Pranayama: Conscious Breathing For Instant Pain Relief

Pranayama – Conscious Breathing For Instant Pain Relief

by Anne Hofweber - Mar 23, 2015

Before I began to heal my body through yoga and Ayurveda, headaches were almost a normal part of my life. Tension headaches were the most common, but every few months throughout my 20’s I would get completely debilitating migraines that would last for days. Now I get mild headaches every once in a while, usually when my spine is out of alignment due to my scoliosis or from sitting at my computer for too long, but they are quickly relieved by an adjustment from chiropractor or doing a little yoga.

Two weeks ago I woke up with an excruciating headache that was clearly a sign that something in my body was off. At first I thought it was a side effect of a blood detox that I am doing, but when it persisted for several days despite all of my standard go-to home remedies (neti pot, various nasya (nose) oils, clove oil massage, Sombra; natural pain relieving gel, ginger tea, hot baths + steam, homeopathic headache formula, my TENS unit and my foam roller) I was a little perplexed. I even resorted to ibuprofen which did nothing. About a week into the headache that was primarily on the right side of my head and neck, I decided to do some alternate nostril breathing before my morning meditation session. This method of pranayama (conscious breathing) is known for balancing ida and pingala, the two main channels of energy that run through and around our spines, so I thought it may help a little with this one-sided headache.

I was totally blown away that after about five minutes of this breathing exercise my stubborn headache was almost totally gone. I have never had such a powerful experience with any breathing exercise in the past. The following day my headache was totally gone, but the right side of my neck was still pretty stiff from being clenched up for so long. I got one round of acupuncture, during which I chanted a mantra “my neck is relaxed” and all symptoms, completely dissolved. Talk about getting to the root of the problem instead of just masking the pain. You can bet I am adding this practice into my daily sadhana.

Alternate Nostril Breathing is the best form of pranayama for reducing anxiety and alleviating insomnia. It cleans and opens the sinus passages, regulates and balances blood pressure and heart rate, balances and regulates the flow of blood to the brain, balances the sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous system, balances all seven chakras, and creates balance in the emotional body.

Pranayama instructions:

1. Sit in a comfortable position with your spine straight and vertical. Your hips should be higher than your knees; if they are not, you can sit on a blanket or pillow or simply in a chair.

2. Close your eyes and take several full breaths in and out of your nose at your own pace.

3. Rest your left hand on your left thigh or knee, or make a circle with your thumb and index finger touching and extend your other three fingers straight.

4. Fold the index and middle fingers on your right hand into your palm, leaving your other three fingers extended. Bring your right hand to your nose, and use your thumb to close your right nostril.

5. Inhale through your left nostril, close your left nostril with your ring finger and hold your breath with both nostrils closed, then release your thumb and exhale through your right nostril while keeping your left nostril closed. I think of it sort of like going back and forth over a bridge, or better yet, a rainbow.

6. Repeat the process beginning on the other side, breathing first through your right nostril with your left nostril closed.

7. Continue switching from side to side for three to five minutes. If you feel dizzy at any time please stop. When you have been practicing for a long-time, you can work on counting the breaths, and over time slowly work up to an inhale of four counts, hold of sixteen counts, and an exhale of eight counts.

To know more about Anne Hofweber – visit www.seniorhealthguru.com

GOING BEYOND ELECTION PROMISES TO STRENGTHEN NATIONAL RECONCILIATION

24 March 2015

The government is being criticized for its slow pace in implementing the 100 day plan of the president’s election manifesto. However, the government is also going beyond the promises of its election manifesto to strengthen the confidence of the Tamil people in its good faith. President Maithripala Sirisena’s decision to permit the national anthem to be sung in the Tamil language taken at a meeting of the National Executive Council, which is composed of political party heads in the government coalition, is a courageous action. The National Peace Council commends the President for his statesmanlike decision. We see it as yet another reconciliatory action of the government that will make the Tamil-speaking people feel a greater sense of belonging to the Sri Lankan polity when they sing the national anthem in a language they understand.

Since 1951 the national anthem was sung in the Tamil language translation of the original Sinhala language version and to the same music. However, in 2010 after the war victory, when the previous government was consolidating the forces of Sinhalese nationalism, they decided to withdraw state sanction to the singing of the Tamil version and insisted that the national anthem should be sung only in the Sinhala language even in the Tamil speaking parts of the country. Former government leaders made, and continue to make, absurd and untrue statements that no national anthem anywhere else in the world is sung in more than one language, and that this will divide the country. Such unenlightened statements when raised to the level of government policy made the Tamil people more alienated from the mainstream of the national polity.

Several countries, including South Africa, Canada, Switzerland and New Zealand sing their national anthems in more than one language. Singapore which is mourning the demise of their first Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew sings the national anthem in the language of a minority community, which is Malay, and not the Mandarin or English languages which are spoken by the majority community. The same is true of India, which sings their national anthem in Bengali. It is wise policies that keep the people of a country together regardless of their ethnic, racial or religious identities.

The new government’s decision with regard to the singing of the national anthem in both languages is in accordance with the recommendation of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the former president but which was not implemented by him. The National Peace Council notes that the government is steadily implementing the recommendations of the LLRC that are relevant to national reconciliation. This includes the return of land to the people, the appointment of civilian governors to the Northern and Eastern provinces and reduction of the visible military presence in those two provinces. Such actions gives reason to believe that the government is on the right path to national reconciliation though much more remains to be done.

Governing Council
The National Peace Council is an independent and non partisan organization that works towards a negotiated political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. It has a vision of a peaceful and prosperous Sri Lanka in which the freedom, human rights and democratic rights of all the communities are respected. The policy of the National Peace Council is determined by its Governing Council of 20 members who are drawn from diverse walks of life and belong to all the main ethnic and religious communities in the country.

TNA to become main Opposition?

2015-03-24

TNA to become main Opposition?

With fresh controversies over the post of the Opposition Leader in Parliament, some are speculating the Tamil National Alliance which has majority of opposition members as a single party would become the main Opposition.

Accordingly, its Leader R. Sampanthan is tipped to be the Opposition Leader as even the constituents of the United People’s Freedom alliance (UPFA) vehemently opposing the continuity of Nimal Sirpala de Silva in the post.

They say that de Silva and the SLFP too should occupy government benches as the party has become a member of a national government.

Meanwhile, Pivithuru Hela Urumaya vouched that they will not allow a Tamil to head the Opposition.

However, the TNA remain silent on the matter so far.

Get It Right Now Or Pay The Price

By M.A. Sumanthiran -March 24, 2015

M.A. Sumanthiran MP

Mr. Deputy Chairman of Committees, as I rise to speak on this Order that has been placed for approval, I cannot but recollect the time when the Hon. Minister of Justice and Labour Relations himself, seated on this side, opposed the extension of this Order when it came up two years ago. In fact, that Order had lapsed before it came up for extension and it was he, who pointed out to the House, that that Order could not be extended because it had lapsed and the Order had to be remade and that is why a bill had to be brought again, the Code of Criminal Procedure (Special Provisions) Act, No. 2 of 2013. The original Act having lapsed, the Hon. Minister, the person who pointed it out rightly at that time from the Opposition Benches, today is propounding the extension of this illogical and draconian provision. This is another one of those ironies that we are faced with of a Government that was established for good governance.

Twenty four hours time is the limit before which, under ordinary laws, a person must be produced before a magistrate, only to be produced before a magistrate. If he is suspected to have committed an offence that is non-bailable, as it is called, then the magistrate would remand the person, certainly at least for the first 15 days and thereafter, take over the directions of the investigations and under Section 115 of the Criminal Procedure Code, I believe, a magistrate would direct the investigations. That is the safeguard that our country is used to. The Hon. Minister himself said that merely extending it from 24 hours to 48 hours is not going to aid the investigation to be completed within 48 hours; nobody expects the investigations to be completed by 48 hours. If that be the case, what is the necessity for a person to be retained in the custody of the police when we have so much of evidence of abuse by the police of persons who are in their custody? ThePrevention of Terrorism Act has an exceptional provision to the ordinary law, Section 25 of the Evidence Ordinance, that a confession made to a police officer maybe admissible in evidence if it is made to a police officer not below the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police and subject to an inquiry by court if its voluntariness is challenged. That has been pronounced as a draconian provision and we know how that particular provision has actually impeded good investigations. Today, we have people convicted of offences purely on their supposed confession extracted through torture by the police whilst the actual offenders are, at large, roaming the streets. That is what the PTA resulted in. I think this maybe an opportune moment for me to urge the Government to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The Hon. Minister was heard to say that this is only a temporary provision, – Special Provisions – and that it will lapse in another two years. The Prevention of Terrorism Act was brought as a Temporary Provisions Act for a period of six months in 1979. But, for how long has it remained? In 1982, it was amended to remove, “Temporary Provisions” and it was made permanent and it has stayed in our statute books to the detriment of the country, to the detriment of several crimes being properly investigated and, at least, with the knowledge, with the good knowledge, of these facts, I am saddened that the Hon. Minister of Justice and Labour Relations is moving for the extension of this Order.Read More

Please help amplify survivors voices

24/03/2015

We are today launching a brand new campaign to place the voice of survivors of Sri Lanka’s civil war at the heart of the debate about Sri Lanka’s future.

Click here to sign the petition.

Just now we launched a report in which Tamil survivors of Sri Lanka’s civil war discuss in their own words their desires and expectations for justice and accountability, and what is needed to secure meaningful reconciliation and a lasting peace.

The report comes from an analysis of statements made by nearly 200 survivors of Sri Lanka’s civil war, taken at over a dozen focus groups across Sri Lanka’s Northern Province about a month after President Sirisena took office. We have taken these demands and turned them into a “Manifesto for peace”.

Click here to make sure those people’s voices are heard and to signal your support for the manifesto for peace

This campaign is urgently needed. The deferral of the publication of the OISL UN investigation into Sri Lanka, and the new Government’s unclear attitude to justice make this a vitally important time. The decisions made now could well shape Sri Lanka’s future for several generations. But no one seems to be interested in hearing from the victims themselves.

We need to change that, but we will only be able to do so if you help to amplify our voice.

This petition will allow people around the world, people like you, to express your support for survivor’s demands, and stand with survivors and the Sri Lanka Campaign in our belief that Sri Lanka’s fragile peace can only be made sustainable if these demands are met.

Click here to sign the petition.

P.S. We did not receive any funding to write this report. It was entirely funded by the generosity of supporters like you. If you are able to help us meet our running costs and pay for work like this, please click here. Without you our work would be impossible.

CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM: A LIBERAL WISH LIST

• by Asanga Welikala 
• - on 03/24/2015 

The Sri Lankan constitutional reform process has been ebbing and flowing, but in recent weeks, the promise of 8th January seemed to be more ebbing than flowing in the usual morass that our political class is uniquely capable of producing. But if some reports are to be believed, then it seems as if the ‘Troika’ of President Sirisena, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, and former President Kumaratunga, are rallying to save the reform mandate from dying an inglorious death. One can only hope that bringing the SLFP into government serves the dual purposes of ensuring the success of the reforms and marginalising the forces of chauvinism and authoritarianism. If the political centre, which represents the vast majority of Sri Lankan voters, can be so reconstituted that the UNP and SLFP can together deliver democracy reforms, then it bodes exceedingly well for the future of this country, and for the co-operation that must follow in ensuring devolution reforms in the future. Everyone concerned must remember that if they succeed in these collective efforts, they will be making history. If not, and if the collaboration merely provides a fig leaf for the continuation of the squalid politics as usual, the judgement of history will be commensurately harsh.
Constitutional Reform a Liberal Wish List by Thavam Ratna

Will Sri Lanka see the return of Rajapaksa?

Buzz is that the former president will try to become prime minister by contesting the upcoming general elections.

COLONEL R HARIHARAN 

Is former Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who suffered a surprise defeat in the January 2015 presidential election, set to be reincarnated as a prime minister? It would appear so, if we go by the moves of the national unity government as well as pro-Rajapaksa elements within the polity. Of course, Rajapaksa, the grandmaster of political intrigues, has kept everyone guessing despite continued speculation in media and political circles.

Even in his interview to The Hindu ten days back, he would not directly talk about getting back into the political scene. Instead he has tried to play the martyr card by complaining about the corruption investigation being carried out against some of his relatives and associates.

But Rajapaksa kept the speculation alive by saying “I would have just supported this government. But they want to probe, put us in jail, [and] take our passports without any evidence. How can I retire like this? I never said I would retire. At the moment I am taking a rest.” So it would be reasonable to conclude the chances he contesting the general election in April 2015.  

Of course, with skeletons of corruption tumbling every day from the Rajapaksa and co.’s cupboard, the former president has to make up his mind fast. There is no doubt corruption and misuse of power by the Rajapaksa family and its cronies have damaged the Rajapaksa brand, justifying the government investigations. But unless they are proven in a court of law 4.8 million voters who supported Rajapaksa will continue to consider him a political martyr rather than a self-centered autocrat.

This is the advantage Rajapaksa enjoys because even investigations into corruption cases - specially the mega projects - cannot be completed within the self-imposed 100-day deadline of the Sirisena government for holding parliamentary elections. And there is no way the investigations could be rushed through as some of the major cases involve the Chinese who have a number of options to delay the process.  

Rajapaksa appears to be taking cautious steps to gauge the public mood and reinforce his popular support with the Sinhala masses before he jumps back into the political fray. Two rallies organised by his admirers and smaller parties like the National Freedom Front (NFF) were well attended. There are probably more are on the anvil. The central theme of the rallies is to persuade Rajapaksa to contest the general election to regain power.

The small parties have a personal stake in Rajapaksa regaining power. If he does not do so, parties like NFF, Labour Party, Mahajana Eksath Peramuna, which had benefited from Rajapaksa’s political benevolence may well be left out in political wilderness.

It is significant that neither Rajapaksa nor the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) which he had nurtured for many years participated in the rallies. Apparently this was done perhaps intentionally to add an element of spontaneity to the whole exercise. The ebullient and acerbic NFF leader Wimal Weeravamsa is probably the point man in this effort. Of course, he has a personal axe to grind as his wife is facing serious charges of getting a diplomatic passport on false pretexts. Apart from this in the past Rajapaksa had fired potshots from his shoulder at some of the inconvenient targets.  

Going by this, the pro-Rajapaksa camp’s strategy to bring him back to power would probably cash in on latent fears of Sinhala masses and even some political parties. Three related themes likely to be included are: Sri Lanka heading for instability without Rajapaksa at the helm, loss of Chinese aid for major projects which could improve employment and development opportunities and revival of Tamil Tigers (with the possible help of India to ginger up Big Brother syndrome) encouraged by the Sirisena government. The participation of Left parties in this effort would come in handy to underplay the anti-minority credentials of the campaign.  

Even as the government contemplated introducing the all important 19th amendment (19A) to the constitution, the main Opposition party in Parliament, the SLFP, has joined the government—it could be Sirisena’s tactical move to gain SLFP support to push through 19A in Parliament. Though Sirisena leads the SLFP now, the move suits pro-Rajapaksa Trojans within the party as it can help dilute the government’s efforts to bring Rajapaksa and his cronies to book on corruption charges. 

Evidently unnerved by the possibility of the return of Rajapaksa, the national unity government is rushing 19A through Parliament. Far from turning the executive presidency to a ceremonial one as promised in the campaign against Rajapaksa, the amendment seeks only to curb certain powers of the executive president by re-establishing the Election Commission, the independent Police Commission, the Public Services Commission and the Constitutional Council. Presumably the two-term curb on the president would also be back.  

Though the cabinet had approved the abolition of the executive presidency, a compromise seems to have to been struck to shelve it for the time being to ward off objections from the SLFP which is divided on the issue. The decision also recognises the objections of the right wing Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), a member of the national unity alliance and strong supporter of the executive presidency. However, prime minister Wickremesinghe has told “abolitionists”, notably his foreign minister Mangala Samaraweera, that there should be a more comprehensive constitutional amendment under the new parliament which will be convened after the next parliamentary election according to the Daily News, Colombo.

So Rajapaksa seems to have scored a small but significant victory even while “taking rest” well before he joins the battle.

National Government: Presidential Election Betrayed

By Sumanasiri Liyanage -March 23, 2015

Sumanasiri Liyanage

Spinoza once said, “those who laugh last, laugh best”. People who voted to defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa regime out of power on January 8 might have celebrated their victory. However, even before passing magical 100 days, many of them may be thinking the change is just a chimera. New Ministers, State Ministers and Deputy Minister were sworn in making the size of the cabinet of ministers to 44. If you add the number of state minsters and deputy ministers the total number may be closer to the number of ministers in the MR regime. As The Island reported, “The number of Cabinet, State and Deputy ministers rose to 77 yesterday as 26 SLFPers were sworn in before President Maithripala Sirisena at the Presidential Secretariat.” In this sense and in many others, Maithripala-Ranil (that I call MR II) regime has no much difference from Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR I) regime. Even in the climax of war, Sri Lanka did not have a national government, nor during the Tsunami catastrophe. So one may justifiably ask: why now? For what? Prior to answer these questions, it is imperative to raise two points.

First, if we reflect on some of the views expressed by people who wholeheartedly supported Maithripala Sirisena candidacy on January 8, one thing is clear. All of them have already disappointed over the performance of the regime. The MR II regime has already shown political impotency, economic sterility and administrative incapacity so that it is highly unlikely to materialize what had been promised by Maithripala Sirisena during the election campaign. Although some prominent citizen oriented civil society practitioners hoped and expected that MR II regime would be essentially different from the MR I regime, in the context what has been happening now it is clear that more affinities than differences exist between the two. This convergence is clearly depicted by the formation of the so-called national government that is in fact a coalition between the UNP and the SLFP.

Secondly, it is necessary to understand the nature of the MR I regime and its technologies and modalities of governance. Let me focus only on critical characteristics. Mahinda Rajapaksa preferred unipolar governance in a seemingly bipolar or multipolar political context. He did not want to crush the opposition, he in fact said that he stood for a strong opposition. Nonetheless, he used both the carrot and stick in order to weaken the opposition by inviting opposition members to the cabinet. He had occasional coffee with the leader of the opposition. The presence of formal bipolarity was not an issue for him. This technology of governance worked quite well with neo-liberal economic policies put into practice in a country in which democratic elections are a feature with of great importance.

Three demands that made Maithripala Sirisena candidacy attractive to a wide spectrum of peoples are: (1) relief from economic hardships (2) democracy and democratization and (3) good governance. However, it is necessary to keep in mind that these three demands were understood by different segments of society in different way. The way in which democracy and democratization was understood by the Internally displaced people in the North differed significantly from the way in which it was understood and interpreted by Colombo civil society. In spite of preparing 100 days or 180 days calendars, these three demand cannot be implemented fully within the neo-liberal economic framework. However, MR II like MR I has no option. The class configuration of the MR II regime may not be able to develop an alternative economic framework. Once again, it has resorted to loans from the private sector as well as from the international financial organizations. IMF has already warned that it will not lend money to this regime until and unless it shows ‘fiscal discipline’.

The formation of the so-called national government demonstrates how and in what way MR II regime has proposed its governance strategy. MR I weakened the opposition while MR II brought in both the government and the opposition under one rubric of the government, the President and the Prime Minister (Subha and Yasa as I mentioned in my previous article). So it was very logical to amend the draft bill of 19th Amendmentspecifically mentioning that the President would appoint both the PM and the Leader of the Opposition. As the Minister Rajith Senaratne informed us that the two parties would contest next election separately but to form once again a ‘united’ government reshuffling the members of the Parliament into government and opposition. Hence MR II is planning to strengthen the unipolarity that was one of the features of the MR I regime.

Can the so-called national government ensure democracy, good governance and relief for poor classes? In my opinion, the JVP Parliamentarian, Sunil Hadunneththi was absolutely correct when he told that this is an attempt to hide some of the malpractices and corruption of the politicians of the previous government and to prepare the condition for UNPers to engage in the same practices. The cabinet system of government is preferred against the presidential system of government primarily because the later brings in multipolarity into the system of governance. Democracy also needs independent MPs who do not belong to group politics. These two conditions were erased when the Second Republican Constitution of 1978 was enacted. JR had absolute majority in the Parliament while his successors had to maintain the majority in the Parliament by throwing carrots in the form of minister posts. It began with President R Premadasa. Maithripala Sirisena is adopting a different methods by bringing in both the government and the opposition under him using not only the Constitution but also the Constitution of the SLFP. Hence the national government is a naked attempt at redesigning neo-liberalist rule.

Soon after the announcement of the so-called national government, business community appears to have responded favorably. Ceylon Finance Today reported: “The formation of a national government as reported in the lead story of this newspaper on its yesterday’s (Sunday, 22 March) edition will augur well for the economy, market sources told Ceylon FT.

A national government will give the needed political stability to attract that much wanted foreign direct investments (FDI) in to the country, the sources said. That will lend stability to the beleaguered rupee, currently buffeted by depreciating pressure due to a combination of import demand, foreigners exiting from the government securities market and Government of Sri Lanka’s (GoSL’s) foreign debt servicing commitments.”

*The writer is the co-coordinator of the Marx School – e-mail: sumane_l@yahoo.com

Sri Lanka’s political moment: Rediscovering our kinship and common history

by Harendra Alwis 

- on 03/24/2015 

As the new administration has begun to unpack promises made during a hasty election campaign, it is clear that they are constrained by their own political capacity, the limitations of a minority government and more generally by what is politically feasible at present. Within the government, ministerial appointments have had to exceed the bounds that were promised in order to accommodate and retain the diverse – and unlikely – coalition that now controls the executive. Even then, multiple ‘government spokespeople’ have contradicted themselves and statements made by their leader on numerous occasions – indicating weak leadership and lack of consensus even among members of Cabinet. It is of primary importance – in my analysis – that we understand how the volatility within government and critical vulnerabilities in its policies imperil not only the present administration and its vital reforms agenda, but also the Sri Lankan state as we know it. I shall therefore focus this analysis on identifying critical vulnerabilities in the government’s policies that undermine not only its mandated reform agenda but also the geographic and political make-up of the Sri Lankan state – in the face of challenges posed by political forces that are at the fringe of government as well as those external to it. I will then discuss a key elements that I believe should necessarily be part of a comprehensive framework for addressing the question of national and political reconciliation in Sri Lanka; that would help overcome some of the long-term structural problems that have plunged the Sri Lankan state and generations of its people into cycles of violence for well over a century.

Sri Lanka’s Political Moment Rediscovering Our Kinship and Common History by Thavam Ratna

What Queen told Maithri about Tiger protesters...

What Queen told Maithri about Tiger protesters...

2015-03-25

President Maithripala revealed an interesting episode of what Queen Elizabeth told him during his recent visit to Britain to the media heads when the latter met the President last week at a breakfast meeting. When he met the Queen, the pro-LTTE Tamil Diaspora in London had been protesting outside. "Don't those who protest outside know that there is a new government in Sri Lanka?" the Queen had asked Maithri. By this statement, the Queen posed two views; that she was opposed to the protest outside by the Tamil Diaspora and was eager to know what the new Sri Lanka Government would do to help the Tamils. Maithri understood the statement in the correct perspective. Even British Premier David Cameron had posed the same question.

Indian Premier Narendra Modi who came to Sri Lanka recently urged Maithri to find a solution beyond 13 A to the Tamil issue. Maithri put the entire crisis in a lighter vein to the editors recalling the Sinhala saying, "The country was facing global challenges in a way the crabs danced inside a boiling pan". While he made this quip, there were plans to establish a National Government and discussions were taking place. His decision to approve the National Anthem to be sung in Tamil was viewed differently by his own SLFP. That indicated that the pro-Mahinda group within the SLFP was promoting racism within the SLFP. That could have been the reason that Maithri thought to accommodate SLFPers to form a National Government to win over the global challenges. Ranil Wickremesinghe would have endorsed Maithri's stand as Ranil knows that the UNP alone could not face the mounting international pressure.

In 2002, the international community pressurized Ranil who was in power at that time to establish a national government. He was told by the international community that he should seek the support of then President Chandrika Kumaratunga towards the peace process and to offer several ministerial portfolios to the SLFP. When Chandrika took over three ministries from Ranil's Government, the international community stressed the need for a National Government to safeguard the peace process. Though Ranil appointed his confidante Malik Samarawickreme to discuss the possibility of setting up a National Government with Chandrika, it proved futile. Chandrika dissolved the Parliament due to JVP pressure. If a National Government was formed at that time, the peace process would have been safeguarded avoiding the loss and destruction suffered due to the terrorist war. Then the international community would not have mounted pressure on this island nation.

Rectification
When Chandrika took over certain ministries from Ranil, Prabhakaran had withdrawn from the peace process. He withdrew knowing that a durable solution to the crisis would only bring threats to his life if permanent peace was restored. He also knew that he could not indulge in politics freely having murdered Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi and other local Tamil political leaders. Therefore, he was adamant to scuttle the peace process. Chandrika and the JVP were caught in that trap. Today, Maithri, Chandrika and Ranil may be engaged in correcting that mistake which were committed at that time. The National Government formed last Sunday was a result of their discussions. Mahinda has started to incite racism again. Like the JVP did in 2004 to attract Chandrika and the SLFP to follow their anti-peace agenda, Mahinda may be trying to destroy the Maithri, Chandrika, Ranil coalition to take the SLFP under his racist agenda. Under such circumstances, the Tamil issue can never be resolved. On these lines, attempts may be made to identify the Maithri, Chandrika, Ranil trio which is trying to win international challenges as traitors of the nation. If this National Government was formed to resolve the Tamil crisis in order to win the international challenges, the nation must salute Maithri, Chandrika and Ranil. If Maithri, Chandrika and Ranil had formed this National Government to gain political advantage, they are betraying the voters who voted Maithri to the presidency. However, the journey made to Jaffna this week to distribute land deeds to the Tamil people, the government's agenda is now clear.

Sri Lanka plans legislation outlawing racist, religious extremist groups
The Sri Lankan government is planning implement a law that bans racist and religious extremist groups at a time of heightening tensions in the predominantly Buddhist country.

Pope Francis wears a saffron-coloured robe as he sits next to Hindu Ndu-Kurukkal SivaSri T. Mahadeva (R) and Buddhist monk Ittapane Dhammalankara (L) during the Interreligious Encounter at the Bmich in Colombo January 13, 2015. Pope Francis called on Sri Lanka to uncover the truth of what happened during its bloody civil war as part of a healing process between religious communities, as he arrived in Colombo a few days after the island's wartime leaders were voted out.PHOTO: REUTERS / STEFANO RELLANDINI

Miko Morelos-Monday, March 23 2015

The Sri Lankan government is planning implement a law that bans racist and religious extremist groups at a time of heightening tensions in the predominantly Buddhist country.

Newly-elected President Maithripala Sirisena intends to propose the measure when the Sri Lankan parliament convenes in the coming weeks.

It is part of his "100 Days Work Program," said National Executive Committee member Azath Salley.

In a recent interview with ucanews.com, Salley explained that the program is a series of promises Sirisena wants to accomplish in his first 100 days in office.

The president recognized that among the problems hounding the country were increasing incidences of harassment of religious minorities, Salley said.

"We experienced many hate speeches and campaigns against other minor religions and saw many attacks on Muslim and Christian places of worship during the last administration," the committee member said.

http://www.ucanews.com/news/sri-lanka-weighs-new-law-that-would-ban-extremist-groups/73228

Sirisena's predecessor, Mahindra Rajapaksa, had been accused of backing some organizations tagged as extremists that incite racial and religious tensions. Rajapaksa lost a reelection bid early this year.

Among the groups being linked to Rajapaksa is the Buddhist organization Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), whose members had been accused of targeting Muslims in two coastal towns in July 2014. The attacks left four persons dead and 80 others injured.

Buddhists account for around 70 percent of the Sri Lankan population, followed by Hindus (15 percent), Christians (8 percent) and Muslims (7 percent)

Salley pointed out that passing a measure to ban inciting groups ensures the safety and well-being of all sectors of the society by keeping in check organizations that have a tendency to target minorities.

"We need a more disciplined society and these attacks on minority religions should not take place in future," Salley said.

A Catholic Church official from the Archdiocese of Colombo called the proposal a welcome move from the new government.

"This call for all citizens to give up racial and religious hatred must be profusely worked on in order to dispel fear, hatred, vengeance and vilification campaigns," said Father Reid Shelton Fernando, former coordinator for interreligious dialogue at the archdiocese.

He said the proposed law is a step in the right direction considering the growing number of violent incidents against minorities in the country.

As Sarath Fonseka is decorated as field marshal , so those uniformed war criminals of north , Rathupaswala, Alutgama should be punished

(Lanka-e-News- 23.March.2015, 11.50PM) For the first time in Sri Lanka , a field marshal was appointed. This is the  highest rank in  the forces and that rare  honor was bestowed yesterday (22) on former army commander Sarath Fonseka. This ceremony officially took place at the defense ministry premises under the patronage of president Maithripala Sirisena , the commanding chief of the forces.

A field marshal is entitled to five stars , and Fonseka ‘s official vehicle will carry a five star flag. It is noteworthy that Fonseka will no day be  sent on pension.  A field marshal is eligible to all privileges of a cabinet minister , and some are even in excess of those. Accordingly , he will be entitled to a special security convoy, and a permanent office . Moreover , a field marshal only salutes the State leader , and none else not even the leader of government . 

It is also the first time in the world the field marshal title has been awarded to a war hero who won  a war fighting against rebels of his own country , for anywhere else in the world field marshal elevation is awarded only to a war hero  showing exceptional skills in his efforts to  rescue his country from foreign invasion.

Moreover , it is only a King or a State  engaged in a war that  confers the honor of field marshal on its special hero , and never before any King or State  that was not involved in the war has conferred such an honor. Yet no one is objecting to such an honor being  conferred on Gen. Fonseka after the war . It is not because of the torment and  pain of mind that was inflicted on him by the then vindictive  rulers who held the reins  during the war , but rather  because of political  reasons going beyond military considerations.

Fonseka was injured on three occasions in the battle field , yet  even after half of his bowels were removed consequent upon those attacks, he bravely bore the sufferings and returned back to win the war . The rulers who punished him by sending him to jail just because he engaged in politics are brutes and beasts , no doubt.  Just a week after he had polled 4.8 million votes of the people , those ruthless rulers were in such  a demented condition they arranged to abduct him from his house , and jailed him. With the sole and whole aim of imprisoning him , the former rulers stooped to such sordid levels of injustice even as to equate   a military court to a  normal court of justice. 

When a government that was not involved in the war bestows a  field marshal honor on Gen. Fonseka ,despite  controversies  militarily , these controversies get  drowned politically , and such controversies must indeed be subordinated. 

With the field marshal title being fastened  on former army commander  Fonseka , the media reported , there are requests to similarly elevate the air force commander and naval commander of the  war period too  as air force field marshal and navy grand Admiral ( equivalent to field marshal in the army ) respectively  . This request of course is deserving only of derision and  ridicule .

It is an acknowledged truth that it was a group of few boys and immature youths who initially robbed some T 56 weapons from  the security divisions which  grew into an armed  force owning submarines, all   because of the external support they received, and  weapons procured  by the sea route. Finally , all these had to be captured by the army that operated terrestrially. In those circumstances , to bestow an  honor of grand Admiral on such  an inefficient navy commander who could not provide ocean security to the country will be the biggest joke of the century.

In addition , by now he is also tainted with charges of abducting and killing innocent students after collecting extortion monies . He did these after enlisting a  group of his and  the white van . There is   cogent and copious evidence testifying to those crimes. In the whole wide world there is not a  country that had bestowed  honor of Grand admiral on  an individual against whom there are charges of war crimes. 

The Air force commander is no better. It was the army that operating  from  ground that identified 7 enemy air runways. Until then the air force was not aware that the country’s enemy was in possession of  them. Besides , the air force was unable to destroy even a single enemy plane or in its flight when it invaded the air space on several occasions entering  the capital city and escaping  after launching  aerial attacks, let alone providing aerial security to the country. Hence, decorating such an air force commander with the title of Field marshal will be most ludicrous and ridiculous.

In any event with the appointment of Sarath Fonseka as the field marshal , a number of questions have cropped up.  They are as follows : 

Fonseka who gave up his uniform and became a layman to enter politics has again worn the uniform from today . This is not just a uniform but what  he will wear until his death and is a military uniform. That is he is a military officer. After wearing that sublime  uniform , it is a question how lawful is it if he takes to politics as a civilian.? How far  is it in conformity with ethical norms ? 

An individual of that lofty position when engaging in civilian politics  cannot be the same as the other civilian politicians. Therefore with Fonseka becoming a field marshal he should quit the post of leader of the Democratic party. Moreover , a new government has been installed after a 30 year old war , to heal the old bruises and to reconcile the ethnic communities  in  the Lankan society, and create harmony.

In that context , when a chief of the forces who fought the war is being honored , steps must be taken to buoy the hearts of every civilian who was a victim of the war too.  It is not   pampering the extremists but rather encouraging the Tamil civilians who are in distress and dire straits. Like how the war chief is being honored , the war criminals too  should be punished.   That is  what, not only  the Tamils of the north , but even the Rathupaswala Sinhalese and the Muslims of Alutgama are desiring and  looking forward to.

In much the same way as adorning the field marshal with a new uniform , every member of the forces wearing uniform who engaged in politics most degradingly and disgracefully must compulsorily be punished. That is the ultimate desire and hope  of every Sinhalese , Tamil and Muslim . That must be well and truly  understood .

By Wimal Dheerasekera 
Translated by Jeff