Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, December 29, 2017

Sri Lanka: Khapra Beetle — alarmist scientists must stick to facts

The khapra beetle is a pest that feeds primarily on grain. It has never been associated with tea. It follows that it poses no threat to the tea industry.

by Rohan Pethiyagoda-
( December 29, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) I was surprised and disappointed to read the article “Khapra beetle and future of Sri Lankan Tea Export” by Professor Rohan Rajapakse and Dr Wolly Wijayaratne in ‘Sri Lanka Guardian’ of 19 December. I would not normally respond to such an article except that this has found itself widely circulated also on the internet and social media, as scaremongering claims so often do, with potential harm to the integrity of the Ceylon Tea brand.
These authors have cushioned their article with a wealth of technical-sounding data. A quick perusal of the internet suggests one might be forgiven for imagining them to have been also the authors of the Wikipedia entry on khapra beetle. Their academic distinction, however, may give less-well informed readers the impression that somehow they know something about this subject that others do not. I, for one, doubt that.
They state, “Khapra beetle has been sighted on several occasions in Sri Lanka” (evidently by persons other than themselves). They then go on to cite a series of references to the scientific and grey literature (i.e. circulars, reviews etc). None of the scientific publications they cite are more recent than 1977; i.e., they are more than 40 years old. The National Plant Quarantine Service maintains, however, that no infestation by this beetle has ever been recorded from within Sri Lanka, and certainly not in the career-span of anyone working there today. The Department of Agriculture too, has no record of detecting this species in Sri Lankan agricultural produce.
Rajapakse and Wijayaratne base their claims on an antiquated literature, mostly in very obscure publications. Even if antiquated, these historical records warrant review, and so I reviewed almost all of them. I was unable to uncover, however, whether in the publications cited or elsewhere, a single specimen-based record of khapra beetle from Sri Lanka. Not ever. Period. The question I pose to these ‘experts’ therefore is, have you even seen a specimen? A specimen collected in Sri Lanka is, after all, the only acceptable evidence that the species occurs here.
I looked also into how Sri Lanka might have become included among the countries which this notorious pest was previously claimed to inhabit. A close reading of the very same references that Rajapakse andWijayaratne have cited shows that no specimen-based location record for Sri Lanka is claimed by any of the authors concerned. In general, given that India is the putative “home” of this species (its native range remains uncertain) and given Sri Lanka’s proximity to India (especially the inclusion of Ceylon in the loose wording “British India” in colonial times) it appears to have been assumed that Sri Lanka too, fell within the range of this species. Other studies have sought to predict the regions of the world which could host this beetle by modeling the relevant environmental criteria (e.g. rainfall, humidity, temperature, longest dry period etc). Clearly, Sri Lanka would be among the countries that are at risk of hosting this species. That is a far cry, however, from claiming that the beetle actually infests Sri Lankan crops or is naturalized in the island. As so often happens in the scientific literature, and especially in non-specimen based studies, the errors of the earlier authors tend to be repeated uncritically ad infinitum by later authors. Rajapakse and Wijayaratne too, appear to have fallen victim to this error. Neither of them admits to have seen a specimen of khapra beetle from Sri Lanka. Even the photograph of the beetle with which their article has been illustrated has not been taken by them: it has been downloaded from the internet. All this calls into question their pontifications and prognostications on this topic.
The khapra beetle is a pest that feeds primarily on grain. It has never been associated with tea. It follows that it poses no threat to the tea industry. Therefore, the authors’ statement that “it is up to experienced entomologists to find workable solutions to exclude the presence of khapra beetle in tea” is a nonsense. It is also important to note that the detection made by the Russian Federal Service for Veterinary & Phytosanitary Surveillance is stated to have been of khapra beetle larvae in the shipping container carrying the tea, not in the tea itself. It is possible that this container contained grain residues from a previous voyage originating in another country and was already infested with beetle larvae when the tea was loaded. If true, this is by itself, of course, unacceptable. As a response to such a threat, however, we have assured the Russian authorities that in future the containers in which shipments of agricultural produce are made to Russia will be professionally cleaned and disinfested under the supervision of the National Plant Quarantine Service. The Russian side has accepted this assurance, which will be reflected also in the relevant phytosanitary certificates.
That said, as a rice-producing country, Sri Lanka needs to be vigilant with regard to this pest. The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. Pheromone traps and other detection methods need to be deployed to satisfy ourselves that this species is not becoming established in Sri Lanka, and stringent inspections of imported grain need to be conducted to minimize the risk of infested produce entering the island. I have no doubt that the NPQS will, as it has done so effectively for decades, continue to do its job professionally and effectively.
I was surprised to see that the lead-author of this article claims to be a member of the Technology Release Committee of the Tea Research Institute, which suggests that his views may somehow reflect those of the TRI. I would be astonished if this were indeed the case, but if so, it a poor reflection indeed of that august institution.
The internet era has made it possible for anyone with time on their hands, be they ever so ignorant, to publicize alarmist stories. As purportedly reputed scientists, Rajapakse and Wijayaratne had a responsibility to be more circumspect about publishing unsubstantiated claims in the popular media. There may be a time for this, but that time was certainly not the day after the Russian restrictions on tea exports came into force, even as negotiations to have them lifted had only just commenced. Tea exports to Russia are crucial to the wellbeing of the hundreds of thousands of stakeholders of the Sri Lankan tea industry. This incident could well have resulted in a protracted export ban with the gravest economic consequences for our country. As it was, a catastrophe was averted only by the swiftest action at (in alphabetical order) the diplomatic, official, political and technical levels of government. One need only peruse the internet to see the devastating impact that protracted bans on agricultural-produce imports by the Russian Federation have had on other countries, including ones with much greater economic and diplomatic clout than Sri Lanka possesses.
What purpose could Rajapakse and Wijayaratne’s scribblings have served but to spread alarm and worsen our chances of swift remedial action? Some might think they were merely trying to set themselves up as the experts to whom the nation should turn in its hour of crisis, but I for one wouldn’t ascribe such base motives to two such well-established academics. Nevertheless, their article, embellished as it was with their elaborate “scientific” credentials, and taken together with the attention it attracted on the internet, risked seriously jeopardizing the negotiations that led to the lifting of the ban. I am grateful that it did not. It is regrettable, nevertheless, that they chose to go where angels fear to tread notwithstanding the greater interests of our country and its people.
( The writer is the Chairman, Sri Lanka Tea Board )

US wraps up GSP

  • US congress declines to reauthorise preferential tariff system, ends on 31 Dec. for 120 countries including SL 
  • US GSP does not cover major exports such as apparel and tea but $173m worth of manufacturing could be hit by tougher competition 
  • SL could negotiate for renewed access under TIFA, says Ceylon Chamber economist
  • Govt. assures impact would be minimal; SL exports to US topped $2.8 b in 2016   


logoBy Skandha Gunasekara-Saturday, 30 December 2017

The United States yesterday declined to extend its global preferential tariff system, which will now expire on Sunday but the development is likely to have a mixed impact on Sri Lankan exports as it does not cover major sectors such as apparel and tea but could hit some manufacturing segments such as plastic.   

Despite the US being Sri Lanka’s largest single country destination for exports, Washington’s Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) program is different to the European Union’s GSP+, which has wider impact on Sri Lankan exports.

“The United States Congress did not re-authorise GSP before adjourning for the year.  The immediate effect of GSP expiration is GSP eligible imports to the United States from Sri Lanka and other GSP beneficiary countries and territories will be subject to non-preferential duties beginning 1 January, 2018,” the US embassy said in a statement.

It also noted the United States remains proud to serve as the top export market for Sri Lanka. In 2016, the United States imported about $2.8 billion of Sri Lankan goods.

However, the rescinding of the U.S. General System of Preference (GSP) would have a marginal impact on Sri Lankan exports, Ceylon Chamber of Commerce Chief Economist Shiran Fernando told the Daily FT.

“The non-renewal of the GSP program is not Sri Lanka specific but covers 120 countries which will also not be eligible for preferential duties. While the process of the renewal is not clear at present, the renewal of the program in 2015 after a lapse of two years saw a retrospective refund provided for the period which imports to the US under the scheme did not enjoy the preferential duties,” he said.

While major exports such as apparel, tea, textiles and rubber would not be effected, Fernando said that smaller value exports that benefited from the GSP may be have to face more competition in the American market.

“In 2016, total exports to the US were $2.8 billion of which about 75% of it was apparel exports. According to data from the US Trade Representatives, the total value of exports under GSP program in 2016 was $173 million. Due to the cancelling of the GSP effecting 120 countries including Sri Lanka, our exports should have a level playing field with competitors in the U.S. market,” he added.

He went on to note that there had been instances in the past where the GSP was not granted for several years.

“The GSP scheme began in 1974, but there have been several occasion where the US did not grant the scheme. From 2013 there was a two year period where the GSP wasn’t granted,” he said adding that the US had made the decision not to award the GSP in 2013 as they’re import sector had fared badly at the time.

When queried as to what steps the Government can take in a situation where the GSP is not granted for a significant period, Fernando revealed that ongoing discussion with the US on the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) could be used to negotiate concessions for Lankan exports to the US.

Meanwhile, National Chamber of Exporter President Ramal Jasinghe said that the without the GSP, exports such as plastic exports would be effected.

“Approximately 3,451 different products from Sri Lanka are eligible to enter the United States duty-free under the GSP program. Many items are eligible for GSP duty-free treatment. These include: most manufactured items; inputs used in manufacturing; jewellery; many types of carpets; certain agricultural and fishery products; and many types of chemicals, minerals and marble,” Jasinghe said.

The Commerce and Industry Ministry also echoed the new that removal of GSP would only have “marginal impact” on the country’s exports to US.

“What is important to understand is that this non-renewal of US GSP does not affect our US trade in a significant way,” Industry and Commerce Minister Rishad Bathiudeen was quoted as saying in a statement released by his Ministry.

“The impact is even lower when it comes to total national exports. Only one fifth of our exports to US could be temporarily impacted by this routine event,” he added.

State Minister of International Trade Sujeewa Senasinghe told DailyFT that unlike when the GSP was previously revoked from Sri Lanka, this time the Government had no baggage and could easily negotiate to regain the GSP.
“We will do our utmost to get the GSP back. Unlike the former regime, our Government has no baggage. We have a great foundation, so it’s a matter of handling the issue in a diplomatic manner,” the Minister stressed.

Foreign Ministry part of GSP alliance countries lobbying for renewal 
  • Says not first time GSP has been suspended 
  • Ministry “remains hopeful” program will be renewed by Congress
The Foreign Ministry yesterday said the GSP alliance countries, including Sri Lanka, are lobbying for the renewal of the GSP program, and remains hopeful it will be renewed by the US Congress.
Releasing a statement, the Ministry said the United States’ Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) provides duty-free treatment to goods of 120 designated beneficiary countries and territories.

The program was authorised by the Trade Act of 1974 to promote economic growth in the developing countries, and was implemented on 1 January, 1976. The GSP expires periodically, and must be renewed by the US Congress to remain in effect. The 2015 GSP reauthorisation (H.R. 1295) will expire tomorrow.

The US Congress has not re-authorised its renewal before adjourning for the year 2017. Therefore, the GSP program will expire on 31 December, 2017, and all those importing GSP eligible goods to the USA, from Sri Lanka as well as all other beneficiary countries and territories will be subject to non-preferential duties from 1 January, 2018.

“This is not the first occasion on which the GSP reauthorisation by the US Congress has been delayed. However, whenever GSP renewals eventually took effect after similar lapses, on previous occasions, a retroactive clause providing refunds to importers of eligible goods imported during the lapse period, has been incorporated,” the statement said.
The US economy is the largest single destination for Sri Lankan exports, accounting for more than 27.5% of Sri Lanka’s exports. In 2016, out of total export earnings that amounted to $10.3 billion, exports to the US were $2.8 billion. In the first 10 months of 2017, exports to the US amounted to $2.4 billion.

At present, nearly 3,500 different products from Sri Lanka are eligible to access the US market on a duty free basis under this program.

 The items include selected manufactured items, inputs used in manufacturing jewellery, carpets, selected agricultural and fishery products, and selected types of chemicals, minerals and marble. However, Sri Lanka’s largest single export item to the US, which is garments, is not eligible for benefits under the GSP program.

Corruption in The Judiciary In Sri Lanka – Can The United Nations Intervene?

Mr. Kodituwakku is right: The United Nations can certainly use its influence (through its member States) to try to persuade the government of Sri Lanka to abide by the Resolution.  However, that is as far as this august body could go.

by Dr. Ruwantissa Abeyratne- 
( December 28, 2017, Montreal, Sri Lanka Guardian) I was both appalled and intrigued when I read Mr. Nagananda Kodituwakku’s article in this journal titled:  Violation of the Government’s commitment to the UN Resolution and the failure of the judiciary to combat corruption (December 27, 2017).  Appalled that there is, according to Mr. Kodituwakku,  corruption in all three powers of the State: the legislature; executive; and the judiciary, and  that a government  purporting to rule on the basis of virtuous governance (Yahapalanaya) has allowed this to happen.  Intrigued, that this sort of thing occurs so blatantly in a long standing democracy. Before I get into Mr. Kodituwakku’s suggestion  in his article that “Therefore, unless the UN System stresses the government of Sri Lanka to abide by the UN Resolution A/HRC/RES/30/1 along with the implementation of a program to address the issues mentioned herein, an independent and upright judiciary can never be put in place in Sri Lanka” – which clearly articulates two facts: that the United Nations can “stress” the government of Sri Lanka to comply with the Resolution; and that the judiciary in Sri Lanka is not independent and upright – I must commend him for his  forthright and courageous initiative of apprising the reader of facts hitherto unknown, particularly to those domiciled overseas.
Mr. Kodituwakku is right: The United Nations can certainly use its influence (through its member States) to try to persuade the government of Sri Lanka to abide by the Resolution.  However, that is as far as this august body could go.  Before we get into the legalities of the issue, let’s examine the terminology contained in the Resolution.  The operative words in the Resolution are “encourages” and “welcomes”.  These are hardly coercive, let alone mandatory.  For instance, it “welcomes the commitment of the Government of Sri Lanka to issue instructions clearly to all branches of the security forces that violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, including those involving torture, rape and sexual violence, are prohibited and that those responsible will be investigated and punished, and encourages the Government to address all reports of sexual and gender-based violence and torture”.  Furthermore it “Encourages the Government of Sri Lanka to investigate all alleged attacks by individuals and groups on journalists, human rights defenders, members of religious minority groups and other members of civil society, as well as places of worship, and to hold perpetrators of such attacks to account and to take steps to prevent such attacks in the future”.  These are just two examples from a host of “encourages” and “welcomes”.
The legal issue is “what are United Nations Resolutions and what compelling force do they have”?  Generally, United Nations Resolutions are nothing but the result of political compromises reached by States, and it would be  incorrect to ascribe legal force or legitimacy to them. The record of the United Nations over its six decades of history is that member States have on occasion, but in a consistent manner, refused to automatically comply with the corporate will of the Organization.  Professor Ian Brownlie, an eminent authority on international law, has expressed the view that decisions by international conferences and organizations can in principle only bind those States accepting them (Principles of Public International Law, Fourth Edition, Clarendon Pres: Oxford, 1990, 691). Malcolm Shaw, another authority, referring to the binding force of United Nations General Assembly Resolutions states: “…one must be alive to the dangers in ascribing legal value to everything that emanates from the Assembly.  Resolutions are often the results of political compromises and arrangements and, comprehended in that sense, never intended to constitute binding norms.  Great care must be taken in moving from a plethora of practice to the identification of legal norms” (International Law, Fifth Edition, Cambridge University Press: 2003, 110).
Nagananda Kodituwakku
The only coercive resolutions of the United Nations arise from Chapter VII of the UN Charter (Action with Respect to Threats to The Peace, Breaches of The Peace, and Acts of Aggression) which empowers the Security Council to determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and make recommendations, or decide what measures are to be taken to maintain or restore international peace and security. According to Chapter VII, the Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, and it may call upon the Members of the United Nations to apply such measures. These may include complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations.  Should the Security Council consider that measures provided for would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the United Nations. 
It is obvious that UN Resolution A/HRC/RES/30/1 is not a Resolution emerging from Chapter VII of the Charter.
That being said, what is most concerning is the statement that the judiciary in Sri Lanka is corrupt.  Sri Lanka is a constitutional democracy in which the separation of powers (Legislature; Executive; and Judiciary) is constitutionally recognized and good governance is embodied in the Constitution of the country.  The World Bank in its World Bank, Governance Matters, 2008 has defined governance as consisting of: “the traditions and institutions by which authority in a country is exercised. This includes the process by which governments are selected, monitored and replaced; the capacity of the government to effectively formulate and implement sound policies; and the respect of citizens and the state for the institutions that govern economic and social interactions among them”.   More importantly, the essential driver of a democracy is the Rule of Law, which, as defined by The Report of the UN Secretary General on the rule of law and transitional justice in conflict and post-conflict societies, August 2004,  refers to a principle of governance in which all persons, institutions and entities, public and private, including the State itself, are accountable to laws that are publicly promulgated, equally enforced and independently adjudicated, and which are consistent with international human rights norms and standards. It requires, as well, measures to ensure adherence to the principles of supremacy of law, equality before the law, accountability to the law, fairness in the application of the law, separation of powers, participation in decision-making, legal certainty, avoidance of arbitrariness and procedural and legal transparency.
Corruption has been defined by USAID Anticorruption Strategy, December 2005 as: “the abuse of entrusted authority for private gain”.  USAID in its Report Reducing Corruption in The Judiciary Office Of Democracy And Governance USAID Program Brief (2009) stated: “Against this background, judicial corruption is an especially pernicious phenomenon. When the judiciary – which is expected to serve as the guardian of the rule of law – is itself corrupt, anticorruption strategies are deprived of essential measures that are needed to increase the risks and reduce the benefits of corruption and to punish corrupt acts. The resulting distortions, including the impunity of corrupt individuals, undermine the rule of law, foster public cynicism about the integrity of government, and thus impair essential capacities for sound economic, social and political development. Conversely, strengthening judicial integrity and related capacities to combat corruption can have enormous benefits”.
I must say I was somewhat confused by the purport of Mr. Kodituwakku’s message in his article.  On the one hand he clearly says the Judiciary in Sri Lankas is corrupt.  On the other, he seemingly says that the government, by its actions, is effectively precluding the judiciary from being independent.  Either way, it is for the judiciary to assert itself in accordance with the expectations of the Rule of Law and dispense justice against infractions of the law.
I need say no more.

The author is former Senior Legal Officer, International Civil Aviation Organization – The specialized agency of The United Nations for civil aviation.

The year at large 

Maithripala Sirisena. Ranil Wickremesinghe. Mahinda Rajapaksa. Commissions and commissions. Interparty rivalries. Intraparty rivalries. Floods. Droughts. Cyclones. Donald Trump. Jerusalem. Russia. What will 2017 be most remembered for in Sri Lanka? Not too difficult to answer, but that’s only if you have your preferences towards what you deem to be more newsworthy than everything else. For me, hence, it was none of the above. Rather, the most newsworthy phenomenon that transpired this past year, to me, which made it into big column headlines just below the masthead and later congealed intermittently into the fourth or fifth page as a small news item, was the conflict between the public and private sphere. A broad category, yes, but in that category and conflict we see how the entirety of 2017, here, was spent.  
2017-12-29 

We are a resilient nation only because we tend to forget, as time passes by, the ills we suffered in the not-too-distant past. That conflict between the public and the private hence endures, in the form of not just strikes and demonstrations but also, more pertinently, the levelling and elevation of our consciousness of what entails the public and the private in the first place. The conflict between the two, this year, involved several issues, some pertinent, others not so: medical standards (SAITM), the sale of the Hambantota Port to China (the Petroleum Corporation), the granting of equitable pay rises (the Railways Department), the abolishment of what was alleged to be a fraudulent pay hike made to top level managers and engineers (the Electricity Board). In each case we had demonstrations that directly affected the public: no government doctors at government hospitals, no drivers operating our trains, no petrol for your car, and no technical staff for local power outages. As far as strikes go, borrowing an oft-quoted phrase, this was one heck of a year, for the people and for the strikers.  
The conflict between the two, this year, involved several issues, some pertinent, others not so: medical standards (SAITM), the sale of the Hambantota Port to China (the Petroleum Corporation), the granting of equitable pay rises (the Railways Department), the abolishment of what was alleged to be a fraudulent pay hike made to top level managers and engineers (the Electricity Board)
41 strikes with a loss of more than 104,000 man days (I am quoting Namini Wijedasa) may seem like a lot but that’s mainly owing to the fact that we haven’t come across a country and polity ailed with so many demonstrations and such a level of sustained trade union action. It’s interesting to note that this in itself is an indication of the way the government operates, since regardless of the many manifest faults within the public sector (the inefficiencies, the delays in getting work done, the disjuncture between rhetoric and action throughout the year, especially with respect to disaster management), it appears to have softened in the face of demonstrations. Again I quote Namini Wijedasa: from 2013 to 2014, right before Mahinda Rajapaksa was ousted, the number of man days (in the private sector) dropped by more than 53 percent. Let’s face it: all other things considered, trade union action is dependent on how the government of the day reacts to it. And 2017, in that sense, was the worst in a decade.  

One can lament. One can brighten up. I prefer to brighten up. Not because I haven’t been inconvenienced by these demonstrations, not because as a member of the public I don’t deplore the fact that others who were busier than me were inconvenienced in more insidious ways (think of the fuel strike, which lasted unbelievably for almost five days), but because in this spate of trade union protests we see a thawing of the ice, a veritable melting away of the veneer of complacency and public apathy that was maintained by the previous regime. The Electricity Board strike, which initially lasted for 48 hours (in April), then ballooned into the longest of its sort conducted here this year (a week in September) and almost ballooned into another, probably longer strike that would have crippled this festive season, was for me a good indication of that: it was all about doing away with allegedly unfair and illegal pay rises granted to top level engineers during the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. That it took all this time for it to surface, for the workers to revolt against those rises, tells us all that we need to know about inexorable tensions in the public sector that are fermented, nurtured, and pushed up eventually despite the most complacent and authoritarian of governments.  

But this spate of trade unionism is in itself not a cause for complacency. Let’s not forget that union action is a direct, if not indirect, consequence of government apathy. Apathy is the product of complacency, and is generally understood to result in delays and inefficiencies and hostilities with respect to demonstrations and protests. Such delays, inefficiencies, and hostilities can in the long-term be bottled up to such an extent that what ultimately comes out is a picket republic: a nation of protestors on the one hand and of those who wield the baton against those protestors on the other. This dichotomy, between the public and the private, is dangerous if sustained beyond a certain degree and period, particularly since unresolved pressures and conflicts tend to get pushed up, terribly, until all that’s left is a shattered, bruised polity. It’s that bruised polity which left more than 100,000 people dead and maimed in the eighties. So clearly, union action is a welcome first step to force the government, any government, to open its eyes, but there’s no use in that if the government still prefers to be blind to everything except certain vested interests from the private sphere.  
The identification of a certain movement with a certain individual is not the preserve of trade union or public sector action but this year proved, to a considerable extent, how the conflation of the movement with the individual could be made and sustained
The identification of a certain movement with a certain individual is not the preserve of trade union or public sector action but this year proved, to a considerable extent, how the conflation of the movement with the individual could be made and sustained: Lahiru Weerasekara with the student protests against SAITM, the top board of the GMOA with the institutional protests against anomalies in the national health sector, and Ranjan Jayalal with the Electricity Board strike. Names matter and so do protestors, so I wonder: will these individuals take forward the unresolved issues, the unaddressed elephants in the room (the SAITM problem has not been solved to the complete satisfaction of the demonstrators, while the Electricity Board anomaly is still in the pipeline), to the next year, and if so, will expect more power outages, more vacant government hospitals, more vacant University Medical Faculties. Perhaps. That, however, is not really cause for regret, or lament, rather cause for reflection.  

So what is there to reflect on with respect to all these vignette-like observations? Simply, that in 2017 we saw the most newsworthy political phenomenon since the rise of dissent from within the SLFP in 2014 and 2015: the rise of dissent, pressured in and held back for so long, in fact for more than a decade, from the key representatives and institutions affiliated with our national public sphere. That’s important, and it ought to compel, not emotional hysterics, but careful scrutiny, today and tomorrow.    

To Be Or Not To Be? – Colombo Telegraph


By Jagath Asoka –December 29 2017 

According to the ancient Greeks, there are four human personalities: Sanguine, melancholic, phlegmatic, and choleric; our humors, the four bodily fluids—blood, black bile, phlegm, and yellow bile—control our personalities. Each humor is paired with one of the four basic elements: air, earth, fire, and water. The “phlegmatic type” (peaceful and relaxed) is a result of pairing phlegm and water—the cold, moist element. Having blood as the predominating bodily humor makes you sanguine (enthusiastic, active, and social). If you are choleric (short-tempered, fast, or peevish), blame your yellow bile; is it a blessing to have more black bilebecause it makes you melancholic (analytical, wise, and quiet)? The questions that I am going to ask, perhaps, will help you find out the person that you want to be; help you determine your New Year Resolutions. So,what is your humor?

As we grow older, our attitudes and expectations can change; some of us become wiser, more sociable, affable, and serene, and others end up being peevish, asinine, and cantankerous. You have the power to choose your path as you grow older. Self-knowledge can shape your life and help you choose.

I am going to focus on my best personality traits and make my worst traits enfeeble. The best way to find out about your best and worst traits is to ask your spouse and children. My son Rocco—also, the best editor that I have ever known—has been very helpful in this regard.

When you are faced with a difficult task, we have two choices: to shine through or to fail. We all know that resolve and persistence are the traits that help us shine when faced with difficulties.

Being a father—more than being an educator and a writer—has made me find answers to my own questions:

Here are some questions that I have been asking all my life: You can ask the same questions yourself.

Can people rely on you? Will you follow through your promises? If you cannot follow through, would you hide and avoid people, would you not answer their phone calls, or would you tell them why you could not keep your promises and make amends to resolve them? How you deal with these issues, say a lot about your personality.

Are you intellectually interested and creative? Even when you do not agree with others, are you capable of appreciating their nuanced perspectives? The world is always full of controversial issues; among many schizophrenic voices and views do not lose your own voice or let it drown; you can always be open-minded while maintaining your stance and opinion.

Are you capable of developing new skills and friendships? Do you expect everything to stay the same, or are you looking for novel solutions to existing problems? Will you adapt?

Are you an extrovert or an introvert? Are you enthusiastic and fun-loving? Do you perform your tasks with alacrity, or everything is done perfunctorily? I am an introvert who has learned the deportment of an extrovert; just like others, I have a persona, a mask that I wear; I want my mask to be more translucent than opaque. Are you an energetic, outgoing individual who enjoys being with others? Are you capable of drawing energy form those you interact with? In a social setting, are you going to share your thoughts and opinions?Are you at ease and confident in any social setting? Can you be a leader when you must lead, or a follower when you must follow? Do you hold yourself and others to high standards? All of us have both personal goals and career goals; would you sacrifice your career goals to raise a child? I think most mothers choose their children over their career.What is your style? What are your personal and career goals? Can you find a balance, or is it always one sided?

Be surrounded by people who bring the best traits out of you; sometimes, your family and friends can bring the worst out of you; I know that it is very difficult, but avoid your family and friends, if they bring the worst out of you, because sanity is the supreme bliss.

If you are looking for a career change, if I were you, here are the things that I would try to find out before I make that move; I can only share my experience with you: Over the last thirty-three years, I have taught at nine US universities and colleges, and have been a consultant—medical and technical writer—for chemical and pharmaceutical companies. So, what I have to say probably worth, at least, two cents.

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Is it too much for ask for emotionally intelligent mindful leaders for the 21st Century?


Photo courtesy Asian Mirror

LALITH GUNARATNE-12/27/2017

Dwight D. Eisenhower said “I think that people want peace so much that one of these days government had better get out of their way and let them have it.”

Many politicians stand in the way of peace for their own vested interests, or from a sheer lack of self-awareness, care and emotional control.  This makes them blind to the impact their words and action have on millions of people.

In an interconnected, transparent world, our political leaders are under scrutiny unlike any other time and leaders who do well for the world will manage themselves – their emotions and actions and find the power of balance.

Dee Hock founder of the VISA card wisely said –
“Without management of self no one is fit for authority no matter how much they acquire, for the more authority they acquire the more dangerous they become.  It is the management of self that should occupy 50 percent of our time and the best of our ability. And when we do that, the ethical, moral and spiritual elements of leadership are inescapable.

Management of self can only come from self-awareness grounded in a practice of mindfulness.
History provides enough painful narratives about divided nations ruled by selfish leaders.  The separation of people causes tremendous suffering that can lead to violence and destruction.

Trumpism – in going back to a primal reptilian emotional place, to stoke fears of people who are disadvantaged for much larger reasons than the other’s colour or where they came from – globalization, neo-liberal economics, the World Trade Organization, the Federal Reserve and the likes of Wall Street – Donald Trump, one of the most self-obsessed, emotionally immature leaders we have seen in a long time, keeps finding scapegoats and separating his people through fear, when they should be coming together to meet its economic, social and climate change challenges.

A divided nation is easily tampered with and the USA has a lot more to lose than any of those waiting to pounce on it for their own advantage.

Divisive rhetoric of a national leader puts people on edge – separates neighbourhoods, schools, workplaces and even families.  Not only that, a divided nation has a tremendous cost to individuals, communities and institutions, as the dissonance, pain and suffering it generates could end up in a major upheaval and tragedy.

Lessons from Sri Lanka

We never imagined, growing up in a multi-ethnic Sri Lanka in the 1960s and 70s with Tamil, Muslim, Burgher, Sinhala and others in relative harmony that, we would end up in a brutal thirty year war starting in the 1980s, which killed almost a 100,000 people.

In order to make amends to the domination of Tamil bureaucrats and other favours by the British colonial government, the post-independence government of S.W.R.D. Bandaranayake pandered to Sinhala nationalists and denied the Tamil minority, their language and civic rights in 1956.

Allowing a peaceful group of Tamil protesters in Colombo on 6th June 1956 to be beaten by Sinhala thugs, the country began to squander its ability to come together as one nation, rather than divide along ethnic and language lines. Instead, if Prime Minister Bandaranaike, invited the protesters to a conversation and continued a dialogue, perhaps Sri Lanka could have changed the course of history.

As Sri Lanka liberalized its economy in 1977 aligning with the USA and the west, India played cold war politics to destabilize the country. What better way than to fan the fire by training a cadre of disenfranchised Tamil youth[i], which eventually resulted in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) – one of the fiercest fighting forces of its time[ii].

The Sri Lankan government also walked into a trap of the Sinhala extremist action in July 1983.  That ‘Black July’ day riots left hundreds of Tamil people dead and thousands displaced in Colombo and other cities, which brought the country’s deep divisions to international notice.

Sri Lanka as a sovereign nation lost its cohesion and control as the world deemed it a pariah and the war was fuelled through international support and interest.

As the country was divided and separated with poor leadership, opportunistic politics, stoking xenophobia, outsiders with geopolitical interests and the arms industry took advantage.

No nation is immune, not the US and not even Canada, if we, the people, do not play our role to keep pluralistic values that hold together the diverse tapestry of humans in harmony.  This requires exemplary, mindful leadership and we, the people, are responsible for putting them into power.
Canada’s Strains

“Why don’t you go back to where you came from” said the young man to a response – “What! do you want to me to come and build my Teepee in your backyard?” from a First Nations Aboriginal women who was threatened a few days after the tragic October 2014 shooting of Sgt. Nathan Cirillo in Ottawa. The young man was bewildered by the response and made a hasty retreat, according to the woman – a Canadian Federal Government employee, who was at one of my soft skills training programmes.

This young man would have been emboldened like others who harassed people of colour over the next few days, egged on by Prime Minister Harper’s insinuations of ‘us’ and ‘them’ – differentiating old and new Canadians – implying the ‘them’, the non-white are separate and could be terrorists.  The government authorities deemed this a terrorist attack by Canadian born Michael Zehaf-Bibeau – who happened to have a Libyan father and was known to be mentally unstable.

Nevertheless, the ambiguous yet subtle finger pointing reaction towards Muslims extended to minorities of colour by the Prime Minister, gave license to some ignorant opportunists towards aggression.

These reactions are reptilian, could be driven by a larger fear of the other, now perceived as perpetrating terror – they were also acts of cowardice, as many men picked on women of colour. Yet, it put us all on edge, as the head of Canada was not speaking out on these.

So, refreshing was Justin Trudeau at the time, leading the Liberal Party for elections, as his principled fearlessness led him to take a stand on the notion of us and them Canadians. His position on the Niqab (the face covering as a part of the Hijab), which the Harper government was bent on banning for the Canadian citizenship ceremony to begin with, was courageous, as it was a political risk just before elections.

At a time when the polls showed the Harper conservatives leading, when the security issues were front and centre driven by extreme Islam of a few and the ISIS – Trudeau did what was right in stating that the government had no right to legislate a dress code and that it was un-Canadian to do so.
Trudeau was bold enough to say the following, even if it risked losing support of the average Canadian for his fledgling Liberal party at the time;
 “You can dislike the niqab. You can hold it up as a symbol of oppression. You can try to convince your fellow citizens that it is a choice they ought not to make. This is a free country. Those are your rights……But those who would use the state’s power to restrict women’s religious freedom and freedom of expression indulge the very same repressive impulse that they profess to condemn. It is a cruel joke to claim you are liberating people from oppression by dictating in law what they can and cannot wear.”
Then he went onto say;
“But what’s even worse than what they’re saying is what they really mean. We all know what is going on here. It is nothing less than an attempt to play on people’s fears and foster prejudice, directly toward the Muslim faith,”
This brought Harper’s Evangelical Christian religious beliefs, even showing a Social Darwinist approach of manifest destiny and white superiority into light, and the dangerous edge he brought the country towards racial divisiveness. Canadians were more astute and Trudeau’s emphatic response actually put the Harper government on the back foot.

Canada voted in spades for Trudeau and Liberals at the time, as it showed Canada in its true light – a multicultural, plural nation that is an example to the world that diversity can work with a strong set of values and fearless leadership.

The other fissure that Canada has to make amends for arises from its history – a nation built on the backs of its aboriginal people and their lands.  Trudeau government has made a promise to deal with them – the poverty of the communities, land claim issues, violence against Aboriginal women to making amends for the stolen generations in the residential schools.

The government took children away from aboriginal families to put into church led residential schools to erase their language, culture and spiritual practices to make them ‘Canadian’.

Canada’s Aboriginal Pedigree

Historian and writer, John Ralston Saul asserted – “we should not be imagining ourselves in the tradition of either, but recognize the country’s distinct nature, born of this land, and the integration, not just interaction, of settler and aboriginal life”.

Saul begins his book, A Fair Country: Telling Truths About Canada, by establishing the country’s aboriginal pedigree where he says, we all owe many of our best qualities as Canadians to our indigenous peoples’ heritage.

In one of ex-Prime Minister Harper’s rare brilliant moments in June 2008, he made a formal apology to aboriginal people for the residential schools acknowledging that an absence of an apology gets in the way of reconciliation, and he said, “we are sorry”.

His formal statement read in the Indigenous and Northern Affairs website[iii];

Two primary objectives of the Residential Schools system were to remove and isolate children from the influence of their homes, families, traditions and cultures, and to assimilate them into the dominant culture.  These objectives were based on the assumption Aboriginal cultures and spiritual beliefs were inferior and unequal. Indeed, some sought, as it was infamously said, “to kill the Indian in the child”.  Today, we recognize that this policy of assimilation was wrong, has caused great harm, and has no place in our country.

What he said then and the follow-up action of his Conservative government did not match, making a mockery of the apology, yet it opened the door for a more sincere effort at reconciliation later.
I was surprised on a trip to North West Territories not long after I came back to Canada in 2011, an aboriginal business leader told me – “We do not tolerate nor do business with people from the south.  I will speak to you because you are not white”.

I was afraid that the fissures I witnessed between mainstream Canada and the Aboriginal people – First Nations, Inuit and Metis – one of the fastest growing and advancing communities in Canada, would someday hurt Canada’s cohesion.

Therefore, sooner Canada accepts and honours that pedigree the better. That especially goes to new Canadians also to know and accept that history, as we come together and influence each other, into the ever-evolving culture of Canada.

Pluralism

Another positive move by the Stephen Harper’s former government was to establish the Global Centre for Pluralism (GCP) in partnership with the Aga Khan to spread Canadian values of pluralistic democracy around the world.

Canada certainly has the credibility right now to do that as the GCP website states[iv] –
In too many places, diversity is a source of competition and fear. Taken to extremes, escalating exclusion leads to oppression, extremism and violence. Rooted in respect and inclusion, pluralism offers a different path.

More than anything, a commitment to pluralism creates mutual benefits, giving every member of society reason to get along.
  • When valued rather than feared, human diversity enriches and benefits a society.
  • Having difference recognized by the state and the nation fosters belonging, participation and equality.
  • Cultures of inclusion do not erase difference or disagreement; rather, they offer ways to manage conflict peacefully.
  • Majority identities and minority aspirations must be considered.
  • Pluralist societies require ongoing work and investment – by citizens, civil societies and governments – but the returns are enormous.
These tenets should set the standard for us to elect any political leader or a party and if we follow these – we, the voters, globally, have to be vigilant and engaged never to allow in the likes of Marine Le Pen, Geert Wilders of the far right and even at 95, emotionally immature Robert Mugabe and other unwise, opportunistic individuals to come into power, as they will divide, separate and create dissonance – as we see Trump doing to the USA.

At a time when the world has to come together to deal with issues of inequality, poverty and most of all natural calamities, we can ill afford for nations to implode for prejudice and xenophobia.
For that, we, the people, have think critically to ensure we only elect leaders who are mindful, emotionally mature to manage themselves first and understand the implications of the power they wield.
Learning not to be credulous, applying constructive doubt in order to test unexamined beliefs, and resisting the notion that some authority, a great philosopher perhaps, has captured the whole truth”.
Bertrand Russel on Critical Thinking
[i] https://uk.reuters.com/article/idUKCOL223047
[ii] Indian intervention in Sri Lanka: The role of India’s intelligence agencies
by Rohan Gunaratna
[iii] http://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100015644/1100100015649
[iv] http://www.pluralism.ca/en/

Mano Ganesan provided with STF security 

2017-12-29
Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA) leader Minister Mano Ganesan had been provided with Special Task Force (STF) security with a backup vehicle with five STF personnel, STF sources today said.
Meanwhile, the Minister said in a statement that he faced serious security issues and sought the intervention of President Maithripala Sirisena, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and had also written to the IGP in September.
“Certain politicos in Colombo are behind these threats. I have discussed with President Maithripala Sirisena. I have also explained my situation to Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe at different occasions. Some fallen politicians are all out to destroy my party and block the fair representation I seek for the communities my party represents in the city council,” he said.
“The links between such politicos with underworld elements are visible. Some are connected to white-van saga of the earlier era and drug dealers,” he said.
The Minister said he decided to keep his party and candidates away from such threats in Colombo north and added that it was one of the reasons why he decided to contest alone in the forthcoming Municipal Council elections in Colombo
“I have also written to the IGP as early as September. The Police had already been notified. The threat level has increased due to the election heat,” he said.
“Certain websites are printing falsehood that President Sirisena ordered STF Security for me in exchange for political support of my party to his party. To be fair to the President, he did not discuss party and election politics with me. He acted with responsibility and authority in the security interest of his Cabinet member.
“Besides I am not a person who makes my decision for perks. I have a very long clean history of principled politics. Such reports have been cooked in Colombo and fed from here,” he said.
“There had been shooting incidents during last Parliamentary elections campaign in the Colombo north. Lately, there was a shooting incident occurred two weeks before at Modera in Colombo north. There had been reports coming from election monitors on the inclusion of underworld elements in the nomination lists.
“The Chairman of Elections Commission too had made comments on this issue,” he further said in a statement.
“I have neither armed gangs nor underworld elements working for me. Therefore when I face threats, I have no alternative but to seek Governmental protection. I am part of the Government. My security concern is not political but logical. It is my right too. On the other hand, my Cabinet colleagues Rajitha Senaratne, Rishad Bathiudeen, Palani Thigambaram, Rauff Hakeem are also provided with STF security,” he said. (Ajith Siriwardana)

Discard rotating system that continued for 70 years – give power to new, creative group to build country

The first step of handing over the future of the country should be taken at the forthcoming local government election the rotating system of politics that continued in the country for nearly 70 years should be brought to an end and power should be given to a new, creative group says President’s Counsel Srinath Perera.

President’s Counsel Srinath Perera, who was a former Additional Solicitor General, said this speaking to ‘Lanka Irida’ newspaper on how the forthcoming local government election could be used to direct politics in the country towards a new path.

He said, “ I make my observations based only on a criticism I have regarding the UNP. During the period of Mr. D.S. Senanayaka, the first leader of this party, new colonies were begun for farming and did massive work for the country. Even today we reap the benefits of their services. That’s why we appreciate his services even today.

Mr. Dudley Senanayaka, despite not being a very efficient person, is in our hearts as an honest person. However, during Mr. J.R. Jayawardene’s time, the intention of Mr. J.R. Jayawardene was to eradicate the family of Mrs. Sirimawo Dias Bandaranayaka from politics. We can never say he used the power and maturity as well as international relations for the benefit of the people in the country. However, I do not say nothing was done during this period. I see the ruling period of the UNP as a period that took the country towards degeneration.

I don’t want to criticize Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s ruling period between 2005 and 2009. For, there was a terrible war in the country. However, the period between 2009 and 2014 was a period that destroyed the economy of the country and allowed the members of the family to ruin the economy of the country. The state service in the country that was independent for a certain degree was destroyed. The judiciary system was wrecked and an era where unlawfulness reigned and people were abducted by ‘white’ vans and were brutally murdered.

The people got an opportunity to end this system at the presidential election held in 2015. Now, no one can agree with the moves taken by Ranil Wickremesinghe’s UNP since then. According to my understanding, the UNP has allowed more opportunities to commit frauds and corruption. No attempt has been taken to prevent people’s money being plundered. I don’t see any difference in committing frauds and corruption during the UNP regime. In Parliament as well as outside it information about fraudsters and eh corrupt have been revealed.

The people have to work hard to save this country. However, the people do not show any interest in doing so. People have always elected corrupt rulers. They get deceived by corrupt politicians. I like to appeal to the voters to come forward to create a new country. Rulers who engage in frauds and corruption would never do any good for the country.

What should be done is to take the first step of handing over the future of the country to a new, creative group at the forthcoming local government election. the rotating system of politics that continued in the country for nearly 70 years should be brought to an end and power should be given to a new, creative group. Then only the country will have an auspicious future for the country. If not the country would move towards darkness and destruction. It has been revealed that there are fraudsters and the corrupt among those who have given nomination for the LG election. It is the responsibility of the voters not to give political power to such elements. I wish that a new creative group would be elected to change the existing rotating system.”

Striking the corrupt with a sword of the 


crooked


 

Do you think this election pledge will turn out to be a political pledge for the future?

What pledge are you talking about?

What else,  but the President Sirisena’s pledge to use the sword against relatives, friends or party supporters,  to create a clean, unstained and people friendly political culture.

Wow...that is a helluver pledge; looks like he has forgotten the Madu Valigey threat.

It is obvious the Madu Valigey does not work with the political culture, he is living with today… but isn’t it strange his family is not included among those who will face his sword…relatives, friends or party supporters.

article_imageLook, how can he threaten to use the sword against the family…he served for nearly a decade as a minister in the Cabinet of Mahinda Rajapaksa, when full support for the family was the keyword of politics and governance. He must have learned a lot from that MR phase of political culture, just like his reward of State Minister posts to the political catchers who are joining the SLFP.

Don’t you think he is moving on to a major change in the political culture in the country…he has spoken of the Lichchavis, too.

Well, well… it is best to remember that the most corrupt and crooked manipulators in our politics have always talked about the Lichchavis. It was JR Jayewardene who remembered the Lichchavis, when he spoke of letting the Robber Barons come here.  The Lichchavis are also remembered by his nephew Ranil Wickremesinghe, who has a major problem with conflicts of interest in the Treasury bond scams. So let the Lichchavis have their own past glory, without being linked with our corrupt politics of today.

OK…But what do you think about politicians having national agendas and not personal agendas?

That is a really good Sirisena Agenda, with little relevance to the reality of politics today.

What is so Sirisena about that?

Was it a national agenda that made Sirisena try so hard to come to some deal with the Mahinda-Basil Pohottu party or the SLPP?  What is so national about now trying to come to coalitions between the SLFP and SLPP once these

local polls are over? Is it not to grab control of local bodies to manipulate the political future of those obsessed with power and not service to the people?

But shouldn’t we be serious about his thought of purifying politics and giving power to honest politicians?

Come on, didn’t we hear much of this stuff in the early days after January 8, 2015.  Isn’t this the very stuff that the Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera was so committed to? But what has happened with the Maithripalanaya of today, which is quite a distance from Yahapalanaya?  The problem is in finding honest politicians, whether it is from the blues or greens, or any other colour.  To think that a party leaders’ convention of today could promote honesty in politics is the belief in the baloney of current politics.

But don’t you think that his use of the sword against the corrupt would start the ball rolling against corruption?

He has to begin with those very close to him…like the SLFP Secretary whose ministry was paying billions in rent for an unoccupied ministry building.

Do you think any sword would touch such a person?

How far will that sword go to fight the hoarders of paddy, especially in his Polonnaruwa area, leading to huge imports of the staple food? Would any sword rip the bags of commission earned?

Will that sword truly make some major swipes at those who have been running and ruining the SriLankan – the National Carrier – from the day they were appointed –a set of truly crooked fliers?

How long will it take to bring any legal sword to bear with real effect on those politicians who do not declare their assets under the law?

What kind of sword will be used to stop the import of luxury vehicles for politicians, in both the government and opposition? Will there be a special sword needed to curb their unaccounted for electoral expenses?

What sword is to be used to prevent Ministers from appointing spouses and other family members to key positions n the ministries they preside over?

Now, what about the Maithri advise to party leaders to prevent youth who enter politics from supporting thuggery, corruption or indecent acts?

The last sword call is a truly big one. It is to build youth not drawn to thuggery, corruption, and indecency for one’s political advantage.

This is the call for the cleanup of the stinking political grime of today, which has only enlarged from the time of the Rajapaksa Regime and not reduced, with the Maithripalanaya with a Yahapalanaya slogan. Let’s hope it is a serious resolution for the future clean up of politics and governance.

It is certainly too late to expect such clean politics in the coming local government polls – with all the crookedness and delays involved.

Let us make this our own the sword-bearing wish for the New Year!