Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, June 21, 2016

BBC's Caroline Wyatt 'determined' after MS diagnosis

Caroline Wyatt
Wyatt has been at the BBC since the early 1990s


BBC21 June 2016

BBC journalist Caroline Wyatt has said she is determined to make the most of her life after being diagnosed with multiple sclerosis (MS).

In her first interview since revealing the news last week, Wyatt told the Radio Times: "It is what it is."
"I am not angry, and I don't want bitterness to start eating away at me."

One of the best known faces of BBC News, Wyatt recently stepped down as the corporation's religious affairs correspondent due to her condition.

'Incredibly blessed'

"I feel really sad now because I'm not going to be a correspondent full-time anymore - I physically can't."
Wyatt had been struggling with undiagnosed symptoms for 25 years but was only diagnosed with MS last July after she was paralysed down her left side.

Wyatt, who was also the BBC's defence correspondent, said she has had moments where she has questioned her own mortality.

"Reporting news is often about reporting death, particularly in the places I have been. But it's less terrifying to me to think of being blown up and dying than to think 'gosh, I might decline slowly day by day, losing a little bit of capability every day'."

At the moment, she is a bit unsteady on her feet and is struggling with her vision but still says she is "incredibly lucky and incredibly blessed".

She is currently on a long summer break but is hoping to return to radio broadcasting later in the year, along with covering the canonisation of Mother Teresa in Rome.

An MS cell

In MS the protective layer surrounding nerve fibres in the brain and spinal cord - known as myelin - becomes damaged. The immune system mistakenly attacks the myelin, causing scarring or sclerosis.

The damaged myelin disrupts the nerve signals - rather like the short circuit caused by a frayed electrical cable.

If the process of inflammation and scarring is not treated then eventually the condition can cause permanent neurodegeneration.

Monday, June 20, 2016

Cluster bombs used in Sri Lanka's civil war, leaked photos suggest

Exclusive: images appear to confirm use of the indiscriminate weapon in a conflict which cost the lives of at least 100,000

Remnants of what appears to be an RBK-500 AO-2.5RT cluster bomb uncovered near Chalai, Sri Lanka. Photograph: Source-- An image of what appears to be an unexploded AO-2.5RT cluster submunition found near Chundikulam.
Cluster bomb image from Chundikulam, Sri Lanka. Human rights watch has documented their use in Georgia, Sudan, and quite extensively in Syria.-- Remnants of an AO-2.5RT antipersonnel submunitions being dug up in Kilinochchi district in Sri Lanka.

-Monday 20 June 2016

Images that appear to confirm the use of cluster bombs in the end stages of Sri Lanka’s 26-year civil war have been uncovered as new testimony emerged suggesting the country’s armed forces may have deployed the munition against civilians.

The revelations are likely to prompt serious questions for the current Sri Lankan government, which includes several senior members of the cabinet who oversaw army activity during the last days of the conflict.


The photographic evidence provided to the Guardian depicts cluster bombs uncovered by de-mining teams in parts of the country close to sites where fighting took place in late 2008 and early 2009.

The material is accompanied by the testimony of former de-miners, some of whom claim they identified munitions within government-declared “no fire zones” in which about 300,000 people were told to gather for their safety during the war’s denouement.

The Sri Lankan civil war, which lasted from 1983 to 2009, pitted the country’s military against the separatist rebel force known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) which had waged an armed campaign to achieve an independent state for the ethnic Tamil community in the north and east of the island nation.

The bloody conflict is estimated to have claimed upwards of more than 100,000 lives, many of them in the final months of fighting which occurred in and around the northern Vanni region.

The current president, Maithripala Sirisena, held the position of acting defence minister immediately before the war ended, taking over temporarily from Mahinda Rajapaksa who was abroad. Rajapaksa’s brother, Gotabhaya, the defence secretary, was regarded as having directed much of war strategy.

A leading member of Sirisena’s current cabinet, Sarath Fonseka, was commander of the army.

The photographs of cluster bombs were leaked to the Guardian by a former employee of the Halo Trust, the world’s largest mine clearance organisation. The images appear to show members of the trust digging out a large delivery missile as well as cluster submunitions, or “bomblets,” in different locations.

Independent corroboration of the nature of the weapons has been provided by a senior weapons researcher at Human Rights Watch who identified the material pictured as the remnants of Russian-made cluster bombs and unexploded cluster submunitions.

The revelations come as the 32nd session of the Human Rights Council opened last week in Geneva, at which the Sri Lankan government is to be questioned on its progress to provide accountability for alleged war crimes committed during the war’s close.

Reports produced by the United Nations and several rights groups have found that war crimes and possible crimes against humanity may have been committed by Sri Lankan forces; so far no senior member of the government or armed forces has been held accountable.

Towards the end of the war, while closing in on the LTTE’s last redoubts in the vicinity of Puthukudiyiruppu and Mullaitivu, the government advised civilians to gather in a series of “no fire zones” – areas which the Sri Lankan army promised it would not attack. The location of the safe zone shifted three times, moving from an initial 20-square-mile (52 sq km) block around the area of Suthanthirapuram to a narrow strip of coastland, which shrunk even further as the army made gains.

Reports by the UN and other agencies cite evidence and credible allegations of atrocities committed within these supposedly protected areas: government forces are accused of relentlessly shelling the zones, leading to up to 70,000 deaths, while the LTTE are alleged to have used human shields and shot at fleeing civilians.

The previous Sri Lankan government has denied allegations it used cluster bombs and Sirisena has maintained that the army acted in “adherence to international law”.

He has committed himself to holding a war crimes tribunal in Sri Lanka, but has so far resisted calls to conduct such a hearing in a “hybrid” court that would involve both Sri Lankan and international legal experts, as recommended by a UN report released in 2015.

Cluster bombs are distinguished by their capacity to explode and release smaller submunitions that scatter over a wide area. Their inherently indiscriminate nature means their deployment in populated areas could amount to war crimes, as the UN secretary general, Ban Ki Moon, observed earlier this year, citing alleged incidents in Yemen.

In communications with the Guardian, a spokesperson for the Halo Trust acknowledged it had found a total of 42 cluster munitions in several sites around the Pachchilapalli area, near Elephant pass, slightly to the north of the Vanni region, in 2011 and 2012.

While Halo did not comment on the provenance of the weaponry, the area saw heavy fighting between government forces and the LTTE in 2009. The trust stressed it did not engage in de-mining within the “no fire zone”.
The source for the photographs, who now lives outside Sri Lanka, said the images depicted munitions discovered in the Kilinochchi district and also near Chalai, to the north of Mullaitivu. Both Chalai and parts of Kilinochchi district were also sites of fierce battles in the final months of the conflict.

During the war, allegations of the use of cluster bombs in several sites around the Vanni emerged, but were never proven; reports produced for the UN secretary general and the US government cited credible allegations of wartime cluster bomb use in several sites including the no fire zone.

In 2012, a leaked email from a weapons expert at the UN revealed the organisation had identified cluster munitions near Puthukudiyiruppu, an area in which a hospital had allegedly been attacked with cluster bombs by the Sri Lankan army in 2009.

Munitions found in a ‘densely civilian-populated area’

Further evidence suggesting government forces were responsible for the attacks has now been provided in the form of the testimony of former employees of three different de-mining teams who spoke anonymously to the Guardian.

Ex-workers at Mines Advisory Group (MAG), the Halo Trust and the Swiss Foundation for Mine Action (known by its French-language acronym FSD) have said they saw evidence of the use of cluster bombs in the final days of the war, with representatives from the final two saying cluster bombs were found in one of the government-declared no fire zones.

Only the Sri Lankan air force and army are believed to have had the capability to deploy cluster bombs in the no fire zone; the LTTE did not undertake aerial attacks in the area.

Their accounts are supported by those of civilian witnesses in Sri Lanka and abroad, as well as a former aid worker, all of whom spoke on condition of anonymity.

De-mining agencies do not typically make their discoveries public, but they are required to report their findings to the the Sri Lankan national mine action centre, a coordinating body supported by the Sri Lankan government and the UN.

Former officials in two de-mining organisations told the Guardian that cluster munitions were positively identified.

An ex-employee at MAG, who asked not to be named for his own safety, told the Guardian the organisation encountered a munition in a “densely civilian-populated area” in one of the no fire zones near Puthukudiyiruppu, the location around which a UN Development Programme (UNDP) had reportedly found munitions in 2012.

Cluster bomblets were found, he said, recalling that “all the scattered parts were gathered in the same spot” however, MAG did not publicly share the information “because of their security concerns”.

Another former de-mining official, formerly with the Swiss NGO FSD, recalled that a “technical adviser confirmed [that they had found cluster bombs] ... but it did not publicise this.”

He said the weapons were discovered in 2010 in the area of the first no fire zone, by the village of Suthanthirapuram, also near Puthukudiyiruppu. Any move to make their discoveries public were inhibited by fear of retribution, he added.

Both demining groups were approached for comment: MAG did not immediately respond, while FSD declined to issue a statement.

The source who leaked the photographs from Halo alleged the de-mining team was extremely wary of reports of “cluster bombs” discoveries as they feared retributive action by the Rajapaksa regime.

A spokesperson from Halo said the organisation “strongly refutes any suggestion that any information of this nature would be withheld from the requisite authorities by its senior management.

“We take our reporting responsibilities extremely seriously. I can confirm that every item of ordnance found by Halo in Sri Lanka – and indeed in all the countries in which we operate – is itemised in our monthly reports, which are submitted to national authorities.

“This is the case now and always has been ...As a neutral organisation, Halo’s responsibility is to ensure the safety of civilians from explosive remnants of war.”

An NGO worker for an international aid organisation who asked for his identity to be protected told the Guardian he witnessed cluster attacks within the second and final no fire zone near Mullaitivu, and saw unexploded munitions which resembled a bicycle “dynamo” with a “small piece of ribbon also fixed in one side”.

“Most of the INGOs put the sample pictures of the cluster bomb in their notice board and [made their staff] aware ... about this risk,” he added.

A witness interviewed by the Guardian in Australia who claims to have witnessed a cluster bomb attack on Puthukudiyiruppu hospital recalled: “The cluster bomb would explode high up and small explosions would hit trees and people.”

The witness described the sound as “like you’re hitting something repeatedly”, adding “there would be a smell that would turn your stomach. People would smell, there would be a burnt odour to it.” The source had previously testified to a UN war crimes inquiry and was deemed credible.

Another witness whose testimony was gathered for the UN’s 2015 war crimes investigation, told the Guardian that cluster bombing was “something that continuously happened in the protective [no fire] zones. This wasn’t fulfilling war purposes. It hit civilians.”

Sam Zarifi, regional director of Asia and Oceania for the International Commission of Jurists, told the Guardian: “These most recent allegations highlight the need for a credible, effective accountability mechanism.”

Jan Jananayagam, head of Together Against Genocide, a non-profit that also obtained the leaked photographs, said: “Seven years have passed and the government of Sri Lanka is still in denial about the types of weapons deployed on Tamil civilians.

“The denial of the use of cluster munitions and the destruction of forensic evidence over the past seven years illustrates exactly why it is critical that international investigators and forensic experts be included in any future war crimes prosecution mechanism.”

The Sri Lankan government was contacted in preparation for this article but did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The Right To Information Act & Its Discontents


Colombo Telegraph
By Muttukrishna Sarvananthan –June 20, 2016
Dr. Muttukrishna Sarvananthan
Dr. Muttukrishna Sarvananthan
The Right to Information (RTI) Act currently being debated in the Parliament and scheduled to be taken up for voting on June 23, 2016 is long overdue. It has been in the making for the past fifteen years. It is heartening to note that the remit of the Act is broad in so far as to include the Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) as well, in addition to all layers of the government: national, provincial, and local.
Genesis of the Right to Information (RTI) Act
The Asian financial crisis of the late-1990s led to the enactment of the Right to Information law and Fiscal Responsibility law in many Asian emerging market economies in order to tame (what Adam Smith called) the “animal spirits” of the newly industrialising countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, et al. The Right to Information (RTI) or the Freedom of Information (FOI) laws are natural outgrowth of the Consumer Protection/Rights laws in many countries throughout the world.
There is significant evidence to show that the Asian financial crisis during the late-1990s was to a considerable extent caused by the lack of information on the financial markets in particular in most countries affected by the economic crisis.
In Sri Lanka too the second wave of major economic liberalisation undertaken since 1990, especially the partial privatisation of state-owned enterprises such as the Sri Lanka Telecom, Sri Lankan Airlines and the Ceylon Gas Company during the second half of the 1990s, led to allegations of under-valuation of assets owned by the sate-owned enterprises and massive corruption in the process of such privatisation. Moreover, for the first time since independence, the Sri Lankan economy experienced negative growth in 2001 (-1.5%), primarily due to fiscal profligacyof the then government (partly necessitated by the heightened civil war since the fall of the Elephant Pass in April 2000).
As a result of alleged massive corruption and negative economic growth, during the campaign for the parliamentary elections in late-2001, the proposals for Fiscal Responsibility law and the Right to Information law was mooted by the then opposition party (UNP) which was elected to office in December 2001. The same party is in power today as well. The UNP government enacted the Fiscal (Management) Responsibility Act (F(M)RA) in 2003. The very first draft of the RTI law was drafted by the government in 2003, but that government lost power at the April 2004 elections before the RTI bill could be presented to Parliament.
Two fundamental flaws in the proposed RTI Act
  1. Lack of penalties for non-compliance
Like most laws with good intentions in Sri Lanka, the F(M)RA has not been fully implemented to date. For example, the F(M)RA stipulated that the government should reduce the budget deficit to 5% of the GDPby 2006, which has not been achieved by the previous UPFA governments(2004 -2014) as well as the present UNF government to date. Moreover, there is no indication or commitment by the present government that the set target will be achieved in the foreseeable future.

I am not a Sri Lankan

20 JUNE 2016

For crossing passages
I have a visa
as Israelis passport
in the hands of Palestinians.

For going past the ‘Checkpoints
I possess an identity card
as the American ID that the Iraqis have.

For spending
I have several coins
just as those French coins
with Syrian citizens.

In our soil
a national anthem is aired
just as the Indian National anthem
sung in Manipur.

In my land
a flag is hoisted
as the flag of China
flying in Tibet.

In my finger
the impression of landless refugee is seen
as that branded by fire
in Myanmar’s hand.

Translated from Tamil by Latha Ramakirishnan

Theepachelvan Pradeepan

Why Abolish The Executive Presidency?

50388252
We need to detail and categorise devolved legislative powers to the Provincial Councils. The Parliament will retain the powers to legislate on national issues and subjects such as the Police and all subjects not devolved.

by K Godage

( June 20, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) It has been rumoured that President Sirisena is supporting the complete abolition of the Executive Presidency and having a ceremonial President as Head of State; this is surprising, as we would have expected him to support the removal of some powers of the Presidency only, for he knows better than most of us that had we not had the Executive Presidency we would never have been able to defeat the LTTE.

Yes, the President must retain executive control over Defence and Foreign Affairs to ensure our country’s security and stability. These two subjects must not be passed on to the Cabinet and Parliament even though they should have oversight facility. We are fortunate that any promulgation of a new Constitution would need a two-thirds majority in Parliament and we the people should ensure that the President has control over Defence and Foreign Affairs in any new Constitution.

National issues

Today there are four national issues we need to address without further delay in a new Constitution:
(1) The true unification of our people in our multi-ethnic country through the resolution of our ethnic issue (hate speech must be made a criminal offence). We should revisit the matter of the devolution of power to the PCs and follow the subsidiarity principle, within a Unitary State.

(2) The powers of the Executive or of the Presidency.
(3) The reform of the electoral system.
(4) The elimination of corruption in all its forms
Our present electoral system is a caricature of what it should be: having the District as the Electorate has bred unbelievable corruption; and that is an accepted fact.

The electoral system decides the composition of Parliament. Therefore every party represented in Parliament is governed by an instinct of self-preservation, in determining the electoral system.

However, the combination of a directly elected Executive President and a Parliament elected on PR has enabled Governments with razor thin majorities to complete a full period of office. Furthermore, an number of small parties who would never have gained representation under a first past the post system have managed to enter Parliament because of the PR system.

We should adopt the report of our Parliamentary Sub Committee and have a system similar to the German system; we must also do away with the preference vote and the District as the electorate, that has led to mindless competition and political corruption. A cleaner and cheaper electoral system is the urgent need of the country.

Regarding the ‘ethnic issue’, the party leaders in Parliament and a great majority of the members of Parliament and the people of all communities are agreed on the need for national reconciliation and a political solution to the ethnic and religious issues for they are long outstanding issues.

Mechanism for reconciliation

We believe that a national government of the two main parties along with former President Chandrika Kumaratunga (she was the one political leader who made a valiant effort to solve this issue) would provide the best possible mechanism for reconciliation. Yes, the two main political parties claim that they are committed to an early political solution, this will also put an end to the problem we have with the Tamil Diaspora. President Maithripala Sirisena also campaigned on the promise of National reconciliation. We cannot and should not miss the opportunity this time. There will not be a next time.

There are those who also favour the inclusion of the devolution of power to the local authorities and even to grass root levels through the proposed Grama Rajya Kendara in a new Constitution. The impeding task is to identify the additional powers to be devolved to the Provincial Councils. We need to strengthen the Provincial Councils but in this little country of ours we MUST have uniform legislation; we most certainly cannot afford to have different ‘laws’ in different provinces— that would make this whole exercise a joke.

Reform judicial system

To eliminate corruption in all its forms, we should first reform our judicial system, perhaps reform the Penal Code and also reintroduce the law, which the late Felix Dias Bandaranaike had introduced, the Administration of Justice Law, to cut out delays and make the whole system more meaningful and fair, which was repealed by the JR Jayewardene government. We should also professionalize the Police Service to enable them to competently deal with the new forms of crime which are being committed today. Let us also consider having separate courts to deal with corruption cases.

We need to detail and categorize devolved legislative powers to the Provincial Councils. The Parliament will retain the powers to legislate on national issues and subjects such as the Police and all subjects not devolved. Provincial Councils will have executive power on subjects devolved. Strengthening democratic institutions and good governance must and should be foremost in our minds when making the final determination in regard to these issues.

Provincial Councils

The central government should of course have the power to coordinate and supervise the work of the Provincial Councils since we are a Unitary State. There is general agreement that we are a multi-racial, multi-religious country we MUST therefore, as stated earlier, make hate speech a non-bailable offence to unify our country.

We must also re-enshrine the substance of 17th Amendment to the 1978 Constitution, and have independent Commissions such as the Judicial, Elections, Public Service and Anti-Corruption Commissions in any new Constitution. We most definitely need to have these values as ‘Entrenched Clauses’ which cannot be repealed under any circumstances in any future Constitutions. Let us reform and improve our Constitution if we cannot once again give ourselves a new Constitution. May the government fulfill its promises to us.

Policy Rates; Is It Driven By A Divine Power ?


Colombo Telegraph
By Mahesh Senanayake –June 20, 2016
Mahesh Senanayake
Mahesh Senanayake
Policy rates is not something that the common folk would consider as a topic in their day to day life, especially in a country where there are many things to worry about as the sun does its daily chores quite unaffected by the long wait to bring the culprits to book and forfeit of assets of those who indulged in self-aggrandizement while in office, or the immunity given to the corrupt public officers and private deal makers. However during the recent past this highly technical term has been used to promulgate certain economic theories at its best while, sadly its being used to foster either personal agendas or political credos of certain fractions and individuals. This writer has reason to state so .
The policy rate of a country is a key monetary tool used to achieve macro economic objectives like inflation, consumption, growth and liquidity. The importance of the policy rates for an average citizen is that it could influence certain decision in the day to day life of average individual without knowing that such decision are made on the outcome of policy rate. Based on the signals given by the policy rates, general interest rates of the country at which our consumption, savings & investment decision are made by the individuals, is moved in either direction. It is not the result of wishful thinking of any average person as the decisions on policy rates should be taken after careful study of the relevant dynamics and indicators prevailing in the economy .In sri Lanka it is the Monetary board of the central bank who takes the decisions after observing the recommendations made by Money and Banking division of the Economic Research Department (ERD) of the Central Bank- the apex organization that handles the monetary and fiscal policies of the country . For recommending policy rate decision, the ERD observes large numbers of indicators and use variety of economic analysis. The bank has employed its best brains for the above process & has invested large number of resources for building up the decision making capability of the ERD.
The policy rates, in contrasts to criticism can not be decided through a haphazard process as it directly influences the market interest rates which in turn influence the key economic indicators such as inflation, bank interests rates , exchange rates etc
As mush as the term “policy rates” has become a vibe in the socio political domain, despite the general public is not quite interested to know, some individuals and political parties are seemingly making attempts to paint a picture that will favor their agenda and that will create a total wrong picture of the economy. Strangely some of the critics of the policy rates are respected individuals who have worked directly or indirectly with thecentral bank, who are presenting a view that will reverse the practices that they have followed during their tenure /service with the CB.
One such argument is that the policy rates should be used as the sole tool to control market interests rates which is quite questionable as there should be some stability in policy rates in order for any industry to work with predictability. Therefore policy rates can not be changed as and when one would wish to do and on the other hand the policy rates are not decided months ahead , it is decided as per the prevailing status of the economy and in the best interests of the same economy meaning that policy rates are not changed as a regular practice. It happens when the need arises to do so. In simple terms, one cannot expect the Monetary Board to take panic decisions, increasing the policy rates in one sitting & decreasing it soon after. Rather, CB would wait & see if the signal coming through careful observation of certain variables are pointing a permanent situation. This is the practice of the other Central banks in the world.in this regards, Central Banks have many occasion disappointed patientless market participants.

Preliminary Considerations for a Speculative Critique of Sinhala Nationalism



VANGEESA SUMANASEKARA on 06/20/2016

The name Nalin de Silva helps us to determine a certain ambiguity in – what remains of – the Sri Lankan academic discourse. On the one hand, he is often identified as a figure of undisputed significance in the rise of contemporary Sinahala nationalism, and, in this regard, he is considered as an important point of reference in any attempt to understand the developments of Southern nationalist discourse and its impact on the political fate of our collective life. On the other hand, there is very little direct acknowledgement of the necessity of confronting his works in order to identify the problems and limits of the Idea of the Nation propagated by contemporary Sinhala Nationalism. It is as if there is a silent agreement that criticizing the works of Nalin de Silva is not worth the effort of a serious academic labour – it is always pushed aside as the duty of the Other. In this respect, it can be taken as an exemplary form of what Robert Pfaller calls interpassivity, as a dominant mode of the way desire functions in contemporary societies[i]: duty of carrying the difficult engagement with a somewhat embarrassing issue is always transferred to the Other so that one can continue to go on living in his/her comfort zones believing that the Other would somehow do the necessary dirty work. Let me be that Other.

The basic strategy of my investigation is the following. Instead of focusing on the particular arguments raised by Nalin de Silva, apropos a wide array of issues, ranging from the Tamil nationalism to modern science, I will take out what I consider to be the core insight of de Silva’s thinking which is fully elaborated in his influential 1985 work “මගේ à¶½ෝකය” (“My World”). It is this crucial argument, I contest, that lies as the ultimate backdrop of de Silva’s thinking with regard to all the other issues from politics to philosophy of science. I will first place this argument in a broader historical context and briefly analyze the consequences of this historicity. Then I will expose a blind-spot in de Silva’s reasoning that had gone unnoticed heretofore by the author as well as his critics, but something that matches perfectly with the historical consequences of his approach that I have discussed in the preceding section. In the process, I shall attempt to present a persuasive case for the need to renew and reconsider the terms of our critical thinking as well as the conceptual apparatuses of our political analyses.

Let us begin by focusing on a passage by de Silva where one can clearly discern the underlying logic of his thinking and also see why it can be considered as the worst kind of fundamentalist backlash not worthy of critical responses:

“Every set of ideas [මතවාදයක්] is political in the last instance. Buddhism does not fall into that category because it is not a set of ideas. Sinhala Buddhism, however, became a set of ideas from the time of King Dewanampiya Tissa. If not for this transformation, Buddhism, just as it did in India, may have disappeared from this country and thereby would have disappeared from the world. It is an active force in politics of this country today. Every religion is political by virtue of that fact that it is a set of ideas. Catholic and Christian churches as well as Islamic mosques, thereby, become political institutions.”[ii]

Does an apology suffice where torture is alleged?


The Sunday Times Sri Lanka








Sunday, June 19, 2016

In 2002, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka declared in a fairly run of the mill case that “the state is responsible for the law. The law is made for the protection of all citizens rich and poor alike. It is therefore the duty of the state to make its machinery work alike for the rich and the poor’ (Samarakkody Arachchige Don Sripati v. Sub-Inspector Wijesinghe and others, SC (FR) App. No. 213/2001, 31.05.02).
Violation of a constitutional principle

Admirable sentiments, articulated at a time when the Court took an interventionist stand in protecting rights. It was in this pursuance of this same thinking that the judges refused to accept the withdrawal of an application by a petitioner particularly in regard to complaints of torture and after the initial step of leave to proceed had been granted.
The rationale was that it was not a personal injury in issue but a constitutional principle that had (allegedly) been violated. Therefore the Bench insisted on hearing the context relating to the withdrawal of the application and retaining to itself the discretion to decide whether a withdrawal was appropriate or not. In many instances in fact, it declined to do so when it was found that the attempt to withdraw had been prompted by the threatening of the complainant by the police officers accused of abuse of power.

These are reminiscences which came forcibly to mind this week when reading media reports that the Attorney General of Sri Lanka had thought it fit to intervene on behalf of the Aluthgama Crime Division Officer-in-Charge in a fundamental rights petition enabling an apology to be tendered for settlement in the Supreme Court. The petition had been filed by a manual worker of minority ethnicity resident in Aluthgama alleging arbitrary arrest and torture. He had also alleged that the police had resorted to a common practice of filing fabricated charges against him to intimidate him. The petitioner had already been given leave to proceed on his complaint by the Court.

Questions for public scrutiny

There are several questions that arise for public scrutiny. These matters are all the more important as we recall with grievous dismay, the communal disturbances in Aluthgama aimed at members of the Muslim community some years ago around these same time.

In addition, the fact that a manual worker of minority ethnicity plucked up sufficient courage to appeal to the Supreme Court in this instance, defying the establishment police hierarchy in that area is by itself quite wondrous. It illustrates precisely what the Court itself said in the Samarakkody case one and a half decades ago and with which this column commences. The law serves the rich and the poor with an equal hand. Such an effort by this petitioner may have thus been better rewarded with a solid result of jurisprudential principle rather than by the expedient device of an apology.

In any event, the role played by the Attorney General attracts particular attention. At one time, the Office had taken a principled stand to abstain from appearing for police officers alleged to have committed torture. While this position seems to have been cast to the proverbial winds in recent decades, it is adding insult to injury when the state law officer of the land actively intercedes to secure a settlement based on an apology by the abusive state officer. Is this the proper role of the Attorney General, one is compelled to ask?

The state law officer as the public guardian

Indeed, the converse should be the case the case. At the Bar, the state law officer is an officer of the public and a guardian of the public interest. Thus, he or she is vested with a special duty to assist the Court in reaching the correct decision after balancing the rights of the State and the public interest. That duty is not to secure the protection of an accused state officer by all means.

But it is Sri Lanka’s tragedy that along with the undermining of the two cardinal principles of the independence of the judiciary and an independent public service, the independent function of the Attorney General has also been greatly corroded. The scandalous behavior of past Attorneys-General and their affinities with the political establishment of the day became an open secret.

These are not matters that can be corrected with one (flawed) constitutional amendment such as the 19th Amendment or indeed with a wholly new Constitution as the case may be. Neither can much change result from occasional hysterics over the appointment of a particular Attorney General. These are superficial preoccupations, good only for the more frivolous minded. Instead, the national effort must be towards change of the institutional culture and fierce vigilance must be exhibited in that regard.

Public scrutiny of the Office

And there is a general trend in recent decades where the word of the Attorney General is given more than due judicial deference. This seems to be evidenced even in instances where habeas corpus applications have been filed in respect of a ‘disappeared’ person or allegations of torture made.

Public scrutiny of this Office must not be limited to a few corruption cases or the like. Rather, there must be attention drawn to prosecutorial policies and practices in a substantive manner. For example, has the prosecutorial policy of refraining from filing indictments under the Anti-Torture (CAT) Act of 1994 changed to an active engagement? What is the number of recent indictments filed? What is the status of the cases prosecuted to the full?

And where its constitutional role is concerned, has it acted in accordance with the public interest? Certainly the instant case appears to indicate the contrary. Moreover, the mere promise by the police to withdraw the fabricated case which they had filed against the petitioner, inferentially in an attempt to intimidate him, surely does not address the harm done to the petitioner thereby. Who redresses that specific harm?

No change in the non-accountability culture

While frantic attention is diverted to transitional justice processes and other such esoterically glamorous stuff, the mundane details of ordinary non-accountability assessed against the common law of the land proceed unnoticed, in constitutional law or in criminal law as the case may be. In the end, nothing actually changes.
This is a prime example of that inglorious reality.

Gota’s sidekick Major General Haturusinghe caught red handed for employing 6 soldiers to run his brothels ! If Gen. Fonseka was jailed why Haturusinghe is scot free ?


LEN logo(Lanka-e-News- 20.June.2016, 11.30PM)  Retired army officer ,  ex Major General Mahinda Haturusinghe yet  another  close sidekick and stooge of Gotabaya Rajapakse has after retirement been employing six soldiers after making them  desert their  army duties to carry out his illicit business activities . These soldiers while being engaged in these activities have fallen into the net of the   special investigation unit . These culprits have now been handed over to the military police. 
Haturusinghe went on retirement in 2015. However even before his retirement he was the owner of several brothels ostensibly run as ‘Restaurants’ given illegally on rent based on  short terms. Haturusinghe has been running these brothels located in populated areas like Dehiwala, Maharagama and Gampaha . The soldiers mentioned hereinbefore were employed in those brothels. 
2 soldiers attached to the 7 th Artillery Corps while 4 other soldiers attached to the mechanical infantry regiment . These soldiers while having their names in the records as though they are in the forces , have in fact been under the employ of Haturusinghe in his brothels.
It is two high rank officers of those respective divisions and friends of Haturusinghe who have supported these soldiers in their illicit activities. One of them is Brigadier Keerthi Costa of the mechanical infantry regiment , the other is Colonel Madugalle of the 7 th artillery Corps . This officer was appointed to that post by Haturusinghe himself just before his retirement.
When Field  Marshal Sarath Fonseka after his retirement lost at presidential elections as common candidate,  the Rajapakse regime took him and his secretary ,Captain Senaka Silva into custody by alleging ten soldiers were employed by him in this manner. But , in fact he only employed one soldier for his security , and that was with the permission of the Elections commissioner.
Yet the lawless and ruthless Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapakses overturned the laws and jailed Fonseka and Senaka .The only indictment  against Senaka was that he allegedly helped to harbor those soldiers. Sadly , he was in jail for one year just because of that false and flimsy accusation.
Today , when Haturusinghe is caught red handed for employing 6 soldiers under him secretly and unlawfully  , he has not been arrested. 
It is well to recall Haturusinghe is a traitor who passed information of the forces to the LTTE for payment. 
Unbelievably , when this was exposed by ‘Majestic Prabha’ a businessman associated with  the LTTE , and while Haturusinghe was summoned before the military court , Gotabaya freed him and made him his henchman .Thereafter in characteristic style Gotabaya used him to commit all unlawful activities . One such activity in the main  was the white Van criminal operations in Colombo. It is with the knowledge of Haturusinghe all these operations were carried out .At that time he was  in charge of the security of  Colombo. Lanka e news first with the news and best with the views , and which  has earned an unassailable rare reputation for its investigative journalism exposed these operations with cogent evidence .

Such a criminal traitorous officer was allowed to go on retirement without facing any punishment under the good governance government , and now when he is caught red handed for committing serious offences , he is still scot free. 
The officials of the good governance government must be ashamed to practice double standards particularly with regard to justice , by allowing the traitor and criminal Haturusinghe to go scot free vis a vis the punishment that was meted out to Fonseka .
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by     (2016-06-20 21:27:41)