopian dream! I’m not talking about Lenin, Mao, Ho Chi Minh or Castro. They too transformed their societies after a revolution and established dictatorships although they were mistakenly branded as ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’, borrowing the theories of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.

But change, we need. Change we require but tragically do not demand it. Mere lip-service to change coupled with wild rhetoric on ‘transformation and revolution’ has killed our enthusiasm for change. It has deadened our curiosity and accelerated the moral decay. A meandering bundle of humanity, which Sri Lanka is today, from one guard-post to another, is looking more like a rudderless boat rather than a well-stocked cruiser navigated by an experienced Captain and crew.

Let us open this column to a national conversation. How far or how wide we can reach in this exercise, I don’t know. Yet inviting my readers to a potentially wild and crunching discussion on the path that our nation is taking is, in my humble view may be a, once again, make this an ‘outside the box-column’. Let it be. My only hope is that the readers realize the gravity and hopelessness of the situation; the gravity is serious, alarming, real and urgent. The corruption that has taken ahold of our culture is real; it is all-consuming. If we choose to be deliberately oblivious of this, then that also be. But that apathy will have a very heavy price. Then Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables would depict the true picture of our nation, gone astray and vagrant and pitifully forlorn.

The two failed revolutions launched by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) went outside the box. Yet they did not represent the freedoms of expression, religion, movement and other fundamental human rights as promulgated in the UN Declaration of Human Rights. Rohana Wijeweera, how effective a public speaker he was, how original a grassroots-level organizer he was and how dedicated a leader he was, his solution to the country’s burning issues is not acceptable at any time and in any given context. The failed coup d’états too constituted an alien concept for our lethargic nation. A military takeover of government is too alien a concept for our country.

In any context, we simply cannot give up our fundamental democratic freedoms and democratic system of government. Yet the sculpture of our Constitution should be along the lines of secularity. The priceless value of a secular constitution could be gauged only by testing it in a situation of chaotic community conflict. India is the greatest example in this. India has many religions and even more languages and ethnic varieties. Its main religion is Hinduism and language is Hindi. Yet it has a secular constitution. That constitution has sustained democracy in the most gruesomely violent times and amidst Muslim-Hindu riots. The Federal Constitution of India has contributed greatly towards that sustenance of democracy. Pros and cons of a federal constitution may be discussed without ungraciously discarding it. That is thinking outside the box.

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CB takes over ETI Finance, Swarnamahal Financial

• Panel appointed to manage the affairs of both companies
• Governor says two institutions are illiquid but not insolvent; rules out any systemic risk 
• Assures both firms can be revived as they have potential
• Deposit base of ETIF is about Rs. 33.5 b from 33,000 depositors while SFSP exposure is Rs. 2.5 b from 2,300 depositors
• Negative net worth of ETIF is Rs. 19 b; that of SFS is Rs. 1.2 b

By Charumini de Silva-Wednesday, 3 January 2018 00

With a view to safeguard the interests of the depositors and ensure stability of the financial system, the Central Bank yesterday appointed a new management panel to oversee beleaguered ETI Finance Ltd. (ETIF) and listed Swarnamahal Financial Services Plc (SFSP).

“I want to reassure the market as well as depositors in ETIF and SFSP that while there is a problem, it is a problem that can be overcome and can be fixed. ETIF at present is illiquid, but it is not insolvent. In fact, it is an asset-rich company and it has not defaulted on any payments as yet. The assets can be used to turn around the company.
The Monetary Board has taken certain regulatory actions which restrict the business operations and powers of the current Board of Directors of the two firms and has appointed an expert panel to overcome the situation,” Central Bank Governor Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy told journalists yesterday.

He ruled out any systemic risk on account of ETI and SFS liquidity issues or a temporary takeover but the Central Bank action was to minimise any damage.

Explaining the rationale for taking regulatory action, he said it was to create time and space for these liquidity constraints to be overcome. The Governor expressed confidence that they would be able to revive the company within six months considering its assets and income, but asserted that if there was still a liquidity problem then they may need to extend it.

The deposit base of ETIF is about Rs. 33.5 billion from 33,000 depositors, while SFSP is about Rs. 2.5 billion deposits from 2,300 depositors.

“The NBFI sector accounts for 7% of the total assets within the banking and non-banking institution sector. Within the NBFI sector, ETIF and SFSP accounts for about 3%. If you look at it from a bigger picture, in terms of the assets of the both the banking and NBFI sector, it is about 0.3% of the total assets. So the systemic importance is less than negligible. The total assets of the banking system is about Rs. 10 trillion and the total assets of the NBFI sector is Rs. 1.2 trillion. The two finance companies together have about Rs. 36 billion assets, which is a small amount indeed.”

The Monetary Board has given regulatory directions to both finance companies as well as to the nine subsidiary companies which belong to ETFI.

“The idea is to try and hold in whatever assets and financing in these companies and to stop that from flowing out for a few months, we can very quickly build up the liquidity in the holding company which is ETIF and restore normalcy.”

He said SFSP is not under liquidity pressure at the moment. “They have a negative net worth of about Rs. 1.2 billion, but the negative net worth of ETIF is about Rs. 19 billion. The real liquidity pressure has come on to ETIF that it what is triggering our regulatory action.”

Pointing out that the directions related to ETIF and SFSP can be divided in two, Dr. Coomaraswamy stated that one set of directions were designed to restrict the business of the company and another set to restrict the powers of the Board.

In terms of curtailing the business of the two firms, he added that the firms should not make any further disbursements of any loan, credit facility or any other type of financial accommodation, except with a prior written approval of the department of NBFI or management panel, with the Monetary Board appointed to oversee the business affairs of the companies.

He said the firm cannot invest any money other than government securities or fixed deposits in licenced commercial banks nor can they distribute profits retendering or reserves, enter into business other than financial services nor have any transactions with their holding companies or subsidiary companies or related party transactions.

It was pointed out that ETIF in particular has inflows of about Rs. 1 billion a month from its investments and loan portfolio. Therefore, the Governor said that while holding on to the resources of the firm they were hopeful of building the liquidity of the company.

The only powers that the current directors will be vested with are to liaise with the depositors on relevant matters. 

“We do not want to undermine the nexus between the directors and their depositors. For instance, if they want to have conversions of deposits into shares, they can negotiate with their depositors. They should also take steps for effective recovery of all money due to the company and they can also negotiate with potential investors to restructure the company,” he said.

The Monetary Board has appointed three experienced retired bankers to the management panel.

“The management panel will be headed by a former Central Bank Assistant Governor Sepala Ratnayake, who for a number of years was the Head of the NBFI Department; retired Bank of Ceylon Deputy General Manager P.A. Lionel, who has had a lot of Treasury experience, and Bank of Ceylon Assistant General Manager H.M. Tilakaratne, who has vast experience in the pawning business. We are fortunate that we were able to acquire the services of three very experienced people with a good balance of expertise.”

The Governor said part of the responsibilities of this panel would be to come up with a business plan to revive the companies and to enforce the directions.

“Six officials of the NBFI Department are already on site. There are three in each of the two finance companies and they have been there from last afternoon. They have started to ensure the directions are enforced and to take stock of the financial position of the two companies. They will be in there for a few weeks until the Central Bank can stabilise the situation.”

He stressed that there is a business plan already put forward by the existing directors and they could build on that.

“We look forward to them helping to develop a new business plan,” he added.

Noting that the Central Bank tried to improve the situation through directions but the directions were violated on a regular basis, Dr. Coomaraswamy said it was one of the reasons why it did not turn around.  “In the past there was serious mismanagement of this company. Being an asset-rich company, there is no reason why they got into this situation. With the expertise we mobilise, we think we can turn it around.”

He said the ETFI was on the list of companies the Central Bank was concerned about from 2012.

The Central Bank assured depositors of the two companies that it was taking further measures and closely monitoring the operations of the companies to protect the rights of the depositors and therefore the depositors are requested to cooperate with the Central Bank in its effort to ensure the stability of the ETIF and SFSP.

The depositors may contact the Department of Supervision on Non-Bank Financial Institutions of the Central Bank by calling 011 2477258 or 011 2477229 for further clarification.

CB to unveil Road Map 2018 today

Central Bank Governor Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy will present Road Map 2018 today.

Titled ‘Monetary and Financial Sector Policies for 2018 and Beyond’, the document is expected to lay out the path for optimal growth and continuation of fiscal consolidation along with other reforms that have been instituted by the Government.   

Central Bank launches ‘RED’

• Moving to a risk-based supervision system, assisted by US Treasury

The Central Bank yesterday confirmed that it had set up a new department from 1 January called the Resolution Enforcement Department (RED) which will now monitor wrongdoings and take legal action against finance companies.

“We are trying to improve and enhance the rigour of our regulation and supervision. At the same time if we find there has been criminality we will prosecute,” Central Bank Governor Dr. Indrajit Coomaraswamy said in Colombo yesterday.
Noting that there were five distressed finance companies, namely CIFL, ETFI, The Finance, City Finance and Standard Finance as well as one primary dealer Entrust, he stressed that in the future RED would take legal action against them.

“In some of the troubled finance companies, we probably would have to impose a haircut on the depositors and when you have to impose a haircut on the depositors, the companies will have to do its best to understand what went wrong and if there is criminality involved, then RED will prosecute,” he added.

Outlining that the Central Bank had already taken action against Entrust and CIFL, he said they wanted to be more rigorous in the way they pursue action. The enforcement unit will also look at unauthorised deposits and pyramid schemes.

Dr. Coomaraswamy said that the Central Bank official met with the Attorney General and he had promised to provide the two senior consultants comprising one criminal lawyer and one civil lawyer to put together a small unit where other counsellors were going to support the senior lawyers.

“In addition, we have three CID officers who are now fulltime,” he added. 

The Governor pointed out that the non-bank financial sector has too many players for the volume of business available and they are trying to consolidate by gradually increasing the capital requirement.

Revealing that the Central Bank was upgrading its supervision, Dr. Coomaraswamy asserted that they were switching to a risk-based supervision system.

“We have a kind of traffic light system. We are getting some technical assistance from the US Treasury on this, where they have a model which has certain ratios which would trigger action much earlier in the process.”

SRI LANKA TO HAVE 34 ELECTION REPORTING GUIDE LINES APPROVED BY THE PARLIAMENT

Image: PM Wickremesinghe  singed the proposed criteria for media to be presented to parliament.

02/01/2018

Today the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe  signed the proposed criteria for media to be presented to parliament on the conduct of an unbiased and just election according to the constitution.

The Election Commission published 32 criteria to media, through a gazette notification on 4th December and cabinet approval was granted.

The guidelines have been approved by the Cabinet of Ministers and parliament’s approval is sought in order to make the document more legitimate. All media divisions will be bound by the criteria and it is their responsibility and duty to abide by them.
The 32 point guidlines fellows:

Media Guidelines of the Election Commission, Sri Lanka.

Media Guidelines to be Followed /Policies to be Observed by the Electronic and Print Media during a Referendum or an Election

In terms of provisions in the Article 23 (5) (a) of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and in particular, to ensure rightful exercise of franchise and a free and fair election or referendum, following guidelines are issued by the Commissioner of Elections / Election Commission, to be followed by all electronic and print media institutions and personnel involved.

01. All telecasting, broadcasting and print media shall be neutral and impartial in their reporting of election related matters and shall not discriminate any contesting political party / independent group or a candidate, in allocating airtime and allotting space in the newspapers.

02. All media institutions shall provide accurate, balanced and impartial information in broadcasting/ televising their news bulletins and other programmes relating to political matters. The neutrality and impartiality of media shall be monitored by the Standing Committee of Permanent Representatives on Elections Complaints and the Standing Committee of Permanent Representatives on Media Guidelines regularly.

03. Sometimes, the editorial opinions may seem confused and biased and therefore, electronic media are urged not to broadcast/telecast such opinions. However, if such editorial opinion is broadcast/televised/published, the affected party should be given opportunity to broadcast/telecast/publish material to counter such opinion.

04. Programme presenters and announcers of television and radio channels respectively, should refrain from expressing personal views at the newspaper desks where newspaper headlines and cartoons are presented, since such views may promote one party with prejudice to another.

05. It is the responsibility of the news and current affairs divisions of all electronic and print media institutions not to broadcast/ televise/publish any programme or supplement during the election period, if such programme/supplement/news items are illegal or biased.

06. If any material is broadcast/ televised/published covering an incident or an event with comments of one candidate, all other political parties that have an interest on the event or are concerned, or are likely to be affected, should also be given opportunity to express their version in the same news item or programme or at another occasion.

07. All documentary programmes or special programmes which are directly connected with the election and broadcast/ televised during the period of election, should disclose the names of the script writer, announcer and the editor. If the particular media institution has retained the right not to disclose same, the person in charge of the programme should be held responsible for its contents.

08. Air time of any programme or news bulletin should not be utilized for unsubstantiated allegations against candidates contesting at an election that cannot be reasonably proved. If a candidate or a political party claims that another candidate or a supporter has made any false statement against him/her/party, opportunity should be availed of to him/her/party to counter same.

09. When airing/publishing news or programmes which are not related to the election, such as official functions and events related to crimes, all media institutions should consult the parties involved for clarity, since such news/programmes could promote or demote some candidate or a party.

10. Coverage given by the Radio or Television to opinions/ views expressed by the President or Prime Minister or Ministers should be treated as a coverage given to the political party to which he/ she belongs and therefore leaders of rival political parties contesting the election should also be given opportunity in similar programmes. The print media should similarly provide equal space and prominence to all political parties/ candidates in publishing special discussions and reporting campaign meetings.

11. Special favours should not be given in air time or in the print media to one or more candidates to promote his/her/their election or to cause disadvantage to another.

12. Refrain from publishing or broadcasting lectures, interviews, etc. with public officers which promote any contesting candidate or cause disadvantage to other candidates.

13. All electronic media institutions should act fairly in selecting participants for panel discussions and as such, the composition of the discussion should be balanced. They should refrain from directing programmes to cause disadvantage to any representative who has poor language proficiency. When publishing interviews of politicians with poor language proficiency, print media shall not create uncomfortable situations to them. Information obtained through vague and incomprehensible questions should not be published, or such questions should never be asked. At the outset, the participant in the programme should be warned not to make statements which are unethical or harmful to the communal harmony, and if such statements are made while the discussion is in progress, the programme should be discontinued then and there.

14. All phone-in programmes should give fair opportunity for all callers irrespective of the content of their questions or contributions. Directors, moderators and others engaged in organizing such phone-in programmes should be answerable for imbalanced phone-in programmes.

15. If any Chairperson, Member of the Board of Management, Directors or a responsible journalist of any electronic or print media institution actively engages in political activities, such activities cause conflict of interest in balanced broadcasting/publishing. Hence, such officers/ employees shall inform of the following in writing in advance to the management of the institution.
His/her level of involvement,
Position held in the institution,
Extent of involvement in programme making

16. When an individual holding a leading post in a recognized political party (Leader, Chairman, Secretary, National Organizer, Treasurer, Deputy Leader, Assistant Leader, Senior Deputy Chairman or a post with similar powers) and holding a dominant office such as the Chairman/ Member of the Board of Directors, Chief Executive/ Chief Editor in a media institution, and if he/she is a candidate at the election or if his/ her party is contesting directly or under a recognized alliance, such person should refrain from actively engaging in duties of his/ her post of the media institution. If such person is contesting as a candidate while holding office in a contesting party at an election, he / she should refrain from anchoring/moderating programmes of a political nature in television or broadcasting institution and in the case of print media he / she should not publish his/ her own political articles through that media institution.

17. When a person/ a representative of a party refuses to participate at a discussion or interview and chooses not to offer reasons for his/her absence, the media institution shall respect his/her position. Drama-like situations such as displaying of an empty chair etc., should not be employed to underline a refusal. It is encouraged to make a simple and direct announcement on the absence of the participant. .

18. A broadcaster who broadcasts or print media that publishes the result of an opinion poll, should announce the name of the organization that conducted the poll, the organization or the person that commissioned and funded the poll, methodology employed, the size of the sample, margin of error and the period of fieldwork. In addition the broadcaster or publisher should state that the poll reflects the public opinion only at the time of the poll was taken.

19. No statement where a candidate promotes candidature of another contestant of another party or group be broadcast, telecast or published.

20. Media personnel should not engage in taking photographs or videoing of the inside of polling stations or postal voting centres as the Commissioner of Elections / Election Commission has prohibited such activities without written consent. Any photographs or video visuals obtained illegally should not be published in newspapers, televised or promoted through any media. Even the photographs and visuals obtained with the approval of the Commissioner, should be published or televised only after the poll.

21. It is considered vital that a period of silence prevails just before the date of poll to enable the voter to contemplate and consider the pros and cons of various policies announced and promises made by political parties and candidates during the election campaign. The media shall refrain from televising broadcasting or publishing discussions, debates, advertisements, etc. related to the election during the period of silence (period of refraining from carrying out propaganda), enacted by law (48 hours), prior to the date of an election.

22. Refrain from broadcasting/ telecasting/ publishing propaganda that may create or induce hatred and intolerance among Sri Lankan people on various grounds including the religious beliefs, faiths practised, languages spoken, ethnicity, customs and castes prevailing in Sri Lanka.

23. Avoid broadcasting/ telecasting/ publishing propaganda activities that promote hateful politics among political activists and within the society.

24. Refrain from republishing or repeat telecasting of statements expressed previously by a candidate or a supporter about another candidate, without the consent of the declarant and honour the request made by a declarant not to repeat such statements made by him/her previously.

25. Media institutions shall not give coverage to anonymous notices or propaganda and to the notices or propaganda under the names of fake organizations or persons. The responsibility in this regard shall lie with the respective media institution.

26. National Anthem, National Flag, religious symbols, religious flags, paintings or photograph of founders of religions or religious leaders shall not be published or broadcast to promote or demote the candidature of a candidate or a party/group. Notices or advertisements of such nature shall not be broadcast/ televised/ published.

27. Media institutions shall be accountable with regard to publishing/ broadcasting/ televising incorrect statements/news and they will be subject to legal implications that would arise in this regard.

28. It is the responsibility of all electronic / print media institutions to adhere and abide by the moral ethics of media.

29. According to the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, the use of state property and funds by state media institutions to promote political parties/ groups/ candidates is illegal and it is also an offence to cause loss to the government revenue and act to cause damage to the institution. All government and semi government media institutions shall refrain from engaging in such activities as disciplinary action could be instituted on those responsible, in addition to the punishments prescribed in the Constitution.

30. It is expected that the proprietors of all electronic and print media shall adhere to the guidelines given above and that they ensure their institutions observe them earnestly.

31. It is also expected that the administrators of social media sites shall also follow the above guidelines as applicable to them, during the election period.

32. It is not only the duty, but also the responsibility of the proprietors of media institutions and administrators/ users of social media to adhere to the above guidelines, because it is quintessential to follow them during the election period.

33. The Standing Committee comprising of permanent representatives of political parties, the Coordinating Officers of the National Centre for Investigation of Election Complaints and representatives of Observer Organizations recognised by the Commissioner of Elections, will intervene in the issues arising in the implementation of the guidelines and express their views and recommendations. Their views and recommendations shall be considered by the Standing Committee for Media guidelines comprising of officers of the Department of Elections, representatives of Ministry of Media and Department of Information, along with the views/observations of the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka and shall make decisions. Media institutions shall act according to these decisions. Implementation of these guidelines will be by consensus of this Committee which is established to direct, observe and monitor the implementation of these guidelines.

34. Media institution or any journalist is not bound to publish or broadcast, any order or a request, made by a political party/ a candidate, violating the aforesaid guidelines. At such instances such institution or the journalist has the right to seek legal assistance.

These media guidelines are issued to create a conducive environment for a free and fair election. It is, therefore, the responsibility of all political parties, independent groups, and political activists, election observer organizations, civil society organizations and every citizen of this country to support media institutions to implement them and to prevent obstructions in the implementation of same. Hence, the Election Commission, the Commissioner of Elections anticipates all concerned parties will extend their cooperation to all media institutions to act according to these media guidelines.

தேர்தல் வரும்போது  கூட்டமைப்பிற்கு எதிராக விக்னேஸ்வரன் அறிக்கை விடுவது வழமை

 

2017-12-30 18:18:12 | Leftinraj

கடந்த 27ம் திகதி வடமாகாண முதலமைச்சர் விக்னேஸ்வரன் இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சி தொடர்பிலும் அதன் தலைமை தொடர்பிலும் வெளியிட்ட பல்வேறுபட்ட கருத்துக்களுக்கு தமிழரசுக் கட்சி பதில் அறிக்கை ஒன்றை வௌியிட்டுள்ளது.

இது தொடர்பாக இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியின் பொதுச் செயலாளர் கி. துரைராசசிங்கம் வௌியிட்டுள்ள அறிக்கையில் கூறப்பட்டுள்ளதாவது;

தேர்தல்கள் வரும்போது விக்னேஸ்வரன் ஐயா அவர்கள் தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பிற்கு எதிராக அறிக்கை வெளியிடுவது வழமை. அவ்விதமான ஒன்றே கடந்த 27ம் திகதியன்று அவரால் வெளியிடப்பட்ட அறிக்கையாகும்.

ஐயா அவர்கள் தான்அரசியல் சாராத ஓர் அரசியல்வாதி என்று சொல்கிறார். பல்வேறு எதிர்ப்புக்களுக்கு மத்தியில் வவுனியாவில் நடைபெற்ற தமிழரசுக் கட்சி மத்திய குழுக் கூட்டத்தில் வடமாகாண முதலமைச்சர் வேட்பாளராக இவரது பெயரை நான் முன்மொழிந்தேன்.

பேராசிரியர் சிற்றம்பலம் அவர்கள் ´வழிப்போக்கர்களையெல்லாம் கட்சியில் சேர்க்கின்றீர்கள்´ என்று எச்சரித்தார். இருப்பினும் அவரையும் சமாதானப்படுத்தி அந்தத் தீர்மானத்தை நிறைவேற்றினோம்.
கிழக்கு மாகாண சபையின் சகல உறுப்பினர்களும் வடாகாண சபைத் தேர்தல் நடவடிக்கைகளில் ஈடுபட்டு வீட்டுச் சின்னத்திற்கு ஆதரவு தேடினோம். விக்னேஸ்வரன் ஐயாவை விட அனந்தி அதிக வாக்குகள் பெறும் வாய்ப்புக்கள் இருந்தன.

அவ்வாறு நடைபெறுவது விக்னேஸ்வரன் ஐயாவின் கௌரவத்தைப் பாதிக்கும் என உணாந்தோம். இவரே அதிக வாக்குகள் பெற வெண்டும் என்ற வகையில் பிரச்சாரங்கள் செய்தோம். அவ்வகையில் அவர் வெற்றியும் பெற்றார்.

இவரை அரசியலுக்குக் கொண்டுவர முற்பட்ட போது எமது தமிழரசுக் கட்சி மத்திய குழு உறுப்பினர் ஒருவர் பின்வருமாறு குறிப்பிட்டார்.

´அரசியல் என்பது அடிமட்ட மக்கள் வரை சென்று வேலை செய்யும் ஒரு துறை  விக்னேஸ்வரன் அவர்களைப் போன்ற உயர் அந்தஸ்தைப் பராமரிக்கக்கூடியவர்களைப் பொறுத்தவரையில் அவர்கள் அந்த நிலைமையில் இருந்து இறங்கி வரமாட்டார்கள். இது நமது அரசியலைப் பாதிக்கும்´ என்று குறிப்பிட்டார். அவருடைய வாக்கு இன்று மெய்த்துவிட்டது.

வடமாகாணசபை மத்திய அரசின் எவ்வித தொடர்பும் இன்றி செயற்பட முடியாது. ஆனால் தொடக்கத்தில் இருந்தே விக்னேஸ்வரன் ஐயா மத்திய அரசோடு முரண்படவே செய்தார்.

இதனால் முழு நாடும் வடமாகாண சபையின் செயற்பாட்டின் மேல் வைத்திருந்த நம்பிக்கையை வினாக்குறியாக வளைத்து விட்டார். அதுமட்டுமல்ல எட்டு மாகாண முதலமைச்சர்களும் மாகாணங்களுக்கு அதிக அதிகாரங்கள் வழங்கப்பட வேண்டுமென ஜனாதிபதியிடம் வலியுறுத்தினார்கள்.

அதிகம் வலியுறுத்த வேண்டிய வடமாகாண முதல்வர் இக்கூட்டங்களில் கலந்து கொள்ளவும் இல்லை வலியுறுத்தவும் இல்லை.

இவர் இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியின் அங்கத்தவர். தமிழ் மக்கள் பேரவையின் கூட்டத்திற்குத் தலைமை வகித்து உரையாற்றுவதற்கு முன்னர் நடைபெற்ற எல்லா தமிழரசுக் கட்சியன் மத்திய குழுக் கூட்டங்களுக்கும் அவருக்கு அழைப்பு விடுக்கப்பட்டது.

இதை விட வடக்கு கிழக்கு மாகாணங்களைச் சேர்ந்த தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் பாராளுமன்றஇமாகாணசபை உறுப்பினர்களுக்கான ஒருங்கிணைப்புக் குழுக்கூட்டங்களுக்கும் ஐயா அவர்களுக்கு அறிவித்தல் கொடுக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது.

இத்தகைய இரண்டொரு ஒருங்கிணைப்புக் குழுக் கூட்டங்களில் அவர் கலந்து கொண்டும் இருக்கின்றார். ஆனால் அநேகமாக மதிய வேளைக்குள் அவர் விடைபெற்றுச் சென்று விடுவார்.

இவ்வாறு இருக்க கூட்டங்களுக்கு அழைப்பு விடுக்கப்படவில்லைஇ தனது கருத்துக்களைச் சொல்ல வாய்ப்பளிக்கவில்லை என்று குறிப்பிடுவதில் எவ்வித அர்த்தமும் இல்லை.

வன்முறை சாராத கட்சி என்றவகையில் இயற்கையாகவே இலங்கதை; தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியுடன்தான் எனது தொடர்புகள் சார்ந்திருந்தன என்று அவர் கூறுவது மகிழ்ச்சி அளிக்கின்றது.

2013ம் ஆண்டின் தேர்தல் விஞ்ஞாபனம் தனக்குத் தரப்பட்டதாகவும் அதிலிருந்த கொள்கைகள் சரியெனப் பட்டதாகவும் கூறுகின்றார். இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சி ஆரம்பிக்கப்பட்ட காலம் தொடக்கம் (1977களில் வெளியிடப்பட்ட தமிழர் விடுதலைக் கூட்டணியின் தேர்தல் விஞ்ஞாபனம் தவிர்ந்த) இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியின் தேர்தல் விஞ்ஞாபனங்களில் இதே அல்லது இதனைத் தழுவிய விடயங்களே இடம்பெற்றிருக்கின்றன.

ஐயா அவர்கள் உயர் நீதிமன்ற நீதியரசர் பதவியில் இருந்து ஓய்வு பெற்றதைத் தொடர்ந்து வெளியிட்ட பத்திரிக்கை அறிக்கைகளில் (இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியினை மையப்படுத்திய) தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் பின்னால் மக்களை அணிதிரளும் படி பல தடவைகள் கோரிக்கை விடுத்திருந்தார்.

இக்கட்சியின் கொள்கையின்பால் இருந்த பிடிமானமே இதற்குக் காரணமாக இருந்திருக்கும். இந்தக் கொள்கைக் கோட்பாடுகளின்றும் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சி எவ்விதத்திலும் விலகிச் செல்லவில்லை.
ஒரு கொள்கையின் பொருள் கோடல் என்பது சட்டத்தில் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ளது போல் இலக்கணப் பொருள்கோடலாக இருக்க முடியாது என்பது ஐயாவிற்குத் தெரியாததொன்றல்ல. அந்த வகையிலே நடப்பியல் தழுவிய செயற்பாடுகளில் இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சி எவ்விதத்திலும் விலகிச் செல்லவில்லை.

தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பினரால் அரசியலுக்கு வரவழைக்கப்பட்ட போது அக்கட்சி பதிவு செய்யப்பட்ட ஒரு கட்சி அல்ல என்பது தனக்குத் தெரியாது என்று கூறுகின்றார். கூட்டமைப்பு பதியப்பட்டிருந்தால் இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியின் வீட்டுச் சின்னத்தில் ஏன் போட்டியிடுகின்றார்கள் என்று ஐயா ஆராய்ந்து பார்த்திருக்க வேண்டும்.

2014ல் வவுனியாவில் நடைபெற்ற ஒருங்கிணைப்புக் குழுக் கூட்டத்தில் கலந்து கொள்வதற்காக ஐயா அவர்கள் கொழும்பில் இருந்து புறப்பட்டார். அவர் வருகின்றார் என்பதற்காக சுமந்திரன் அவர்களே வண்டியின் சாரதியாக இருந்து வண்டியைச் செலுத்தி வந்தார். நான் இவர்களின் பின் இருக்கையில் அமர்ந்திருந்தேன்.

கொழும்பில் இருந்து வவுனியா செல்லும் வரையான காலப்பகுதியில் நடைபெற்ற உரையாடலில்இ´இனஅழிப்புப் பிரேரணை´ முக்கிய இடம் பிடித்திருந்தது. இன அழிப்பு என்பது அதிகூடிய நிறுவு தரத்தின் மேல் நிறுவப்பட வேண்டியதொன்றுஇஅதிகபட்ச அளிவிலான சான்றுகள் சமர்ப்பிக்ப்படாதவிடத்து நிராகரிக்கப்படலாம். தென்சூடானின் முன்னுதாரணத்தை நாமும் கவனத்திற் கொள்ள வேண்டும்.

ஆனால் போர்க்குற்றம் என்கின்ற வரைவலக்கணத்திற்குள் நின்று சிறந்த சான்றுகளை முன்வைக்கும் போது சான்றுகளினுடைய பெறுமானத்தைக் கருத்திற் கொண்டு இன அழிப்பு நடைபெற்றது என்ற தீர்ப்பைப் பெறும் வகையில் எமது செயற்பாடுகள் அமைய வேண்டும். என்ற விடயத்தை ஆசிரியரும் மாணவனும் கருத்தொருமித்துக் கலந்துரையாடினர். இந்தக் கலந்துரையாடலின் பின்னர் கூட குறித்த பிரேரணை வடமாகாணசபையில் முன்வைக்கப்படவில்லை.

ஆனால் 2015ல் ஆட்சி மாற்றத்தின் பின் இன அழிப்புப் பிரேரணை வடமாகாண சபையில் முன்வைக்கப்பட்டது. அதுவும் ஆரம்பத்தில் அதனை முன்மொழிய முனைந்த சிவாஜிலிங்கம் அவர்கள் முன்மொழியாது விக்னேஸ்வரன் ஐயா அவர்களே முன்மொழிந்தமையானது ஆச்சரியப்படக் கூடிய ஒரு செய்திதானே? அவ்வாறு ஒரு அவசியம் இருந்திருந்தால் கூட அது ஏன் தலைமைக்குத் தெரிவித்திருக்கப்படக் கூடாது.

அரசியல் கட்சி ஒன்றின் தேர்தல் விஞ்ஞாபனத்தை ஏற்று அந்த அரசியற் கட்சியின் உழைப்பினால் அதிகூடிய வாக்குகளைப் பெற்று முதலமைச்சராகிய ஐயா அவர்கள் வன்முறை சாராத கட்சி என்ற வகையில் இயற்கையாகவே இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியுடன் சார்பு நிலை கொண்டிருந்த நிலைமையையெல்லாம் திடுதிப்பென ஏன் மாற்றிக் கொண்டார்.

இப்போது ´என்னுடைய ஒத்த கருத்துடையவர்கள் தமிழ் மக்கள் பேரவை என்ற நாமத்தோடு ஒரு மக்கள் இயக்கமாக பரிணமித்துள்ளார்கள்´என்று குறிப்பிடுகின்றார். இத்தனை மாற்றத்திற்கும் காரணம் 2014ம் அண்டு இறுதிப் பகுதியில் நடைபெற்ற இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியின் மகாநாடே ஆகும்.
கட்சியின் தலைமைப் பதவி மாவை சேனாதிராஜா அண்ணன் அவர்களுக்கு சென்றடைந்தமைதான் இதற்கெல்லாம் காரணம். எதிர்பார்ப்பு கனவாயிற்றே என்பதைச் சகித்துக் கொள்வது கடினம் தான். ஆனால்இ அத்தகைய எதிர்பார்ப்பு நியாயமானதொன்றல்ல.

ஐயா அவர்கள் அரசியலுக்கு வருமுன் குறிப்பிட்டார் ´நீங்கள் எல்லாம் நிர்ப்பந்திப்பதால் வடமாகாணசபை முதலமைச்சர் வேட்பாளராக நிற்கின்றேன்இ அதேவேளை இரண்டரை வருடங்கள் மாத்திரமே பதவியிலிருப்பேன்´என்று பெருமனதோடு குறிப்பிட்டிருந்தார். ஆனால் இலங்கைத் தமிழ் அரசுக் கட்சியின் மகாநாட்டின் பின்னர் வேறொரு விஸ்வரூபம் எடுத்து விட்டார்.

இவர் எமக்கு மிகவும் வேண்டியவர். இவரது மனநிலை மாற்றம் தமிழ் மக்களின் துர்ப்பாக்கியமோ என்று கூட கவலையடைகின்றோம். ஊர்கூடித் தேர் இழுக்க வேண்டிய நேரத்தில் ஏற்பட்ட இந்தத் துர்ப்பாக்கியத்தை நினைத்து ´விதியே விதியே தமிழச் சாதியை என்செய நினைத்தாய்´ என்று பாரதி கேட்டது போல கேட்கத் தோன்றுகிறது.

இடைக்கால அறிக்கையில் சமஷ்டி இல்லை, வடகிழக்கு இணைப்பு இல்லை,  சுயநிர்ணய உரிமை இல்லை என்றெல்லாம் சொல்லுகின்றார். 2017.10.21ம் திகதி இடைக்கால அறிக்கை வெளிவந்த போது அதனை நிராகரிப்பதாகச் சொன்னார். பின்னர் தான் அதை முழுமையாக வாசிக்கவில்லை என்றும் சொன்னார். அவர் குழம்பாமல் இருப்பதும் மக்களைக் குழப்பாமல் இருப்பதும் அதி முக்கிய தேவையாகும்.

அரசியலமைப்பு என்பது இன்றைய நிலையிலே புரிந்துணர்வோடு இணக்கப்பாட்டோடு உருவாக்கப்பட வேண்டிய ஒன்று. இவை இரண்டும் இல்லையென்றால் நீடித்து நிலைத்திருக்கக் கூடிய ஒரு தீர்வு அடையப்பட மாட்டாது. சமஷ்டி என்பது நாட்டிற்கு நாடுஇ காலத்திற்குக் காலம் வேறுபட்ட பொருள் கோடலைக் கொண்டதாக வழங்கிவருகின்ற வளர்ந்து வருகின்ற ஒரு கோட்பாடு.

பிரித்தானிய ஒற்றையாட்சி கூட வடஅயர்லாந்து மற்றும் ஸ்கொட்லாந்து போன்ற பிராந்தியங்கள் பிரிந்து செல்லக்கூடிய தத்துவங்களைக் கொண்டிருக்கின்ற அளவிற்கு தற்போது மாற்றமடைந்துள்ளது.
எனவே அரசியல் தீர்வில் சமஷ்டி, சுயநிர்ணயம் என்பன எழுதப்படுவதற்கு மேல் செயற்படுத்தப்படுவதிலேயே அதிகம் தங்கியுள்ளன. இடைக்கால அறிக்கையை ஆறு உபகுழுக்களின் அறிக்கை இடைக்கால அறிக்கை பின் இணைப்புக்கள் எனும் எல்லாவற்றையும் ஒருசேரப் படித்தே பொருள்கோடல் செய்ய வேண்டும்.

இப்போது இருக்கின்ற வாய்ப்பை எல்லோரும் சேர்ந்து பயன்படுத்த வேண்டும். எதுஎது இல்லை என்று கருதுகின்றோமோ அவ்வவற்றைப் பெற்றுக் கொள்ளக் கூடிய விதத்தில் என்ன உத்திகள் கையாளப்பட வேண்டும் என்று ஒருவருக்கொருவர் பேசிக் கொள்ள வேண்டும்.

நமது தனிப்பட்ட கௌரவங்கள் பிடிவாதங்கள் என்பன தமிழ் மக்களின் தலைவிதியாக மாறிவிடக் கூடாது. அடுத்த தரப்பினரை அகௌரவப்படுத்திக் கொண்டு புரிந்துணர்வோடு கூடிய நல்லிணக்கத்தை எய்த முடியுமா? 06ம் நூற்றாண்டுக்கு முன்னர் சிங்கள மக்கள் இங்கு இருக்கவில்லை என்பது புரிந்துணர்வை வளர்ப்பதற்கு உரமாகுமா? விசமாகுமா? அப்படியென்றால் 16ம் நூற்றாண்டுக்கு முன்பு கிறிஸ்தவர்கள் இலங்கையில் இருக்கவில்லையே என்பதும் ஒரு வாதமாகி அது அம்மக்களைப் புண்படுத்தாதா?

எங்களுடைய தலைவர்களின் பிடிவாதம் காரணமாக எத்தனை விடயங்களை இழந்திருக்கின்றோம். 1926களில் கண்டிய குழுமத்தினர் சமஷ்டியைக் கேட்டபோது எம்முடைய தலைவர்கள் தங்கள் வித்துவம் காரணமாக அதனை ஏற்கவில்லை. டொனமூர் திட்டத்தை எதிர்த்து அரசியல் நிர்ணய சபையைப் புறக்கணித்தார்கள். எனினும் நான்கு ஆண்டுகளின் பின் அச் சபைக்குச் சென்றார்கள். சோல்பரி ஆணைக்குழுவின் முன் ஐம்பதுக்கு ஐம்பது கேட்டு ஐம்பத்தைந்திற்கு நாற்பத்தைந்து முன்வைக்கப்பட்ட போது அதனையும் ஏற்க மறுத்தார்கள்.

பண்டா - செல்வா ஒப்பந்தம் வந்போது ஐயா ஜி.ஜி பொன்னம்பலம் அவர்கள் செல்வநாயகம் தமிழ் மக்களை விற்றுவிட்டார் என்று பரப்புரை செய்தார். டட்லி - செல்வா ஒப்பந்தத்தின் போதும் இதுவே நடைபெற்றது. 1987ல் வடகிழக்கிற்கான இடைக்கால நிர்வாகசபை அறிவிக்கப்பட்ட போது நாம் கொடுத்த மூன்று பெயர்களைப் பெற்ற ஜே.ஆர் ஜெயவர்த்தன அவர்கள் அதில் ஒருவரைத் தலைவராகத் தெரிவு செய்த போது அதனை சாதுரியமாக நகர்த்தாமல் அந்த வாய்ப்பையே போட்டுடைத்தோம். 13வது திருத்தத்தின் பின்னர் வடகிழக்கு இணைப்பு என்பது நிபந்தனையோடு கூடியதாக இருந்தது.

சரியோ பிழையோ தேர்தல் நடைபெற்று வடகிழக்கு மாகாண சபை அமைக்கப்பட்டதே! அதே போன்று ஒரு தேர்தல் மூலம் வடகிழக்கை இணைத்திருக்க முடியாதா? அந்த வாய்ப்பையும் நழுவ விட்டோம். 1999ல் பிராந்தியங்களின் ஒன்றியம் என்ற வகையிலான நீலன் - பீரிஸ் தீர்வுத் திட்டம் அரசியலமைப்புச் சட்டமாக வந்தது. பின்னொரு நாளில் அன்டன் பாலசிங்கம் அவர்களே இது வரவேற்கத்தக்க தீர்வுப் பொறிமுறை என்று குறிப்பிட்டிருந்தார். இதனைக் கூட நழுவவிட்டோம். இவ்வாறு வெண்ணெய் திரண்டுவரும் போதெல்லாம் தாழியை உடைத்த வெற்றி வீரர்களின் வாரிசுகள் நாம்.

இது ஒரு நாடுஇ இந்த நாட்டக்குள்ளே தான் நமக்கான தீர்வு. தீர்வின் அடிப்படை புரிந்துணர்வுடனானஇ விட்டுக் கொடுப்பும்இ நீடித்து நிலைக்கக் கூடிய நல்லிணக்கமும் ஆகும். வடகிழக்கு இணைப்பு தொடர்பில் கூட்டமைப்பின் முன்மொழிவு உண்டு. இது இடைக்கால அறிக்கை மட்டும் தான் இறுதி வடிவம் இன்னும் வரவில்லை. தோசை சுடுபவளுக்கு எப்போது அதைப் புரட்டிப் போட வேண்டும் என்று தெரிய வேண்டும்இ என்று தொண்டமான் அவர்கள் ஒரு முறை கூறியிருக்கின்றார். சமையற்கலைப் புத்தகத்தைப் படித்துவிட்டு மட்டும் வந்து தோசை சுட முடியாது. அது போலத்தான் அரசியற் கலையை நூல்களை வாசித்துவிட்டு மட்டும் கையாள முடியாது.

மக்கள் விக்னேஸ்வரன் ஐயாவை முதலமைச்சராக்கியது தீர்வுக்காகச் செயற்பட்டுக் கொண்டிருக்கின்ற தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பினதும்இ அதில் சேர்ந்துள்ள ஒவ்வாரு கட்சியினதும் செயற்பாட்டோடு சேர்ந்து பலம் சேர்க்க வேண்டும் என்பதற்காகத் தான்.நடப்பியல் அறிந்து அதை நகர்த்த வேண்டும். ´ஏட்டுச் சுரைக்காய்கறிக்குதவாது´. கம்பவாருதி அவர்கள் ஐயா விக்னேஸ்வரன் பற்றி பல பக்கக் கட்டுரை வரைந்திருக்கின்றார். அவற்றைப் படித்தோம்இ ஆனால் பெரிது படுத்தவில்லை. அவற்றின் இலக்கணமாக அவர் இருந்து விடக் கூடாது என்று இன்றும் நாங்கள் விரும்புகின்றோம்.

அண்மையில் பிரபல சிரேஷ்ட சட்டத்தரணி கனகீஸ்வரன் அவர்களின் முன்னிலையில் மூன்று மணித்தியாலங்கள் ஐயா விக்னேஸ்வரன்இ ஐயா சம்மந்தன் அவர்களுடன் மனம் திறந்து கலந்துரையாடினார். அதற்குப் பின் 84 வயதிலும் சம்மந்தன் அவர்கள் எல்லா விடயங்களையும் அறிந்து வைத்துள்ளார் என்று அவரே குறிப்பிட்டும் இருக்கின்றார். மாற்றுத் தலைமை தேவையில்லை என்றும் சொல்லியிருக்கின்றார். இந்த நிலையில் இவ்வாறான அறிக்கை ஏன்? தமிழரசுக் கட்சி கொள்கை வழியே தான் செல்கின்றது. நடப்பியல் தழுவி நடந்து கொள்கின்றது. இதனை மக்களுக்கு விளக்கியுள்ளோம். மக்களும் நம்பிக்கையோடு எற்றுக் கொண்டுள்ளார்கள். தூங்குவது போல் பாசாங்கு செய்வோரை என்ன செய்வது?

சிங்கள மக்களுக்கு சமஷ்டி பற்றி விளக்குவதில் சுமந்திரன் ஏற்கனவே ஈடுபட்டுள்ளார். சோபித தேரரின் அணியினால் அண்மையில் மாத்தறையில் நடைபெற்ற கூட்டத்தில் கலந்து அவர் சமஷ்டி பற்றிக் கூறிய விடயம் அமோக வரவேற்புப் பெற்றது. இச் செயற்பாடு தொடர்கின்றது.

எலும்புத் துண்டு பற்றியெல்லாம் ஐயா பேசுகின்றார். இது இரண்டாம்இ மூன்றாம் தரப் பேனாக்களின் வாசகங்கள். இதை நீங்களும் சொல்லுவது ´நிலத்திற் கிடந்ததை கால் காட்டும்´ என்ற குறளை நினைக்கச் செய்கின்றது. இது உங்கள் தராதரத்திற்குரிய பாவனை அல்ல. துயரோடு இருக்கின்ற எல்லாத் தமிழர்கள் சார்பிலும் கேட்டுக் கொள்கின்றேன் தமிழ் மக்களின் நம்பிக்கை வீணாகக்கூடாது.