Ukraine accuses separatists of abusing Minsk deal with land grab

Ukraine's Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin speaks during an interview with Reuters in Brussels October 8, 2014.

BY RICHARD BALMFORTH-KIEV Tue Jan 20, 2015

(Reuters) - Ukraine on Tuesday accused pro-Russian separatists of taking advantage of a ceasefire deal signed last September to seize more territory in the east and said Kiev would demand its return in any future peace talks.

Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin's charge that the rebels had seized more than 500 square km (194 square miles) beyond agreed separation lines opened up a potential new area of discord with Russia in diplomacy aimed at ending the nine-month-old conflict.

At talks under the auspices of the OSCE security watchdog in the Belarussian capital Minsk last September, Ukraine, Russia and separatist leaders agreed a plan which included a ceasefire and a withdrawal of foreign fighters and military equipment.

Subsequent meetings established the separation lines between government forces and the separatists, whom the West and Kiev say are armed by the Russian military, a charge Moscow denies.

Despite the ceasefire call, the Kiev military says more than 200 Ukrainian soldiers and hundreds of civilians have been killed since September.

The separatists have sought to dislodge government forces from the international airport in the rebel-controlled city of Donetsk, an important symbol for both sides in a conflict which has killed more than 4,800 people.

Other areas where Ukrainians say they have lost territory to the rebels are in the southeast towards Mariupol, by the Sea of Azov, and around Debaltseve, a rail hub northeast of Donetsk.

Klimkin, speaking on the eve of a meeting in Berlin with Russia's Sergei Lavrov and the foreign ministers of Germany and France, reaffirmed that Ukraine wants to press ahead with talks only on the basis of the Minsk agreements.

"Taking advantage of the fact that our forces complied with the ceasefire, the terrorists seized very substantial territory - more than 500 square kilometres," he told a news conference.

He said Ukraine in future meetings of the so-called 'contact group' involving separatist leaders would seek a "detailed plan to return to the separation line.

"But this line is the line fixed ... in Minsk," he said.

Ukraine has used the same argument to justify its forces launching a counter-offensive at Donetsk airport, saying they were pushing back separatists to the agreed separation lines.

Russia has criticised the Kiev military's move as a "strategic mistake".

The Kremlin says President Vladimir Putin, in a letter to Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko, has put the emphasis on the need to pull large-calibre weapons out of the conflict zone.

Ukrainian officials imply Moscow is seeking to avoid other parts of the Minsk agreements - specifically the need to withdraw foreign fighters and military equipment from Ukraine.

(Additional reporting by Pavel Polityuk, Editing by Timothy Heritage)

The Last Country in the World Where Divorce Is Illegal

Welcome to the Philippines, home to philandering politicians, millions of “illegitimate” children, and marital laws that make Italy look liberal.

BY TOM HUNDLEY , ANA P. SANTOS

Tom Hundley is senior editor at the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.ANA P. SANTOSTom Hundley is senior editor at the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting., ANA P. SANTOS

NILA, Philippines — On the occasion of his 84th birthday in 2011, friends of former Filipino Senator Ramon Revilla, a darkly handsome film star turned politician, unveiled an imposing 10-meter-high bronze statue in his honor.
The Last Country in the World Where Divorce is Illegal by Thavam Ratna

Hong Kong court hears final arguments in high-profile maid abuse trial

Erwiana Sulistyaningsih, left, an Indonesian maid who was allegedly tortured by her employer in Hong Kong, was interviewed by Hong Kong police investigators at a hospital in Indonesia last year. Pic: AP.

By Meredith McBride | @MeredithJamie

Defense lawyers for Law Wan-tung, the 44-year-old who is accused of abusing three domestic workers who worked in her Hong Kong home, accused 23-year-old Erwiana Sulistyaningsih of being dishonest and exaggerating in her testimony.

Attending the trial Tuesday morning was Erwiana and fellow prosecution witness Tutik Lestari Ningsih, as well as Law and her two teenage children, both of whom testified on behalf of their mother. Law declined the opportunity to testify.

Judge Amanda Woodcock heard the final arguments from both the prosecution and defense before adjourning the trial until February 10, when she will present her findings and deliver a verdict.

Medical evidence presented earlier in the trial showed that Erwiana, from Indonesia, had suffered a hematoma on the back of her head. The medical records could not rule out the possibility that the injuries were caused by accidental falls, said the defense.

Both of Law’s children had told the court that they witnessed Erwiana hurt herself accidentally in the bathroom, though at the time they were not too concerned about her injuries.

Defense lawyer Graham Harris questioned why Erwiana didn’t complain to anyone about her treatment if she had been abused and not paid for eight months. Harris said Erwiana’s claims were exaggerated and accused her and the two other domestic workers of being “opportunistic”.

The defense also claimed that the testimonies of Tutik and Nurhasanah were not reliable because they were not supported by enough independent evidence. In total 14 prosecution witnesses and four defense witnesses were called to the stand during the trial.

In December, Erwiana testified that she was repeatedly scratched, kicked, and beaten by Law, and was given only rice and slices of bread to eat. She also recalled an incident in which the defendant shoved a metal vacuum tube into her mouth and twisted it. Erwiana said that her wounds in photographs were caused by beatings so severe that she had to wear a diaper.

Prosecution lawyer Louisa Lai recalled Erwiana’s testimony that her employer was obsessed with cleanliness and only allowed Erwiana to use the toilet twice a day, or otherwise urinate in plastic bags.

“The defendant was never satisfied with her work. The question was – why did it take seven months for her to send her away? This certainly defies common sense. The only explanation was that [she] was treated like a slave,” Lai told the court.

In addition to the 10 counts of criminal intimidation and abuse, Law is accused of an additional 10 counts for failing to pay wages and grant rest days to Erwiana. Law pleaded guilty to one count for failing to produce insurance.

Activists gathered outside the Wan Chai District Court before the final arguments to protest the treatment of domestic workers in Hong Kong, carrying placards that read “We are not slaves”.

During her stay in Hong Kong for the trial, Erwiana has been under the care of Mission for Migrant Workers, a charity providing aid to Asian workers in the city.

Another criminal trial involving a domestic worker was scheduled for Monday morning. Anis Adriyani, also from Indonesia, was hospitalized in Hong Kong early last year for a severed finger. She alleges that her employer chopped her finger to the bone while she was working in the kitchen.

The trial, however, was delayed till Thursday due to the absence of Adriyani’s medical record from the Hong Kong doctor. The judge granted the prosecution time to retrieve the evidence.

Activists, including those at Mission for Migrant Workers, say that such cases are not uncommon, but are part of a worrying trend in which foreign domestic workers have trouble accessing help when employers are abusive.

About the author:
Meredith McBride is a Hong Kong based journalist and advocate with Hong Kong Helpers Campaign.

China's 2014 economic growth misses target, hits 24-year low

The China Central Television (CCTV) Headquarters (tallest building on L) and other office buildings are pictured in Beijing's central business district, January 20, 2015. 

 Labourers work at a construction site for a new commercial building in Beijing January 19, 2015. 
CREDIT: REUTERS/KIM KYUNG-HOON

BY KEVIN YAO AND PETE SWEENEY-BEIJING/SHANGHAI Tue Jan 20, 2015

(Reuters) - China's economy grew at its slowest pace in 24 years in 2014 as property prices cooled and companies and local governments struggled under heavy debt burdens, keeping pressure on Beijing to take aggressive steps to avoid a sharper downturn.

European and Asian shares in fact rose on relief that the news was not worse; the Shanghai Composite index gained 1.85 percent, Japan's Nikkei 225 index saw its biggest one-day gain in a month and European markets rallied.

But for investors worried about growth in China and the world this year, the data poses two questions:

Will the soft numbers and expectations of further weakness force the central bank to pump hundreds of billions of dollars into banks system-wide to prop up growth? And if so, what does that mean for Beijing's attempts to reform its economy?

The world's second-largest economy grew 7.4 percent in 2014, official data showed on Tuesday, barely missing its official 7.5 percent target but still the slowest since 1990, when it was hit by sanctions in the wake of the Tiananmen Square crackdown. It expanded 7.7 percent in 2013.

Fourth-quarter growth held steady at 7.3 percent from a year earlier, slightly better than expectations.

Few had expected China to meet its 7.5 percent full-year target, but the performance was better than some had feared after a rough few months raised concerns the economy may be heading for a hard landing.

"The country's period of miraculous break-neck growth is over, but let's get over it," said a commentary on the official Xinhua news service, referring to a long string of double-digit expansion.

"The end of the high-speed growth era does not spell an end for China's economy."

"QUITE POSITIVE DEVELOPMENT"

Modest support measures from the government over the year helped stave off a more dramatic slowdown, while Beijing's tolerance of somewhat slower growth sent a message that reform remains a priority.

"This is the best possible miss you could have from a messaging standpoint," said Andrew Polk, economist at the Conference Board in Beijing.

"The government is saying, 'we're not married to this specific target, we missed it and we're okay.' That seems to me a quite positive development."

Still, a further slowdown in China could hinder the chances of a revival in global growth in 2015, given the major role it plays, in particular for commodities and high-tech.

Indeed, Polk said the GDP figure was difficult to square with other negative signs.

China's property market - a major driver of demand across a range of industries - has proven stubbornly unresponsive to policy support, and lending data from the banking system shows both enduring weakness and a resurgence in the shadow banking system, which Beijing has been struggling to rein in.

Policymakers also are concerned about the potential onset of a deflationary cycle, aggravated by plummeting energy prices, industrial overcapacity and sluggish demand.

Systemic deflation, an economically toxic cycle in which investors and consumers hold off on fresh spending on the assumption prices will drop further in the future, could leave China in a similar condition to Japan, and is cited as a major reason why Beijing will need to put more money into the system.

At the same time, there may be a looming fiscal crisis among debt-sodden local governments, which depend on land sales for most of their revenue. And more companies, especially small property developers, could flirt with default.

Nevertheless, the International Monetary Fund's chief economist Olivier Blanchard said slower growth seen for 2015 reflects a welcome decision by the Chinese government to rebalance the economy away from a heavy reliance on investment and exports to a more consumption-based growth model.

The IMF predicts China's economy will grow 6.8 percent in 2015, while the median forecast in a Reuters poll of economists sees an expansion of around 7 percent.

December data posted numerous upside surprises after a weak November. Factory output rose 7.9 percent, while retail sales rose 11.9 percent, both above market expectations.

However, growth in fixed asset investment, a key growth driver, eased to 15.7 percent in the whole of 2014 from the previous year, hovering near a 13-year low.

Investment growth in real estate slowed to a five-year low and new construction slumped, even as home sales improved at the end of the year.

MORE EASING OR LESS?

With China's growth seen cooling further this year, more support measures are still expected, though economists are divided over what tools policymakers will use and when.

"The overall numbers lower the need for further stimulus, although there remains some room for easing as risks are still skewed to the downside," said Dariusz Kowalczyk, economist at Credit Agricole in Hong Kong.

He expected the central bank to cut interest rates again in the first quarter, after a surprise move in November, and slash banks' required reserve ratio (RRR) by 100 basis points in the first half of 2015 in a bid to spur more lending.

Others, however, think Beijing may have to get more aggressive, even at risk of reinflating asset bubbles, given the need to reduce debt burdens at Chinese companies which are inhibiting them from fresh investments.

"I don't expect monetary policy to accelerate growth, though," said Wang of UBS.

"Final demand in the economy is very weak and it's unlikely that the corporate sector will take this credit and invest in new projects, so containing financial risk and stabilising growth is the trend for this year."

(Additional reporting by Jake Spring; Editing by Kim Coghill)

How to Shop for Real Honey: MassReport Interview with an Expert

How to Shop for Real Honey: MassReport Interview with an Expert

Due to an experiment funded by Food Safety News (FSN) many people are questioning what constitutes honey and where it comes from: Is the honey sold at groceries stores actually what we think of as ‘honey’? This is a great question but not for the same reasons as the FSN. The article stressed that the USDA regulates that any product left without traces of pollen is no longer “honey”. They say this is important because pollen allows for you to trace where the honey regionally came from. They find this really important because of accusations that Chinese honey is entering the US market under the guise of ultra-filtrated honey — whose origins cannot be traced.
How to Shop for Real Honey MassReport Interview With an Expert by Thavam Ratna

Ideas for a Road Map for Truth and Justice in Sri Lanka

by Bhavani Fonseka

- on 01/19/2015 

The new year has brought significant changes in Sri Lanka. President Maithripala Sirisena and his Government face many challenges and opportunities. Reform has been promised and expectations are high. In the wake of the elections, Pope Francis’ visit to Sri Lanka to canonize the country’s first saint was a highlight. Those involved in setting out the reform agenda should use his arrival speech as a guide, with specific attention to the following words: “The process of healing also needs to include the pursuit of truth, not for the sake of opening old wounds, but rather as a necessary means of promoting justice, healing and unity.” Such sentiments are missing in the Sirisena Government’s official documents and statements. This article briefly sets out why addressing truth and justice are critical if we as Sri Lankans are to have a chance at genuine and long-term reconciliation.

Ideas for a Road Map for Truth and Justice in Sri Lanka by Thavam Ratna

FUTA Calls For UGC Chairperson Kshanika To Step Down

January 19, 2015

The Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) today called upon the Chairperson of the University Grants Commission to step down from the position. Sending a letter to Professor Kshanika Hiriburegama, the FUTA has highlighted serious instances of misconduct and abuse of power by her.

We publish below the letter in full;

Professor Kshanika Hirimburegama

Professor Kshanika Hirimburegama

Chairperson

University Grants Commission

Ward Place

Colombo-07.

Dear Professor Hiriburegama, Call for Resignation

As you know, the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) has brought several serious issues to your notice for some time. You have unfortunately not responded satisfactorily to any of these issues. Additionally, your actions in recent times have brought the office of the University Grants Commission (UGC) to disrepute. Those actions constitute abuse of your position as Chairperson of the UGC. These include:

1. Campaigning for a Presidential candidate misusing your position and authority as Chair of the UGC and using your position to influence university academics to sign a petition in favour of Presidential candidate Mahinda Rajapakse and publicly campaigning on his behalf, thereby subjecting to partisan politicization the important public office you hold.

2. Ignoring instances of clear conflict of interests such as accepting positions to the boards of various private higher educational institutions and your failure to recuse yourself from the matter relating to the appointment of the Colombo University Vice-Chancellor in which your spouse was an applicant. This coupled with the fact that your spouse was eventually appointed although he received the lowest votes in the University Council compels us to conclude that you manipulated the process in his favour.

3. Blocking of the appointment of a qualified and deserving candidate to the post of Professor of Surgery at the Faculty of Medicine, University of Colombo, during your tenure as Vice-Chancellor of the University of Colombo, and further obstructing the course of justice and misusing your position as UGC Chair by refusing to take remedial action in this instance, even when advised to do so by the then Secretary to H.E the President Mr Lalith Weeratunga.

Furthermore you have failed to respond to issues that have been raised with you by FUTA on several occasions. These include:

1. Nominating Dr Priyantha Premakumara to attend ASAHIL International Conference in June 2014 despite his ineligibility.

2. Selection of a student to the University of Ruhuna violating all established procedures, based on a letter provided by Mr. Namal Rajapakse, Member of Parliament.

3. Ignoring the serious allegations of malpractice at several universities, including the Eastern University and Jaffna University, which were brought to your notice on several occasions.

Due to these extremely serious instances of misconduct and abuse of power, you have unfortunately lost the confidence and respect of the university academic community. As such, you will agree that you are not in a position to give leadership to the university community. Therefore, as unanimously agreed at the Emergency FUTA Executive Committee meeting held on the 16th of January 2015, we have no option but to request you, on behalf of our entire membership that you immediately resign from your position as Chairperson of the University Grants Commission. Your failure to do so will create a crisis situation in the university system which we are sure you would wish to avoid at all cost.

Yours Sincerely,

Mr. Chandraguptha Thenuwara – President/FUTA and Prof. Rohan Fernando – Secretary/FUTA

POPE’S VISIT IS ONE OF FOUR BLESSINGS OF THE NEW YEAR--JEHAN PERERA

 19 January 2015

The Bishop of Mannar Rayappu Joseph has been a strong critic of the government in the past. He was made out to be a supporter of the LTTE both by government leaders and the media. But he was also a strong critic of the LTTE and its violations of human rights, especially forcible recruitment of children and attacks on civilians. At various times there were apprehensions that he was being targeted by one or the other side. This was due to his striking an independent path as is expected of a true religious leader. This was also in the tradition of Joseph Vaz who was canonized by Pope Francis during his visit to Sri Lanka. When he came to Sri Lanka in the 17th century to Fr Vaz did not involve himself in the internal power struggles of the Catholic Church of those times, but stood for the interests of the people he had come to sustain. This has also been the case with Bishop Joseph who has been a strong advocate for the rights of the Tamil people but without losing sight of the interests of the people of the entire country.

Prior to Pope Francis’s arrival in Sri Lanka, there was a concern that the visit of the Pope would be utilized for the political agenda of the then government. Some sections of civil and religious society even urged the postponement of the Holy Father’s visit, on the grounds that its proximity to the elections would unnecessarily involve mixing politics with religion and that the hurly burly of politics would distract the people from the sanctity of the occasion. Bishop Rayappu Joseph speaking on behalf of the Church explained why it did not seek such a postponement. He said, “We cannot dismiss the fears posed by some individuals, that the elections would disrupt the visit. But we had to balance these fears with the understanding of what is good for all the Catholics of Sri Lanka. The Church of Sri Lanka has decided to put aside any differences and stand by the decision that the Holy Father should visit Sri Lanka. The Papal visit is a visual visit of Christ on earth ...”

At the conclusion of the pope’s visit to Sri Lanka, Bishop Joseph put the visit into a positive perspective. He pointed out three blessings that the New Year had brought through a turn of events in which there had been a change of president, the political parties had decided to work together on national issues and the pope had visited the North of Sri Lanka for the first time. While he has been critical of the way Tamils have been treated in Sri Lanka and the absence of positive initiatives of successive governments, on this occasion the bishop was quoted as saying of the pope’s visit to Mannar that “This has given us joy, hope and happiness. The Tamils in the North had been praying for peace for a long time and even after the war had problems.” The hope and optimism in this statement is a reflection of the healing and reconciliation that is already commencing, which is the fourth blessing.

WARM WELCOME
Pope Francis received a warm welcome in Sri Lanka. Those who came from neighbouring countries noted that religious harmony appeared to be high and that while Buddhist temples dot the landscape, the national media gave full coverage to the papal visit. The President Maithripala Sirisena and members of the government met with the pope. At the conclusion of the pope’s visit, Bishop Joseph once again put the visit into a positive perspective of hope. He pointed to three blessings the New Year, 2015, had brought with it. It had brought forth a new president, the country’s political parties had decided to work together and the visit of the pope to Madhu was the first time a pope had visited the North of the country. These positive comments of the bishop are indeed the fourth blessing, and the hope he expressed are indications that the process of healing and reconciliation is already under way.

During his time in Sri Lanka, the pope acknowledged it was not easy to overcome the legacy of injustice, hostility and mistrust left by years of conflict. He said, “It can only be done by overcoming evil with good and by cultivating those virtues which foster reconciliation, solidarity and peace. The process of healing also needs to include the pursuit of truth, not for the sake of opening old wounds, but rather as a necessary means of promoting justice, healing and unity.” The path to these goals, he also said, become clearer “Whenever people listen to one another humbly and openly, their shared values and aspirations become all the more apparent. Diversity is no longer seen as a threat but as a source of enrichment.”

The visit of the pope came at a fortuitous time. The country was only five days after a bitterly contested election that polarized the polity. At stake was the most powerful political position in the country. At stake also was the fate of the most powerful political family that this country has seen in recent times. Many believed that President Mahinda Rajapaksa could not be defeated, and others feared that even if he was defeated he would not go. But when the Pope arrived in Sri Lanka the transfer of power had taken place peacefully and democratically. The former president has denied that he was involved in any undemocratic bid to halt the counting of votes and impose a State of Emergency when defeat loomed. The commitment to democracy that is embedded within the structures of the state, and also in its armed forces, was strong enough to overcome any anti-democratic initiative.

MAJOR FAILURES
The major failure of the previous government was its unwillingness to transcend the mind-set and institutional mechanisms of the war period. If it was necessary during the war to centralize power to take swift decisions in the interests of winning the war, the end of the war put an end to this need. More certain was the need to have anti terrorist measures in place, including a vast system of intelligence gathering to protect the country. But after the defeat of the LTTE using the security forces as another instrument of governance was not justifiable in the same way as it had once been. The failure to change course and develop a peace-time mode of governance alienated the ethnic minorities, even those sections who had been supportive of the government in the past.

One of the most significant events during the pope’s short three day visit to Sri Lanka was the religious service he conducted at Madhu, which is sacred to both Sinhalese and Tamil Catholics, and where the last battles of the war were fought and which once hosted the largest camp for internally displaced victims of the war. The families of those who had been directly affected by war were provided space near to where pope was, and he went up to them and held them. Speaking there he referred to the war and noted the families present who had “suffered greatly in the long conflict which tore open the heart of Sri Lanka,” and in which “many people, from north and south alike, were killed in the terrible violence and bloodshed.” The religious service in Madhu was to help in the national healing and reconciliation process. The sense of the North is that their losses during the war and the pain they have experienced is not acknowledged by the rest of Sri Lanka.

The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the Sri Lankan government after the end of the war recommended a public commemoration at which all those who lost their lives in the war would be remembered. Although the war ended in 2009 and the LLRC report was published in 2011 the only public commemorations have been by the Sri Lankan government when it remembers the war victory and the sacrifice of the soldiers. The visit of Pope Francis to Sri Lanka in the aftermath of this change of presidency has helped to consolidate a new space and spirit in which the past may be acknowledged, justice obtained and forgiveness given. When he conducted the religious services in Madhu the pope remembered all of those who lost their lives and all who were victims of the war. He took a first step to the hearts of the Tamil people who have been feeling isolated. After the Pope’s visit the government and the larger society will have to take the second and third steps.

Shamed former IMF boss was on Sri Lanka CB’s payroll, was here on Oct 26-28, 2014 

January 19, 2015  
Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the shamed former IMF Managing Director involved in many sex scandals, unknowing to many had been hired as a costly advisor to Sri Lanka’s Central Bank (CB), the Sunday Times reliably understands. 

He was in Sri Lanka between October 26 to 28, 2014, it is learnt. The former high profile banker who was forced to resign in May 2011, had been hired – apparently at some time during the past six months – on a contract believed to be worth US$ 750,000 (Rs.98.4 million) to help make Sri Lanka a financial hub. Barring probably former CB Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal and a few others, not many CB senior employees were aware of this, it is learnt. Dubious deals in many places including the CB are slowly emerging after the recent presidential election in which Maithripala Sirisena beat incumbent President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Frenchman Strauss-Kahn was accused of rape and sexual assault, a charge that was subsequently dropped due to lack of evidence, and participating in several sex parties. 

According to a statement to the media by the CB in December 2013, Strauss-Kahn had paid a courtesy call on Governor Cabraal on December 13th “at the Governor’s Office in Colombo where they discussed matters of mutual interest”. The release was issued with a photograph. 

After the post-Election Euphoria

By Izeth Hussain-January 18, 2015, 9:25 pm 

After the euphoria caused by what was for most people (though not for me) the unexpected election victory of Maithripala Sirisena, we are now in the post-euphoria phase in which we feel the need for sober assessment of what it’s all about and what the prospects might be. It’s quite confusing, pointing to a need to get down to the fundamentals. But first of all, since we Sri Lankans are a people who know how to be grateful and to give credit where credit is due, let us all acknowledge a vast debt of gratitude to the unsung hero of the hour, the local Nostradamus who predicted an MR victory and thereby enabled a thundering booting out of the Rajpak Gang two years ahead of time. Earlier under JRJ we had the Jay Gang, after which under Premadasa we had the Prey Gang, and since 2009 we have had the Rajpak Gang.

I am not being facetious. I am pointing to facts that are crucially important in our search for the fundamentals underlying the present political situation. Our democracy has a tendency to be deeply flawed partly because our majority ethnic group, the Sinhalese, seem for the most part unable to grasp the idea that democracy is not just the will of the majority, that the "tyranny of the majority" exercised against the interests of the minorities amounts to a negation of democracy, and that democracy makes no sense at all without the observance of democratic values and norms. Furthermore our democracy can sometimes break down almost completely with the Government showing contempt for the rule of law and other democratic norms. The Government then morphs into a gang.

What is the explanation? It is partly a question of personality. JRJ and Premadasa were men of power who were clearly addicted to power, and it was not at all surprising that when they got the upper hand they exercised power often in a brutal and unprincipled manner befitting gang leaders. But MR was famous as a champion of human rights, and did not seem addicted to power. Nonetheless he too became, in many ways, the leader of a gang. I believe that the explanation is that our democracy is not an indigenous growth: it was conferred on us in 1931 under the Donoughmore Constitution. But we did make a success of it between 1948 and 1956, and also in intermittent periods since then. The probable explanation for this is that democracy is not just a creation of the European Enlightenment but something that answers to deep universal human needs and aspirations. But the problem is that democracy keeps breaking down in Sri Lanka. I argued in my last article that no democracy can be established on an enduring basis without a vigorously active civil society. Consciousness of this fact of fundamental importance should become an integral part of our political culture. It should even figure in the school curriculum.

The Maithripala S victory is generally seen as a victory for democracy. I think that this is quite correct, which no amount of statistical casuistry about the voting pattern can conjure away. The most telling fact in this connection is that neither of the two major parties representing the minorities, the TNA and the SLMC, sought an agreement with MS about resolving our ethnic problems. An obvious reason is that doing so would have provided racist ammunition for the Rajpak Gang’s election campaign. The more positive reason, I think, is that both the TNA and the SLMC understood the importance of democracy for the solution of our two ethnic problems. If MR had won there would have been a relentless drive towards an absolute dictatorship, and our ethnic problems would have been aggravated, not solved.

I believe that the nexus between democracy, or rather anti-democracy, and ethnic problems should be regarded as one of the fundamentals that we have to grasp in coping with our present political situation. In this connection we will do well to consider the record of the Western countries, all of which have fully functioning democracies. Many have huge immigrant populations, France alone having five million Muslims, but we hear of no serious ethnic problems in the West. There are several separatist movements but there are no civil wars, evidently because the strategy used to cope with them is that of democratic accommodation. In Sri Lanka we had no ethnic problem from 1948 to 1956, and that was precisely the period when we had a fully functioning democracy. After that we had an ethnic problem, and that was precisely the period when our democracy was deeply flawed by the equation of democracy with the "will of the majority" without regard to democratic values and norms. Our worst period of anti-democracy was from 1977 to 1988 when the Jay Gang practiced State terrorism against the Tamils. It led to the thirty year civil war. The next worst period was from 2005 to January 8, 2015. The prospect for a political solution to the Tamil ethnic problem, which seemed very bright in 2009, vanished completely and we have seen the stunning creation of yet another ethnic problem, the Muslim one. The nexus to which I am pointing seems to be of fundamental importance. Accordingly we should witness at least an alleviation of our ethnic problems if a new Government proceeds towards a fully functioning democracy.

The ebullient joy of my first paragraph above reflects what many Sri Lankans have felt in the euphoric phase following the recent elections. The morning after, the time for taking account of unpleasant realities and making sober assessments, has to come. The first unpleasant reality that I would note is that the most important reason for the MS victory was the minority vote. The minorities were the king=makers, true, but that does not mean that they can throw their weight about and be wholly optimistic about the future. The reason is that we might expect the continuance of the solid majoritarian consensus between our two major parties that in the last analysis the Sinhalese should reign supreme in Sri Lanka. So, the fact that the minorities have been the king-makers has no great importance. Another unpleasant reality is that MS won mostly in constituencies where the UNP has been traditionally strong, which could mean that MR had behind him a solid Sinhalese racist constituency.

It might seem therefore that the outlook for the minorities remains dismal, that the SLFP Opposition will stoke up racist hatred against the minorities in advance of the General Elections which are expected, and that the Government will feel compelled to compromise so as to avoid a hemorrhage of its Sinhalese votes. That argument assumes that the Sinhalese are essentially racist and that therefore they will remain racist forever. But that essentialist way of thinking is itself racist, and besides it is totally unrealistic because no human group remains just the same forever. I believe that more and more Sinhalese have been coming to feel the need for reasonable accommodation with the minorities and the forging of some degree of national unity, the alternative to which could be very horrible in the long run.

What should be done? I believe that a political solution on the basis of 13A will not be possible without a tripartite understanding between the Government, the Tamils, and India. That will take time, but in the meanwhile much can be done to remove the grievances of the Tamils and the humiliations heaped on them in the North. The Government has made a good beginning by asking the military Governor of the NP to resign. As for the Muslims, I have shown in a series of articles that it is nonsensical to talk of their posing an existential threat to the Sinhalese, and that there are no intractable problems between them. In conclusion I must emphasize that the solution of our ethnic problems will not be possible without vigorous activity by the civil society, and that the struggle to solve our ethnic problems should be seen as part of the struggle to establish a fully functioning democracy on an enduring basis.

izethhussain@gmail.com