Electing A VC At Jaffna University: A Window Into Erosion Of Quality In Sri Lankan University System

February 17, 2017 

Colombo Telegraph continues its exposure of corruption in Jaffna University which is ruinous for the development of the region and indeed the nation. By turning a blind eye to it, the Government and the education authorities, are by default, creating a climate where the entire system of education threatens to become toxic. In most universities where there is space for change, a change of vice chancellor is an opportunity to welcome new ideas, new academic culture and new administrative practices to the precincts of higher education. This does not mean that it is only an external candidate who can breathe fresh air into the university and the manner in which it functions; rather, the university and its decision making bodies should be open and willing to consider external candidates and act in a flexible manner so that decision on an application sent from a far away place like the USA is not solely based on whether or not the application sent by a candidate reached the university before the deadline.

One of the principal functions that determine this decision is the spirit and freedom in which a new vice chancellor is selected. Unfortunately, we do not see anything that could be considered encouraging and hospitable in the procedure followed in the election of the new Vice Chancellor of University of Jaffna. The agenda (click here to view the file) for the special meeting of the University Council scheduled for the 26th of February 2017 and the minutes of the previous meeting held in late January (click here and read section 14) shows that an external candidate with an excellent academic record in his field has not been included in the slate of candidates for the election on the grounds that his application reached the university a day or two late. Colombo Telegraph has addressed the issue in its report (click here to read the report) published on the 13th of February 2017. Not to leave any room for speculation, we give the reader official records of matters due for decision on 25th and 26th January 2017 at the Council.

Natural justice to both Prof. S. Thiagalingam (whose application posted early from the US arrived a day or two late), the university community and the region’s people requires overlooking the minor postal delay in the receipt of his application to the position of Jaffna Vice Chancellor (VC) sent from the USA and treat it with the spirit of openness. Importantly, Prof. V. Tharmaratnam (Chair), members Prof. S. Sivasegaram and Prof. R. Ravirajan who formed the Evaluation Committee, went through the applications painstakingly on Friday 27th January after opening them the same day. They saw no issue in the small delay in Prof. Thiagalingam’s application which had arrived ten days earlier. They found it an application eminently worthy of consideration and scheduled it along with the others (Click here to read the Report of the Evaluation Committee).

The advertisement for the post of vice chancellor on 25th November 2016 had an ambiguity (click here to view the advertisement). In one place the advertisement says to be sent to reach…before 3.00 PM on 16th January 2017. This was done by Prof. Thiagalingam. The last sentence says applications received after the closing date will not be considered. The advertisement also states that the application should be either hand delivered or sent by registered post. It is noteworthy here that Prof. Thiagalingam, unlike the internal candidates, did not have the option of hand delivering the application as he was based in Boston, USA.

At the Council meeting held on the 28th of January, a day after the Evaluation Committee scheduled Prof. Thiagalingam’s and five other applications for consideration, the Vice Chancellor highlighted merely the last sentence above. The Council was not informed about the report of the evaluation committee, a committee appointed by the council itself to ensure quality in choice. Nor were its members asked to explain their decision to include Thiagalingam – there was no discussion on his credentials at that meeting of the Council.

Dr. N. Jeyakumaran, a member of the University Council, said that the application should be accepted as it was posted in the USA on 27th December 2016. Prof. Tharmaratnam argued that since the application was posted in the USA on the 27th of December 2016, the applicant could not be very much faulted for this delay.

Then comes a tricky claim in the alleged minutes (click here to view the relevant section – read section 14), the kind of which is always suspect: “Most members emphasized that this application cannot be legally accepted since it has not reached the office on time.” There was neither a legal discussion nor a vote. As most members were not lawyers, what the Council in fact decided was to seek legal opinion (see below). What is worse, five deans who were applicants for the VC’s position were present for the discussion instead of recusing themselves over their conflict of interest, or being asked to leave by the Chairman. The one notable speech was by the Dean of Technology, himself a candidate, advising rejection. Little else of note was said. Some of these details have been excluded unintentionally or otherwise from the minutes.

It was then the Vice Chancellor put forward legal arguments for the rejection of Thiagalingam’s application.

1. According to procurement procedure, bids received after the closing date and time will be rejected.
2. The application was not forwarded through the head of his institution.
3. The applicant has not mentioned his citizenship

This was neither a legal argument nor did it account for the special needs of a university that must be flexible to attract quality. Reason 1. above treats the university as a trading agency trying to stock its warehouse and the Vice Chancellor as a mere commodity. Reason 2. as is well-known only applies to applicants from the local public sector. Reason 3. does not apply as it was not asked for in the application form. At this point the Council decided to seek advice from the legal officer of the UGC on the three points above.

In this climate of uncertainty, Prof. Sivasegaram advised the Council to “take decisions since there are legally acceptable reasons to reject [Thiagalingam’s] application.” Although it is unclear what decisions Prof. Sivasegaram advised the Council to take, it should be noted that he signed the report prepared by the Evaluation Committee the previous day and granted his approval to include Prof. Thiagalingam in the list of candidates scheduled for consideration by the Council.

The VC then reported that an absent council member Miss. Abimannasingham PC communicated another bit of legal advice over the phone that the late application ‘cannot be accepted’ because the advertisement says that the application should reach the registrar’s office by a certain date and time. But most lawyers would tell you that the advertisement does not create a rigid law barring the institution from considering a late application as Miss. Abimannasingham apparently suggested. The VC then recorded that the other five applications be sent to council members. Thiagalingam was thus excluded by a sleight of hand without actually saying so. The council members are themselves vague about what had happened.

Academic sources say that Prof. Tharmaratnam, when asked why he did not speak up, said that Miss. Abimannasingham was a lawyer while he was not, though he had argued his own case in the Supreme Court. He dismissed what allegedly came from Miss. Abimannasingham without being argued out, and written down, as not legal advice. He said there was nothing for him to say until he had consulted legal references and had thought about it. What the VC claims the Council has done is wrong – that was to drop Thiagalingam by stealth on such facetious grounds. If there were one good legal argument the VC had, why include duds 1, 2 and 3 above? Some members of the public questioned the role of the Vice Chancellor in the decision making process. They argue that as an outgoing Vice Chancellor, Prof. Vasanthy Arasaratnam should have recused herself from all discussions on the appointment of a new Vice Chancellor and allowed the rest of the Council to make a decision on Prof. Thiagalingam’s application. Given that there are serious allegations of irregularities in recruitment during her tenure some note that she may not like an independent candidate becoming the next VC as he or she may order probes into those allegations.

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Diplomacy: The problem of circumventing Geneva

There are two particularly important problems in that connection: one is the problem of war crimes; the other is the devolution package. Regarding action on war crimes, a major problem is that it is bound to be one-sided.

by Izeth Hussain-Feb 18, 2017

Feb 17, 2017

( February 17, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian)  In a mood of heady euphoria following on the election victories in 2015 the Government went to the extent of co-sponsoring a Resolution at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva that according to the Pathfinder Foundation (Island of February 18) had an unprecedented 23 introductory paragraphs that set the stage for 20 operational paragraphs. The Government has subsequently found, unsurprisingly, that it is difficult to implement some of the massive commitments it has made. In some cases, it might even be impossible to do so. What should the Government do? Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera is obviously confident about getting more time for implementation at the forthcoming March Session of the UNHRC. But what if we have to keep on asking for more time at further Sessions as well?

We must bear in mind, above all, that successive Sri Lankan Governments have had a shameful record of reneging on commitments made on the ethnic problem. With that backdrop in mind we must avoid giving the impression that we are deliberately prevaricating and temporizing over commitments made in Geneva, that we want to circumvent Geneva, to trick and outwit those to whom commitments have been made. The consequences of giving that impression could be unpleasant, even dangerous for Sri Lanka. In this context we must resist the Sri Lankan propensity to be paranoid about foreign intervention in our affairs. India would almost certainly like to see as quick a solution to the ethnic problem as might be possible, and there is no earthly reason why the West would want to see it prolonged. Both the Sinhalese and the Tamils within Sri Lanka, who have suffered the most from the ethnic problem, would want to see it quickly resolved. Only the LTTE and its backers in the Tamil Diaspora would want to prolong it in the hope that that could lead to Eelam. The totally intransigent hardliners among both the Sinhalese and the Tamils are very probably in a minority. The conditions certainly seem propitious for moving towards a solution.

The writer is not proposing a program of action to be followed at the UNHRC meetings. What is being proposed is a strategy that could lead to a partial implementation of what is required in the UNHRC Resolution. The strategy is to explain to the interested parties – the US, India, Canada, the EU etc. – that there are matters on which no Government in Colombo can be expected to deliver fully. On such matters no more than a partial delivery can be expected. What is important is for the Government to show that it is really in earnest about reaching a definitive solution of the ethnic problem. That should not be regarded as a condition impossible of fulfillment.

There are two particularly important problems in that connection: one is the problem of war crimes; the other is the devolution package. Regarding action on war crimes, a major problem is that it is bound to be one-sided. Even the most impartial action is bound to lead to one-sided outcomes. Investigations into war crimes perpetrated in the final stages of the war could well lead to the incrimination of the former Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapakse, a potential Presidential candidate, and even top-rank Sinhalese politicians not excluding former President Rajapakse and the present President Sirisena. If indeed it is true that war crimes were perpetrated on a horrendous scale at the final stage, part of the blame should surely be assigned to the LTTE for the utter subhuman cruelty shown towards fellow-Tamils in transforming 330,000 of them into human shields. But all the Tamil leaders responsible for that are safely dead. Likewise, over child soldiers and all the other horrors perpetrated by the LTTE over the decades, the leaders are for the most part, or are entirely, safely dead. Consequently, even the most impartial investigations will inevitably lead to one-sided conclusions that can be expected to embitter and outrage the Sinhalese masses. It will be agreed that that is not quite the best way of promoting ethnic reconciliation. Another problem is that of the participation of foreign judges but that apparently can be solved by making them participant-observers.

It must be acknowledged however that there is a strong case for war crimes probes. The principle underlying it is that either we must punish crime or we cease to be a civilized society. Furthermore we must bear in mind that the culture of impunity went very far, not just under the last Government but over the decades. A further point that the Sinhalese must bear in mind is that the culture of impunity applied equally to them as much as to the Tamils. How many died by the second JVP insurrection? More precisely the question that has to be asked is this: How many of the Sinhalese youth were butchered indiscriminately? Sometimes the figure mentioned is as high as 100,000. There is no way of making even a reasonable guesstimate because there have never been any appropriate investigations. The writer will mention just one chilling detail. A distributor of foreign films found that one film had tremendous youth appeal in different parts of Sri Lanka but not in a whole swath of southern territory. He sent two of his men to try to establish the possible reasons. No elaborate sociological field-work was required because the reason became apparent in two minutes: that film had no youth appeal in that area because there were no youths there, the entire lot having been indiscriminately butchered or made to disappear in the course of the insurrection. So, on the one hand there is an unanswerable case for investigating alleged war crimes, while on the other there is an unanswerable case for shunning it because the task of ethnic reconciliation will be made even more difficult. What is the way out? All that the writer can say is that at the UNHRC such complexities and dilemmas must be borne in mind.

The other particularly important problem that has been mentioned above in this article is that of the devolution package. This is a problem on which the writer has written many articles, so that he can be very brief about it here. There are specifics in the devolution problem here that don’t apply anywhere else. The Tamils are in a minority in Sri Lanka but regionally they are in the majority taking into account the 60 million Tamils in Tamil Nadu. Those Tamils can never ignore what might be done to the Tamils here, and that fall-out can never be ignored by the Government in Delhi. The inexorable force of globalization will mean that our Tamils will experience a greater and greater gravitational pull towards Tamil Nadu. Furthermore, the geopolitical situation has altered to a very significant extent with the emergence of China as a great power, which could drive Delhi to desire some degree of control over Sri Lanka. Because of these factors the Sinhalese can be expected to be even more wary about devolution than in the past. Why not therefore try to work out a solution through a fully functioning democracy, a dispensation under which our Tamils in the Diaspora are living quite happily in the West?

There is one point made by the writer in earlier articles that has not been understood, which therefore requires elaboration in a further article. It is assumed that India in insisting on the full implementation of 13 A is insisting on a model of devolution that has successfully held India together over many decades. That is a very serious misconception. The basis of devolution in India is linguistic, and that has been successful because there have never been serious antagonistic centre-periphery relations because of linguistic divisions. Antagonistic relations in India arose because of religious divisions between Hindus and Muslims. The important point is that India has not given the Muslims devolution on the basis of religion. In Sri Lanka antagonistic relations have arisen because of what is regarded as ethnicity, and therefore devolution on the basis of ethnicity might be expected to aggravate the antagonism. A model that downplays ethnicity and stresses transethnic commonality should work better.

Mother Lanka pregnant for the third time!

A nattami carrying goods at Manning Market; the National Flag is seen on the wall in the background

                                                              – Pic by Shehan Gunasekara-Saturday, 18 February 2017

The country’s best brains in the genre of constitution drafting are supposedly busy inking the next constitution. Consulting, deliberating, comparing, and opining indefatigably to give birth to what would be the third constitution since gaining independence. An arduous task, let’s wish them well.

The above process analogous to a pregnant mother seemingly away from the public eye until delivery date. With the onset of pains and attendant anguish the inevitable will have to be endured. Childbirth after all is said to be one of the most challenging and painful, though immensely rewarding. True rewards not very apparent initially, they can even be a trifle obscure. Just like a child’s sustenance is not known, life span unknown, deeds unknown and whether he or she will be happy, unhappy too is unknown.

The fate of the third constitution similar in different circumstances. At present, nothing is known. Whatever that’s circulating is hearsay hence un-substantive. Countenancing head-on the fickle and fortuitous vagaries will ultimately determine the true character and grit of the new constitution.

Mother Lanka will soon go into labour. Her previous children abused, perverted left in a state of moribundity. Euthanasia inevitable option. Much fanfare lined for the new delivery as expected, a new beginning. Let’s hope the third child is blessed with longevity and would usher in the much-needed prosperity in sha Allah.

As Sri Lankans we have a notorious yet idiomatic reputation to talk about unborn children, unborn legislation, unborn anything. We engage with it in the most heroic terms affirming a robust political ethos. This is more so in rustic milieus of Sri Lanka. Rural folks sitting on improvised seats supported on coconut trunks placed right beside traditional wattle and daub kiosks would not feel the time passing. Sipping “kahata” with “hakuru” and reading the previous week’s ‘Lankadeepa’ would desultorily engage in such inane bluster. Their braggadocio would have no limits. A keen listener would get the opinion as if they had taught either Professor Emeritus Keith Moore or late Constitutional Lawyer K.N. Choksy. Such would be their confidence.

Demagogues in the opposition have already reached a verbal crescendo. The so-called Joint Opposition will have their fair share of fun and entertainment when the baby is finally delivered. The talented ventriloquists though seemingly handicapped by their number one protagonist presently in less salubrious surroundings. Nonetheless they’re bound to put up a grand show. Melodrama will take centre-stage closer to the date. Rehearsing is already underway.

Uniquely crafted verbal pyro-techniques in poetry and profanity are already hitting the waves. All in the name of their irresistible love for the country and its people. Stern admonishments to the so-called “inimical” foreign forces at whose behest according to them the new constitution is taking shape. Lots of fun in store. When the final date of delivery is announced possibility of fisticuffs not ruled out. The usual visuals will intersperse, an ocean of white clad gentleman brandishing whatever and on the “thadibana” mode. Cautionary note – ensuing fun only appropriate for a mature audience.

We don’t seem to learn from history

From the Portuguese invasion of our island nation in 1505 till we gained our independence in 1948 a good 450 years we remained meekly obedient, there were some spasmodic resistance no doubt. The Dutch too had their stay. Who could forget or forgive the British. The moment the “sudda” left our problems began to unwind one by one. As a nation, we don’t seem to learn from history. It seems political avarice has no boundaries today.

Most Sri Lankan politicians, maybe due to historical, demographic and other reasons, erroneously thought that a functioning democracy is mere criticism alone, regardless. Always batting for the home side, lax and inconsiderate of the genuine grievances of minorities. So much so when an issue affords political expediency relentless pursuit is made to the point of being negligent on core principles. No amount of constitution making would suffice if what’s in the constitution is not understood and implemented.

The fundamental basis for government and law is to synthesise and move forward and uphold the concept of the social contract via a legitimate and acceptable document. This is the need of the hour. Theoretically the objective of a constitution is to define the terms of the social contract. This contract involves the retention of natural rights, acceptance of liberties and the pooling of powers to be exercised collectively.

A constitution has to establish institutions, offices, procedures, duties, and structures that persist from one assembly to another. Devolution is already an existential reality in Sri Lanka, hence this process will have to be further improved and validated. Other issues like laws, taxes, Government officials whose jobs continue beyond transient assemblies too need attention. 

Constitution making in Sri Lanka

The following is a legitimate snapshot and timeline of constitution making in Sri Lanka:

• 193: Donoughmore Constitution gives more authority to native government
• 4 February 1948: The island of Ceylon gains independence
• 16 May 1972: Constitution – Ceylon becomes Independent Republic of Sri Lanka
• 31 Aug 1978: New constitution adopted creating Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka
• 1983: Anti-Tamil riots kill several hundred, sparking civil war between Tamil separatist group, the LTTE, and the national government
• 1987: 14th Amendment passed, promising creation of Provincial Councils in Tamil areas and more regional autonomy
• 2000: Draft version of a new constitution dies in committee due to political infighting
• 14 November 2001: 17th Amendment ordering creation of federal oversight body, the Constitutional Council, passed
• 19 May 2009: President Mahinda Rajapaksa declares civil war over
• September2010:18th Amendment approved removing presidential term limits
• 2017: Mother Lanka pregnant for the third time.

The third constitution within a space of 44 years, 30 of it spent in conflict. Remember vividly travelling with my uncle in his red Toyota Corolla. I was a teenager then. The date – 23 July 1983. Negotiating sizeable debris and smoky embers emanating from burnt vehicles. They were strewn all across the streets of Colombo. Trauma too piercing, lived with me for long years to come. Lives lost, properties lost, confidence lost and opportunities lost. Petty politics robbed the future of Sri Lanka.

An articulate and iconic Oxford erudite from whom a lot was expected relegated English, depriving an entire generation if not more of a decent English education. Discrimination, discord and devastation soon ensued. This is just the tip of the iceberg. Instilling a strong sense of patriotism and holism in minorities, especially in Tamils still a challenge. Let’s hope the new contract is more objective, inclusive and holistic able to elicit everyone’s consent and interest. Let’s also hope no more drawbacks, no more squandering.

As long as the social contract is coherent, comprehensive and cohesive threats emanating from any direction could be dealt with. Let’s not forget geopolitics is a salivating mongrel, our disunity their pathway.

Existential reality

The Asian continent is the most populous continent, the most religions too. Religion a very sensitive matter here. Most citizens in the region devout in varying degrees. Largest religion in Asia Islam, practiced by more than approximately 1.1 billion. Religion is the very essence and character of Asia, this cannot be changed. Also the birthplace of many other religions namely: Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, Jainism, Sikhism, Zoroastrianism, etc. Sri Lanka has four of the above religions and passionately practiced in the country. Sri Lanka too no exception when it comes to ardent and fervent faithfuls. Those involved in the making of the new constitution must take due cognisance of this existential reality. Faith of people with its daily, weekly, monthly and yearly rituals give them moral inspiration, the popular legitimacy, the internal strength to demonstrate their beliefs and endure trials and tribulations. A firm and irrevocable constitutional guarantee for freedom of religion is therefore a sine qua non. Every Sri Lankan must be able to practice his or her religion sans hindrance, intrusion or impediment.

Speaking for the Muslims, they have to attend mosque five times a day, every day. A Muslim may live without food but not without praying. A mosque a visible public property just like a temple, church or kovil. Its multiplication if any represents a need and certainly not an attempt to terrify or terrorise. Constitutional consonance and insulation for the free and unhindered practice of religion and preservation of religious property is therefore is of serious national importance. The promulgation of a special charter in this regard too most welcome. Secondarily the right to work or start a business is essential for the good living and the fulfilment of various needs of a person in a democracy. Every modern state strives diligently to fulfil this basic right with full protection of the law. Economic democracy has to essentially thrive for the edifice to hold strong. Without this healthy process the system will deteriorate, disintegrate and dissolve. Therefore, strong constitutional underpinnings must be cast for the protection and preservation of all economic and religious entities of the country.

The new constitution if allowed to be subverted and perverted like previous constitutions at the whims and fancies of power hungry politicians the social contract which the constitution represents will be undermined and impaired. Its sacrosanct nature severed and removed.

Thilanga enjoys president’s patronage through Chaturika’s route !

-When Chaturika does, it is right but if Rajapaksha's son does it is wrong !

(Lanka-e-News- 17.Feb.2017, 11.30) Yet another  villainous methodology adopted by Deputy speaker Thilanga Sumathipala who is guilty of monumental misuse of  vehicles and  funds of the cricket association while being its administrator , in order to secure patronage and protection  of  president Maithripala Sirisena  became clearly visible  at the Kettarama stadium on the 14 th(Tuesday). At   the inauguration of the first round of the inter club limited over cricket tournament , a sum of Rs. 4 million was  spent on a mad  Tamasha wasting  funds of the association. 

Thilanga the bookmaker who thrives and prospers  on the monies spent by the poor race addicts and fleecing them ruthlessly ,  has no qualms about massively wasting the association funds to secure world wide publicity .  The organization of this ‘greatest circus show of clowns ’ was entrusted to the ‘media gang’ advertising Co . which was paid a sum of nearly Rs. 4 million   in this  connection. Interestingly the owner of this ‘media gang’ is none other than Chaturika Sirisena the daughter of the president of the country. 

Earlier on  , when the cricket team was leaving for the 20-20 world cup tournament , Thilanga invited president Maithripala and   accorded   a farewell to the team. On that occasion too Thilanga organized a huge ‘circus’ show in Colombo, and it was the  same ‘media gang’ of Chathurika that was entrusted with the organizing  activities.  Thilanga of course like all guilty crooks who are  waiting for an opportunity to fawn on the president to cover up their rackets , without any demur paid  a whopping Rs. 34 million to Chaturika  . The other activities too were  entrusted to another Co. ‘SHIFT’ belonging to  a close crony of Thilanga .

Thilanga also does not hesitate to say  often that he channels such large funds of the association towards Chaturika’s Co. in order to secure the support of president Maithripala. 

It Is obvious Thilanga is engaging in all his  high handed actions , malpractices and profligacy without let or hindrance , including the chasing away a group of employees of the association   who staged a fast for  several days ; disallowing cricketers like Sanath Jayasuriya to select players so that  Thilanga can  keep that under his control   ; bringing in his cromies , Shammi Silva , Anura Weerasinghe ,Aruna De Silva , Raveen Wickremeratne , Priyantha Soysa ,   Bandula Saman Waturegama, Sujeewa Godelliyedda  in order to rob the association funds ; giving appointments in the association to a large number of members of  his kith and kin sans qualifications ; transforming  minister of sports into a puppet dancing  to Thilanga’s tune    , are because Chaturika is under her thumb , and through her he is enjoying president’s patronage.

The Vice presidents of the cricket association Jayantha Dharmadasa and  K.Manivanan are dumbfounded and behaving like mutes too  despite all these glaring misdeeds, profligacy  and irregularities  of Thilanga because the latter is enjoying the patronage and protection of the president by way of Chaturika. 

There is no scheme or system anywhere in which , when Ms. Chaturika does , it is right , and when Rajapaksha's son does the same thing it is wrong !

By a Lanka e news special correspondent
Translated by Jeff

---------------------------
by     (2017-02-17 23:14:56)

We are ready for common accreditation exam - SAITM Chairman

Amid a simmering crisis over the recognition of medical degrees offered by South Asia Institute of Technology and Medicine (SAITM), its Chairman Dr. Neville Fernando, in an interview with Daily Mirror, says that he had complied with all the requirements in conducting this degree programme. The excerpts of the interview:

"In our institution, there are a large number of students with three As. They missed the entry to the state universities because even students with minimum qualifications are taken on the district quota system from areas like Mullaitivu and Buttala."

Q Over the current crisis situation, what is the way forward for SAITM?  

2017-02-17

In spite of all the protests, SAITM will go on. I started it not to make money. If I wanted money, I would have started a fixed deposit and stayed at home with income from interest. But, I answered the call of the then Minister of Higher Education, the late Prof. Wiswa Warnapala. He said that out of the 250,000 students sitting the G.C.E. Advanced Level Examination, around 100,000 passed it. They are suitable to enter the universities. But, only 18,000 are taken because the state does not have the facilities. He wanted to invest in private education. It is on his suggestion that I started this. At that time, I had sold my Asha Central Hospital for Rs.1.6 billion. I had enough money to start. I told him and he agreed. I got the go ahead. First, I wrote to Prof. Gamini Samaranayake, the then chairman of the University Grants Commission (UGC). He wrote to me saying the Universities Act did not provide for private institutions. I knew there were universities under the BoI. I met Mr. Dhammika Perera, the biggest share entrepreneur in Sri Lanka. He gave permission and approved this. He asked me to get the permission of the Health Ministry. I got it. Then, he asked me to get affiliation to a recognized university. I did that as well. We went to Russia and found a university there. That MoU is still in force. In fact, there are professors who come to teach. They are in the island today. They were the observers of class final examination. We continue with that accreditation.   

Q  You are affiliated to a Russian university as you said. But, you offer a Sri Lankan medical degree. How does it happen?  

When we went to the Sri Lanka Medical Council to get this approved, they said that the prevailing process could not be approved. But, we can exist as a degree awarding institution. We have that in writing. After that, we met the then Minister of Higher Education S.B. Dissanayake. We wanted the degree awarding status. There is a procedure. There are various review committees that come. It is only after that, the Minister can announce it in a gazette notification. We were given the degree awarding status. Students originally entered for MD. Some of them have two Cs and one S. They were weeded out by the UGC. They went to Russia.   

Q  According to the gazette notification issued, you have to follow a certain set of guidelines. How far have you adhered to them?  

We have got a certificate of compliance from the respective authorities. We have fulfilled all the conditions in the gazette. 

"There are various review committees that come. It is only after that, the Minister can announce it in a gazette notification. We were given the degree awarding status. "

Q  After that court ruling was given, SLMC refused to recognize the degree. What is the next step?  

They will be charged for contempt of court. The court has ordered them to give provisional registration. If they do not do it, they will go to jail. We will not do that.   

Q  At the end of the day, you need the cooperation of the SLMC. How viable is a confrontational approach?  

The court decision is that the SLMC must give provisional registration. They will have to continue with it.   

Q  At the meeting with the Higher Education Ministry, they came up with some conditions for SAITM including the suspension of admissions. How are you going to comply with them?  

We have not got any official communication indicating that admissions should be suspended. When it comes to that, we will take a decision afterwards.   

Q  They have proposed to conduct a separate examination. Are you ready for it?  

We are prepared to sit for any exam. We have been giving a good education. But, it should not be an examination conducted by the Sri Lanka Medical Council. It must be conducted by an independent body like the UGC.   

Q  Why are you opposed to the examinationconducted by SLMC?  

That is because they are all GMOA members. The Deans and the SLMC are part and parcel of the GMOA. We cannot get justice from that examination. That is why we are for an examination under the UGC. We are even alright with an international body, but not the SLMC.   

 

"I met Mr. Dhammika Perera, the biggest share entrepreneur in Sri Lanka. He gave permission and approved this. He asked me to get the permission of the Health Ministry. I got it. Then, he asked me to get affiliation to a recognized university. I did that as well. "

 

Q  What is your stand on this Act 16 Examination meant for students completing degrees at foreign universities?  

Yes, it should be a common examination for state medical students, our students and foreign students. It is one common MCQ examination. Appointments should be given on the basis of results of the MCQ. That is what the state students are scared of. They know definitely that our students will  top the list.   

Q  However, critics challenge the quality of medical education you offer. How do you respond?  

We have 19  professors. All of them have worked in state universities and taught all these fellows who are shouting. If these professors are bad, the training of medical education received from them are also bad.
They are the best professors in the country today, teaching our students. That is why I am confident that our students, after passing out one day, would be efficient 100 percent. They will not go on strike. They will shave their faces, dress well.   

Q  The quality of clinical training given to your students is challenged. How would you respond?   

That was accepted by the review committee. That committee came and met me. They met with the academic staff, students and the minor staff. They observed the laboratories. In their final discussion with our staff, they said they would give provisional registration, subject to certain conditions. It was mentioned in page 18. When the final meeting was held, this page was substituted. They said registration could not be given. This is a big fraud. I am going to hand this over to the CID. We can get the minutes according to the Right to Information Act. We have got the minutes even before that.   

Q  How do you respond to these critics in terms of different aspects of clinical training?  

In the first two batches, we had only 25 students each. For one student, there must be seven patients. We had that ratio. Our students were trained well. They were given clinical exposure. Even now, after the degree, they are in hospitals following professors for clinical training.   

Q  How is their clinical training on forensic medicine?  

We went to the Supreme Court for that and got a ruling. Our students had to be given Avissawella Hospital and the Kaduwela MoH area for community medicine. We went to Avissawella for Psychiatric and judicial medical training. For each subject, students had to pay Rs.50, 000. It is not free. These are children of taxpayers of this country. In the state universities, no fee is charged from students. It is also unethical.   

Q  As for the admission criteria of your university, critics say you admit students even with minimum qualifications such as two C passes and one S pass at the Advanced Level Examination. In the science stream, there are some students even with 3 As, but left out from the state universities. What is your response?  

In our institution, there are a large number of students with three As. They missed the entry to the state universities because even students with minimum qualifications are taken on the district quota system from areas like Mullaitivu and Buttala. What has happened is 40 percent of good students with three As are shut out. Those are the fellows shouting against SAITM. They have an inferiority complex.   

Q  What is the future plan for you?  

In anatomy, we ordered equipment worth Rs.15 million to teach surgery. There is a new process called ‘Theil Embalming’ that enables a body to be kept fresh for three to four months. Representatives from the Royal College of Surgeons are coming on Sunday. We will get accreditation from the Royal College of Surgeons.   
We have not taken any student with qualifications less than two Cs and one S. 

 

"We have 19  professors. All of them have worked in state universities and taught all these fellows who are shouting. If these professors are bad, the training of medical education received from them are also bad. "

Beyond Neoliberal LGBTQI Politics: On Duplicities, Challenges & Hope For Change

By Chamindra Weerawardhana –February 17, 2017

Dr. Chamindra Weerawardhana

In Sri Lanka, the LGBTIQ community – or many segments of that community – has come together last week to stand against the decision of the President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka to ‘bin’ a provision to ensure equality and justice to all citizens irrespective of their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. The most recent collective action happened to be a press conference held in Colombo, attended by academics, legal experts, and most importantly, LGBTIQ people, with an intersectional representation of trans women, Trans men, cis gay women and men. This press conference, perhaps the first of its kind, included statements made in the local languages and in English, and was represented by LGBTIQ citizens of Sri Lanka who campaign fiercely for equality and justice, who, like this writer, travel with Sri Lankan passports, and have their feet on Sri Lankan soil.

This is of tremendous importance, in a world in which LGBTIQ rights are often deployed by powerful neoliberal Western governments and supranational bodies as a means of coercing governments in the global South, in dubious efforts to promote Western agendas, and in some cases, to topple democratically elected governments and coercively facilitate regime change operations. Similarly, LGBTIQ rights are also deployed as a means of upholding erroneously construed invasive agendas and in some cases, in justifying the oppression of minorities. The case in point of such ‘pinkwashing’ is the State of Israel. The work of organisations such as Al-Qaws, Mosaic and many other individual activists across the Middle East has been absolutely crucial in challenging Zionist pinkwashing as a strategy of continuing the shameless oppression of the Palestinian people.

The Obama administration: pinkwashing as foreign policy?

Yet another case in point of pinkwashing was the Obama administration. The White House website under that administration even had a page entitled ‘President Obama and the LGBT community’. Domestically, it was an extremely laudable approach. Indeed, the Obama presidency took unprecedented measures in promoting LGBTIQ rights in the USA, supporting marriage equality and standing in solidarity with the Transgender community. Towards the latter part of the Obama presidency, very important steps were taken to protect the Trans community from rising hatred, on matter as trivial as using public rest rooms. However, the same administration continued its policy of cooperation with the State of Israel, and despite very subtle and distant commitments to the ‘two-state’ solution, was never prepared to advocate a clear stance on the matter. When the UN decided to take action, this earned the Obama administration’s wrath. Similarly, close relations with extremely anti-LGBTIQ governments such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar continued unhindered. The plight of Palestinian LGBTIQ people, Yemeni LGBTIQ people, Lebanese LGBTIQ people were all of zero interest to the Obama administration when it launched fierce and destructive wars in these countries, with the plain and simply objective of advancing its strategic and natural-resource controller-economic interests.

Exposing the cracks: the Jennicet Guiérrez intervention

These duplicities were also apparent in the domestic sphere. At the 2015 White House Pride reception, Jennicet Gutiérrez, a committed activist especially for the rights of undocumented and incarcerated LGBTQI people of colour (and very especially trans people of colour), interrupted President Obama at the White House Pride reception. President Obama was very irate, and ordered security to escort Jennicet out. She was not invited for the 2016 Pride reception. However, the 2016 reception included a large number of prominent Trans people, all of them doing excellent work, but none of them were of the ilk that strongly provides a ‘voice for the voiceless’ and the marginalised. Jennicet’s case is a fine example of the duplicities inherent in the Obama administration’s neoliberal LGBTQI rights agenda. As it promoted and supported equal marriage, it ignored the plight of many hundreds of thousands of LGBTQI migrants and undocumented people, people held in incarceration under appalling conditions within the prison-industrial complex, and many hundreds of LGB and Trans/Queer people of colour, especially Trans women of colour, who continued to experience poverty, violence and brutal murder. Cases such as that of late Islan Nettles come to mind, and LGBTIQ people of colour represent a demographic who, to a large extent, continued to ‘not’ benefit from the dividends of a neoliberal pro-LGBTIQ policy agenda. Besides, the unsustainability of this policy approach, repeatedly highlighted by people such as Jennicet and many other activists, has been proven crystal-clearly by the elephant in the room – the Trump phenomenon. The Democratic Party hierarchy’s resolve to prevent Senator Sanders from progressing to the presidential candidacy was the strongest proof of its myopic commitment to domestically and internationally destructive neoliberal politics. The low inclination in that political fold to develop a new approach that corresponded to the challenges of the times is what resulted in the most unprecedented rise in neoconservative politics, in the form of Donald Trump and his endorsers.

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Sino-Lanka Relations: Chinese envoy in Colombo ogles yet again!

No private land will be taken without owners’ consent

(February 17, 2017, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) “Chinese Ambassador to Sri Lanka Yi Xianling expressed his concerns that the protests in Hambantota may turn away the investors who have already agreed to invest in the proposed industrial zone down south,” local media reported.

The Ambassador, highlighting the importance of the industrial zone to support the operations of the Hambantota Port, assured that no private land would be taken without permission of the owners for the purpose.

Xianling made these remarks delivering the 13th Sujatha Jayawardena Memorial Oration organised by the Colombo University Alumni Association held at BMICH on the topic “One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative”.

“I already persuaded 10 CEOs of big companies to invest USD 3-5 billion in the next two to three years. Most of them belong to the 500 Fortune companies. However, if protests continue how can I persuade them? When they approach me I asked them to get the answers from the Sri Lankan leaders, not from me. However, I encourage them to invest here and I am confident that the corporation between Sri Lanka and China will be a success in the future” he said. The Chinese ambassador largely digressing from his prepared speech took pains to allay the doubts on the Hambantota port project and explain that China is not interested in meddling with internal politics in the country. “When I addressed more than 2,000 locals in Hambantota during a Chinese cultural performance at the International Convention Centre I promised to them that we will not take their lands without their own permission. I talked to the District Secretary and explained that we would just use the BOI lands and lands already available at the port for the first phase of the project,” he said. “The port belongs to Sri Lanka. The Chinese investment of USD 1.1 billion is to operate 80 percent of it. No contract or agreement is made yet. Only the framework agreement has been signed. Whatever the share we get, we will fully respect the Government procedure and consensus of the people. We have no intention to intervene in the internal differences between politicians or political groups or former, current and future leaders,” he stated.

Elaborating on the importance of industrial zone, he observed many developed countries such as Singapore, Japan and the US and achieved fast development through special zones.

“This is also the way to protect your land and environment. Otherwise, you cannot have industries anywhere” he pointed out.

The Ambassador said the advice of the Chinese President to him during the delay of Colombo port city project was to be “patient” and work cordially with the Sri Lankan Government and its people. “I have time and I have patience, but I am worried about the patience of the business community,” he said.

“China and Sri Lanka have no disputes and differences generally. Of course, I have some differences with some Ministers, but this is not a difference between the two states. China is already the number one financial supporter to Sri Lanka. Last year our grants, donations and commercial and concessionary loans to Sri Lanka amount to RMB 10 billion,” he added.

We gave life to good governance but it is deadly discarded Mahinda’s evil spirit still active - masses

Infamous Vasu’s infamously famous son to be given appointment by president !!

(Lanka-e-News- 17.Feb.2017, 11.30)  It is an unequivocal fact that incumbent president Maithripala Sirisena who was also an intimate and integral part of the corrupt and criminal Medamulana Rajapakse regime during their nefarious decade was  elected as the president of the country on 8 th January 2015  , surely not for him to perpetuate the corruption , criminalities and crookedness of  deposed and discarded Rajapakse or to resurrect his  deadly  destructive evil spirit or to  hand over the reins back  to the people rejected   Rajapakses but to introduce salutary changes on behalf of the country and the people.

Yet , when all the corrupt rascals and scoundrels of Rajapakse regime are still ruling the roost after changing their labels in various Institutions , it is impossible to think otherwise than,  it is the Rajapakse satanic  spirit we have re elected and that is holding sway . Moreover , it is most unfortunate , the masses who were victims of the attacks and atrocities of those corrupt and criminal scoundrels then , have to again today campaign against those evil corrupt forces for and on behalf of just society . This can only be blamed on  the cruel twist of fate of the masses and none else. 

Here is one instance which illustrates such a tragic fate the masses have to face for no fault of their own , except perhaps the mistake of putting on pedestal  the evil spirit of the most despised , detested , discarded and deposed Mahinda Rajapakse ….
.
Sanka Jaya Nanayakkara ,  son of a notorious political opportunist Vasudeva Nanayakkara best known for his worst senile decay , and mere mention of whose name in parliament emanates an unbearable stench is to be appointed by Maithripala Sirisena to a superior  post in the Sri Lanka (SL)  Foundation under the presidential secretariat . 

Sanka Jaya Nanayakkara the son of the infamous father is one who became infamously  famous like his father when  he was  the co ordinating secretary of his father’s Official  language and national unity ministry  in the bygone days . He was well noted for making a fast buck on the sly. He earned a lot of filthy lure illicitly via  the contract to supply meals to  the entire  language workshops during that period.    

The president of the SL foundation , Professor Kapila Gunasekera has been sent a letter by the presidential secretariat on the instructions of president Maithripala to call for applications for the post  via newspapers mentioning that the   qualifications necessary for the post  are those  which  would match Sanka Jaya’s.  

Professor Gunasekera accordingly has placed a newspaper advertisement  calling for applications to fill the vacancy. In other words , within the next few weeks infamous Sanka Jaya of equally infamous political renegade and opportunist father Vasudeva Nanayakkara who stinks every time he opens his foul mouth , is going to be appointed to the post through  camouflages and subterfuges  to the detriment of the country .

While the  notorious pedigree of the two legged ‘paraiah’ dogs like Vasudeva Nanayakkara that bark throughout the day only for self gain at country’s expense is well known , it is a pity   the president too who changes direction every minute of the day like a weathervane with the prevailing wind is also becoming increasingly well known as one who is unable to mend his odious ways.

May the good governance,  the masses longed and fought for be blessed – but certainly not with the curse of the cursed evil spirit of Mahinda , his lackeys and lickspittles !

Let us wait until the next elections to express gratitude for all these ghostly and ghastly actions . 

By a presidential secretariat correspondent 
Translated by Jeff 

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by     (2017-02-17 23:23:24)