A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
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Friday, February 21, 2014
Ukraine opposition leaders sign deal with government
Deal sets out plans to hold early presidential elections, form a national unity government and revert to the 2004 constitution
• Vote could pave way for Tymoshenko release
• Western cities warn they could break away
• Analysis: peace deal no thanks to Russia or US
• Vote could pave way for Tymoshenko release• Western cities warn they could break away
• Analysis: peace deal no thanks to Russia or US
Vitali Klitschko, leader of Ukraine's Udar opposition party, shakes hands with President Viktor Yanukovych after the signing of the agreement in Kiev, Ukraine. Photograph: Thomas Trutschel/Photothek via Getty Image
UK floods damage 'could have been prevented'
Thursday, February 20, 2014
Land and development in the North-East
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This week, Northern Provincial Council Chief Minister Wigneswaran lamented the lack of economic development in the North, berating the Sri Lankan state for its “conqueror” mindset and festering militarisation that has come to engulf the Tamil North-East. In particular Wigneswaran highlighted the forcible acquisition of land by the government, a pertinent issue that has gained international attention, as the world ponders on how to bring about a long lasting stability to the island. The issue of land itself is central to the Sri Lankan state’s ongoing efforts to disrupt development in the North-East. Resolving the land question is therefore vital to containing and addressing the island’s escalating ethnic crisis.
Sri Lanka’s long history of acquisition of land in the North-East has been taking place for decades and yet it has been, in economical terms, relatively fruitless for the state. Land seized by the Sri Lankan military is rarely put to efficient economic use and generally ends up serving as yet another link in the state’s expanding military network. It is taken out of the economy of the North-East and is closed off from productive investment and use.
Much of the land that has been seized, especially in the key corridor linking the Northern and Eastern provinces, if not militarily occupied under the pretext of “security”, has been colonized by Sinhalese settlers from the south. This state sponsored relocation, which has been occurring for decades, is not the same as the self – propelled economic migration of Tamils who have moved to the south of the island. Instead the flow of Sinhalese settlers has to be incentivised by the state, through the provision of cash hand-outs and ready – made infrastructure, in order to ethnically cleanse the North-East of its Tamil character. The resulting demographic changes though, have been profound.
The propagation of military bases and unremitting colonisation schemes are simply not viable for the Sri Lankan state. With its growing fiscal deficit, driven largely by an everrising military budget, these schemes have never been assets, but are instead economic liabilities; needing constant state support. Continuing down this path is economically unsustainable for the Sinhala state, quite apart from the devastating consequences for the Tamils.
At the same time Sri Lanka is also actively blocking the sustainable re-development of the Tamil areas. As Wigneswaran noted, a huge asset has not been utilised – the diaspora. With a range of technical skills, know-how and capital, the rapidly growing diaspora holds huge potential for development in the war torn North-East. In the recent past the diaspora has been central to the rehabilitation of its homeland; first in 2001 after the devastation of Chandrika’s ‘War for Peace’ and again after the 2004 Tsunami. Yet the Sri Lankan state has not just failed to engage- it has been actively and aggressively deterring any meaningful diaspora participation. Hostile and malevolent tactics are employed; from blocking foreign nationals from acquiring land, to demanding that diaspora applicants for dual citizenship attend interviews with the Defence Secretary and the murder of Tamil diaspora businessmen who return. An eager and willing diaspora ready to foster meaningful development, is being rigorously repelled by the Sri Lankan state.
Land has always been one of the central drivers of the ethnic conflict. By engaging in a policy of forcible and militarised acquisition of land, Sri Lanka is not only setting itself up in an economically unsustainable position, but it is actively galvanising the Tamil struggle. A stifled Tamil economy accompanied by militarisation and colonisation of the North-East is politicising a new generation of Tamil activists. The end of the armed conflict, mistakenly anticipated as an opportunity to end this cycle of oppression and resistance, has only seen the opposite; a reinvigorated state systematically laying down its hegemony. Unless this militarised grip of Colombo over the Tamil homeland is broken, enduring stability and economic prosperity will remain elusive.
வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சினால் செவிப்புலன் வலுவற்றோர் புனர்வாழ்வு நிறுவனத்திற்கு உழவு இயந்திரம் அன்பளிப்பு
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யாழ் மாவட்டத்தில் இயங்கிவரும் செவிப்புலன் வலுவற்றோர் புனர்வாழ்வு நிறுவனத்தின் விவசாயத் தேவைகளுக்கென வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சு சிறிய உழவு இயந்திரம் ஒன்றை அன்பளிப்பாக வழங்கியுள்ளது.
அதற்கான நிகழ்வுகள் வடமாகாண விவசாயப் பணிப்பாளர் சி.சிவகுமார் தலைமையில் வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சின் செயலகத்தில் இன்று நடைபெற்றது.
அதன்படி யாழ் மாவட்டத்தில் உள்ள முன்னூறுக்கும் மேற்பட்ட செவிப்புலன் அற்றோர் இணைந்து செவிப்புலன் வலுவற்றோர் புனர்வாழ்வு நிறுவனம் என்ற அமைப்பை நிறுவி அதனூடாகச் சுயதொழில் முயற்சிகளில் ஈடுபட்டு வருகின்றனர்.
அவற்றில் ஒன்றாகச் சிறுவிவசாயப் பண்ணை ஒன்றை நிர்வகித்து வரும் அவர்களால் வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சர் பொ.ஐங்கரநேசனிடம் சிறியரக உழவு இயந்திரம் வழங்குமாறு கோரி விண்ணப்பித்திருந்தனர். அதன் அடிப்படையிலேயே இன்று அவர்களுக்கான சிறிய ரக உழவு இயந்திரம் வழங்கப்பட்டது.
அத்தோடு விவசாயச் செய்கையை ஊக்குவிக்கும் நோக்கில் தெரிவுசெய்யப்பட்ட 10 பயனாளிகளுக்கும் நீரிறைக்கும் இயந்திரங்களும் வழங்கப்பட்டன.
இந்த நிகழ்வில் வடமாகாணசபை உறுப்பினர் விந்தன் கனகரத்தினம், வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சின் செயலாளர் யு.எல்.எம் ஹால்டீன், கைதடி நவீல்ட் பாடசாலையின் அதிபர் மகேந்திரன் மற்றும் விவசாயத் திணைக்கள அதிகாரிகளும் கலந்து கொண்டு உழவு இயந்திரத்தையும், நீரிறைக்கும் இயந்திரங்களையும் பயனாளிகளுக்கு வழங்கி வைத்தனர்.
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யாழ் மாவட்டத்தில் இயங்கிவரும் செவிப்புலன் வலுவற்றோர் புனர்வாழ்வு நிறுவனத்தின் விவசாயத் தேவைகளுக்கென வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சு சிறிய உழவு இயந்திரம் ஒன்றை அன்பளிப்பாக வழங்கியுள்ளது.அதற்கான நிகழ்வுகள் வடமாகாண விவசாயப் பணிப்பாளர் சி.சிவகுமார் தலைமையில் வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சின் செயலகத்தில் இன்று நடைபெற்றது.
அதன்படி யாழ் மாவட்டத்தில் உள்ள முன்னூறுக்கும் மேற்பட்ட செவிப்புலன் அற்றோர் இணைந்து செவிப்புலன் வலுவற்றோர் புனர்வாழ்வு நிறுவனம் என்ற அமைப்பை நிறுவி அதனூடாகச் சுயதொழில் முயற்சிகளில் ஈடுபட்டு வருகின்றனர்.
அவற்றில் ஒன்றாகச் சிறுவிவசாயப் பண்ணை ஒன்றை நிர்வகித்து வரும் அவர்களால் வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சர் பொ.ஐங்கரநேசனிடம் சிறியரக உழவு இயந்திரம் வழங்குமாறு கோரி விண்ணப்பித்திருந்தனர். அதன் அடிப்படையிலேயே இன்று அவர்களுக்கான சிறிய ரக உழவு இயந்திரம் வழங்கப்பட்டது.
அத்தோடு விவசாயச் செய்கையை ஊக்குவிக்கும் நோக்கில் தெரிவுசெய்யப்பட்ட 10 பயனாளிகளுக்கும் நீரிறைக்கும் இயந்திரங்களும் வழங்கப்பட்டன.
இந்த நிகழ்வில் வடமாகாணசபை உறுப்பினர் விந்தன் கனகரத்தினம், வடமாகாண விவசாய அமைச்சின் செயலாளர் யு.எல்.எம் ஹால்டீன், கைதடி நவீல்ட் பாடசாலையின் அதிபர் மகேந்திரன் மற்றும் விவசாயத் திணைக்கள அதிகாரிகளும் கலந்து கொண்டு உழவு இயந்திரத்தையும், நீரிறைக்கும் இயந்திரங்களையும் பயனாளிகளுக்கு வழங்கி வைத்தனர்.
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TRC Blocks Colombo Telegraph, Warns Service Providers To Maintain It’s A ‘Technical Glitch’
The Telecom Regulatory Commission has officially issued instructions to mobile service providers to block Colombo Telegraph and other critical websites on its servers, with a warning that the companies are to maintain to customers that the inability to view the sites on the networks were merely ‘technical’ problems, the Colombo Telegraph can reveal today.
It is part of the TRC’s campaign to officially censor the internet, but refuse to acknowledge it is doing so.
Mobile service providers includingEtisalat and Dialog have been officially notified to block Colombo Telegraph by the TRC, it is learnt.
However when customers make inquiries about the blockade, the networks have been warned not to reveal the TRC instructions but to continue to maintain that there were technical glitches with regard to viewing the sites.
Colombo Telegraph is no longer available on Dialog and Etisalat networks and is regularly blocked on SLT and Mobitel servers.
TRC Director General Anusha Palpita has repeatedly denied blocking the Colombo Telegraph and other websites, and even claims he has never heard of the sites.
Colombo diverts Indian housing assistance to wedge North and East
[TamilNet, Wednesday, 19 February 2014, 23:18 GMT]After Sinhalicising the civil administration of the Ma'nalaa'ru division, which is becoming almost a Sinhala only division in the Mullaiththeevu district, Colombo has seized the private lands of Eezham Tamils to allot the lands to Sinhala settlers in Kokku'laay, says Thurairasa Raviharan, an elected member of the Northern Provincial Council. While the war-affected Tamils languish without proper housing, new settlers brought from South are receiving houses intended for war-affected people under the Indian housing scheme, he says after visiting and witnessing the genocidal land grab taking place at Mukaththuvaaram in Kokku'laay.
The area surrounding the Kokku'laay lagoon is the focus of Sinhala colonisation presently, as it is the key location for wedging the demographic contiguity of the north and east of the country of Eezham Tamils in the island, as well as direct communication between Mullaiththeevu and Trincomalee.
The affected Tamils in Mukaththuvaaram at the provincial border have handed over copies of their land permits and deeds to the visiting councillor.
Many Tamils have also lost their land permits as they were displaced several times during the genocidal onslaught on Vanni.
One needs to document ownership of land in order to be eligible for the housing scheme being provided by India.
Under the cover of ‘resettlement’, 250 Sinhala families are being provided the housing assistance, which has been diverted from reaching the real war-affected people.
3 acres lands of Sinthanthurai, 1 acre of Sebastiampillay, 2.5 acres belonging to Santhiyampillai Seemanpillai, 3 acres of Singarasa, 1.5 acres of Thampi Iya, 1.5 acres of Sebastiampilai Mariamathanilam and 3 acres fo Galththoppillai Yasintha have been seized by the SL authorities, the councillor said.
Envoy briefed on sexual violence
The British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, John Rankin was briefed on challenges faced in Jaffna, including sexual violence, during his two day visit to the area, the British High Commission in Colombo said today.
The British envoy said he also discussed land issues in the North, including the High Security Zones (HSZs) and the role and level of military presence.
“We noted the continuing challenges – including finding a durable solution for the remaining IDPs – and heard about the problems faced by single women and women heads of households, including from sexual violence. We also engaged with the Chief Minister and the Governor on how the Northern Provincial Council can function more fully,” he said in a statement issued by the High Commission.
The High Commission said that Rankin’s Jaffna visit is one of the many visits the High Commission makes around the country to see for themselves the situation on the ground.
“My team and I met a range of individuals and groups who continue to play a significant role in Jaffna. We’ve seen the continuing welcome economic development and discussed how it can trickle down to benefit all sections of society. We also discussed how the diaspora can support inward investment,” he said..
During his visit, the High Commissioner met a variety of individuals and groups, including the Chief Minister of the Northern Province, Justice C V Wigneswaran, the Security Forces Commander, Maj. Gen. Udaya Perera, the Jaffna Governor, G A Chandrasiri, members of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and Members of Parliament, members of the Northern Provincial Council, international agencies working in the area and civil society.
“Nobody to whom I spoke wished a return of LTTE terrorism. And nor, emphatically, do we want to see that happen again. In all our discussions, we highlighted the continued importance of addressing issues of accountability, the vital importance of pursuing long-term reconciliation and the need for respect for human rights. We believe that positive developments in these areas will contribute to peace and prosperity for all the people of Sri Lanka,” he said. (Colombo Gazette)
India set to back UN investigation into Sri Lanka war 'crimes'
India's Congress-led government will support an international investigation into Sri Lanka's alleged war crimes to win Tamil votes in April's general election

Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Sri Lankan president Photo: GETTY IMAGES
India is set to support an international investigation into alleged war crimes by the Sri Lankan army in the final stages of its long civil war, government sources said on Wednesday.
Its decision to add its weight to a campaign led by Britain and the United States will be a serious blow to Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Sri Lankan president, whose government has traditionally had strong ties with India.
As the biggest regional power, India's support will also increase the likelihood that next month's United Nations Human Rights Committee meeting in Geneva will pass a resolution calling for an international investigation.
The Indian government has so far remained non-committal as Britain and other supporters have lobbied officials, but privately they say the government is likely to support the resolution to keep its Indian Tamil allies on board for its Spring general election.
Dr Manmohan Singh, the Indian prime minister, boycotted the Commonwealth Heads of Government summit in Colombo last year under pressure from one of his key coalition allies, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), one of the two main parties in India's Tamil Nadu.
Support for a war crimes inquiry has grown in the last year among Indian Tamils who believe their government should have done more to stop the killing in the last stages of the war. According to the United Nations, an estimated 40,000 civilians were killed in the last few months of 2009 before the final defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE).
Indian officials are now waiting to receive the draft proposal drawn up by the UN's Human Rights Commissioner Navi Pillay, but they say "political considerations" rather than concerns over its relationship with Colombo will determine the government's stand.
"The decision will be made in the midst of an election campaign, so political considerations will play a key role," a government source said on Wednesday.
Mohan Guruswamy of the Centre for Policy Alternatives said the prime minister's failure to influence the Sri Lankan government in its final assault on the last Tamil Tiger strongholds in 2009 had caused anger among Indian Tamils, and that the Congress-led government would not want to inflame opinion further in the run up to the general election in April.
"They want to get some political mileage. Both the [Tamil] parties have called for an inquiry," he said.
The government's desire to maximise its Tamil vote was also a factor in the decision to release seven former Tamil Tigers jailed for their part in the assassination of former Congress prime minister Rajiv Gandhi.
Sri Lanka Must Tackle Resolution Head On

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While the Sri Lankan government has once again decried the resolution as being "anti-Sri Lanka", accusing the Western nations of hindering the reconciliation efforts, it appears likely that the government will be faced with a passed resolution.
In the past two years Sri Lanka has had the luxury of Big Brother India stepping in at the eleventh hour and watering down the proposed resolution. However, on this occasion such support from India does not appear to be forthcoming as they now face a general election, one in which the Tamil Nadu vote will certainly play a key role. With the wide scale condemnation by the public in Tamil Nadu of the allegations of Human Rights abuses in Sri Lanka, any move by the Indian government to ease the resolution will certainly have a knock on effect during their election. Despite China publicly supporting the government, geo-politics of the region suggest that they will not go too far in opposing India over the Sri Lankan issue. Beijing recognises that while they have considerable interests in Sri Lanka, political intervention will only serve to hinder their expansion in the region.
As was the case in the past two years, it is becoming clear that Sri Lanka will not have enough support to defeat a resolution. In fact it appears unlikely that the US would sponsor a resolution against a small nation without the assurance that it would be passed. With the UNHRC High Commissioner, Navi Pillay, calling for an international investigation in her report on Sri Lanka, the government certainly faces a battle ahead.
The international community is clearly running out of patience with the Sri Lankan government, and with the Rajapaksa regime appearing to have disregarded the previous two resolutions it seems only a matter of time before the proverbial hammer is brought down by the US and United Nations.
If the government is to avoid a third and potentially damaging resolution brought upon it during the UNHRC sessions, they must act and act quickly. The concerns highlighted by the international community have been the same concerns illustrated in the previous two resolutions; human rights abuses during the final stages of the war, worsening media freedom, a crackdown by the government on any opposition, growing religious intolerance and an apparent disregard for genuine reconciliation following the end of the civil war.
If the government is to avoid a third and potentially damaging resolution brought upon it during the UNHRC sessions, they must act and act quickly. The concerns highlighted by the international community have been the same concerns illustrated in the previous two resolutions; human rights abuses during the final stages of the war, worsening media freedom, a crackdown by the government on any opposition, growing religious intolerance and an apparent disregard for genuine reconciliation following the end of the civil war.
The government will be able to counter some of these accusations with the fact that they held the first ever Northern Provincial Council (NPC) election last September. Credit will be given to the government who took steps to ensure the establishment of a local government for the former war torn region. The NPC election was won by the Tamil National Alliance, an opposition party. Unfortunately since the election members of the council have been intimidated through official government channels. Last month it was suggested that one member of the council undergo "rehabilitation", a process reserved for former LTTE cadres. Threats such as these against elected officials in opposition only serve to further isolate the Rajapaksa regime on the international stage.
Similar steps such as holding the first ever NPC election must continue on the part of the government if they are serious about avoiding further resolutions and potential international investigations. The government has chosen to portray the resolutions as being "anti-Sri Lanka" and are able to hide behind this veil of patriotism. A domestic campaign such as the one currently being run by the Rajapaksa regime in opposing the resolution will serve no purpose in the long term. International intervention throughout the Middle East and Africa have shown that regimes can fall despite claiming to have popular support. Addressing the allegations levelled before the government on the international stage is the only way they can hold off heightened intervention. Momentum is building around the world for international investigationsto be held in Sri Lanka. Despite the government claiming a credible investigation was already held, it was done so through a military tribunal.
The government sponsored Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) report was praised by many on the international stage as being a step in the right direction. Several weeks ago the President's Permanent Secretary, Lalith Weeratunga, told the US that it would take nearly 10 years for any meaningful reconciliation to be seen. This is in direct contradiction to the suggestions of the LLRC report which outlined time periods for the recommendations. While developmental projects are racing ahead in the former war zones, genuine reconciliation appears to have ground to a halt.
Time is clearly running out for the Sri Lankan government, the international community has shown that their patience is wearing thin. Despite the government's domestic campaign against the resolutions it is clear that unless they address these concerns internationally the pressure on the regime will only increase.
Unhindered Politicization And SLAS
Politicization of administration is a universal social process bringing a political character or flavor to administration. It may yield positive (e.g. pressure to motivate officials) and negative (e.g. discrimination of political opponents through officers) results. The faint murmur by Sri Lanka Administrative Service (SLAS) and others officers may be to minimize it. Concurrently, politicians vociferously demand it as a functional necessity.
Those who honor Max Weber Principles on bureaucracy[1], i.e. hierarchical structures, management by rules, being impersonal etc find difficult to tolerate politicization. Negative politicization appreciates non-hierarchy (except for political power), bending rules to politicians’ wishes, politics-based personal discrimination etc. Negative politicization affects respected aspirations in administration, e.g. human rights, environment, sustainable development, natural justice, accountability, transparency etc. This dichotomy irritates. This is why focus on politicization.
Since the establishment of the Ceylon Administrative Service (CAS) in 1963, later SLAS, politicians made constitutional and administrative arrangements reinforcing politicization. These diluted the aura and importance enjoyed by officers and in lieu enhanced overt and covert involvements of politicians in administrative processes.
Incidentally, one may cynically or sarcastically argue that the establishment of SLAS was also politically motivated, because anti-colonialist political thinking to erase the last vestiges of colonialism was uppermost in the agendas of the then ruling politicians. In that cynical sense the birth of SLAS was a progressive step towards emancipation from colonialism!
Though politicization has affected other parallel services, it was the SLAS as the frontline administrators with close range relationships with politicians and people that faced the crunch mostly. Why? To answer, it is appropriate to reminisce how SLAS is introduced. Read More
On forgiving and forgetting

- by Devanesan Nesiah
- - on 02/20/2014
Pre-Independence, our island was among most peaceful lands in Asia. For some centuries there had been no large scale ethnic riots in our Island apart from the anti-Muslim riots of 1915. Even the 1915 riots lacked the scale and brutality of some of the anti- Tamil, JVP led and state led anti-JVP pogroms that we had experienced since the mid – 1950s. The distinctive feature of the post-independencepogroms is that very few of the perpetrators had been identified or punished. What we have often witnessed is either denial or justification of the violence, and the surviving victims and their loved ones being asked “to forgive and forget”. Is this possible or even desirable?
This question has been addressed over the last few decades in several countries of Africa and Latin America through a wide range of Truth Commissions. A central focus of these Commissions was on Truth Telling with a view to identification of both victims and perpetrators, the nature of the crimes, and also exploration of the circumstances that led to these crimes. The formula for the mix of retributive and restorative justice has varied from country to country. Most Truth Commissions offered partial amnesty, but this had to be earned by each individual perpetrator through public, face to face Truth Telling direct to the victim/victim’s family.
Blanket amnesty was never offered; nor were the victims and their loved ones urged “to forgive and forget”. The nature of the crimes (killing, torture, rape etc) was such that forgetting was impossible. Moreover, the publication of the Commission reports with details of every crime dealt with ensured that the relevant facts were disseminated worldwide, not suppressed. We have never had such a Truth Commission in Sri Lanka involving the confessions of perpetrators. Many of those who are urging the establishment of a Truth Commission in Sri Lanka may have very little knowledge of what it entails; many of those who do maywant not a Truth Commission but a cover up Commission.How many perpetrators would make full confessions? How many of them would be willing to implicate those of their colleagues and superiors who may be unwilling to confess? Even among the victims, how many will dare to go public with their accusations against identified perpetrators? A genuine Truth Commission will be possible only after an appropriate transformation of the nature of the state. There are, as yet, no signs of such a transformation in our country.
In his sermon at the Cathedral of the Colombo Diocese of the Church of Ceylon on Sunday 19th January 2014, Rev.Michael Lapsley , well known South African anti –apartheid activist, who lost both hands and an eye when he tried to open a letter addressed to him, spoke of forgiving and forgetting. He could find no Biblical basis for the frequently heard urge “to forgive and forget”. How can he forget when he has lost both hands and an eye? How can he forgive an assassin who had not identified himself or confessed or asked for forgiveness? In his research he discovered that the word “forget” occurred frequently in the Bible, almost invariably preceded by two words. These words were not “forgive and” but “do not”. The Biblical prescription is not “forgive and forget “but, rather, “do not forget”.
Rev. Michael Lapsley went on to suggest that the Biblical appeal not to forget was intendednot to take revenge but to reconcile and redeem. These are not possible if you forget. Forgiveness too is not possible unless the perpetrator confesses and seeks forgiveness from the victims. A genuine Truth Commission could help to bring reconciliation to Sri Lanka, as in several other countries, but if the objective is to suppress or cover up the unwelcome Truth, it would be counterproductive. Any healing would then be on the surface; underneath, the wound would continue to fester. If a woman had been raped or had her husband or child murdered, she cannot and should not forget. This holds in personal matters but also on communal issues.
We see this elsewhere in South Asia. The issues involved in Pakistan separating from India and, in turn, Bangladesh separating from Pakistan have not been addressed, and the wounds continue to fester, erupt and spread from generation to generation. This could continue indefinitely and foul up the history of the region. We in Sri Lanka need to do better than that; but if we continue to avoid addressing the underlying issues and grievances, we too will get locked up in long term conflict. To avoid any misunderstanding I need to clarify my view on “forgiving”. Forgiving is necessary and an integral part of all the great religions. The problem is with “forgetting”, including the phrase “forgiving and forgetting”.
Forgiving is essential, forgetting is not.
Elections and the Geneva advantage

- February 20, 2014
- As long suspected, allegiances are shifting far right in the upper echelons of the ruling administration. As the country gears up for battle in two key provinces and a frantic effort to rescue a deteriorating situation overseas, Geneva offers the ruling party a massive advantage

season’s provincial polls campaign erupted on the stage of the self-professed ‘Mr. Clean’ contesting on the ruling party ticket.
Since his days as Chairman of the Central Environmental Authority and throughout his career as a provincial councillor, the Jathika Hela Urumaya’s Udaya Gammanpila has purported to champion good governance and transparency. For the upcoming provincial election, Gammanpila has tried to style himself as a Sri Lankan Aravind Kejriwal, the New Delhi Chief Minister and electoral wild card whose Aam Aadmi Party made a stunning debut at the Delhi Assembly elections last December.
Since his days as Chairman of the Central Environmental Authority and throughout his career as a provincial councillor, the Jathika Hela Urumaya’s Udaya Gammanpila has purported to champion good governance and transparency. For the upcoming provincial election, Gammanpila has tried to style himself as a Sri Lankan Aravind Kejriwal, the New Delhi Chief Minister and electoral wild card whose Aam Aadmi Party made a stunning debut at the Delhi Assembly elections last December.
Should Muslims Vote For The UPFA Or Even The ‘UPFA Muslims’?
Minister of Justice Rauff Hakeem
None of the Muslim leaders of yore like T.B. Jayah or Badi-ud-Din Mahmud or Dr. Khaleel would have ever imagined that there would ever be a situation where there would be no Muslim representation from the UNP in parliament from the Colombo district. But that’s exactly what has happened. They had cultivated their political philosophy and fined tuned it as time went by or when new situations demanded course corrections hoping the coming generations would follow their examples. But as matters stand today, the fact remains that there are no Muslims from the UNP from the Colombo district in parliament.
Rizvi mufthi’s stand in open support of the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime did not prevent his (Rajapaksa’s) supporters from attacking mosques or carrying slanderous campaigns against Muslims. Muslims remember with shock and sadness how a procession led by a Buddhist monk carried an ‘effigy’ of Allah with a pig’s picture. The police stood by and did sweet nothing. Neither did the president or his government.The reason for this is not because the UNP did not have Muslim candidates in the fray, but because they were so hopeless and stained with corruption or with stigmas like being more close to casinos than mosques that the disgusted Muslim decided to vote for candidates from other communities. Two of those who gained quite a lot form this situation were Wijedasa Rajapaksa and Ravi Karunanayake. As a matter of fact Mufti Rizvie the head of the All Ceylon Jamayathul Ulema (ACJU) openly supported a SLFP non Muslim politician who had crossed over from the UNP facing the harsh criticism of the governing ‘UPFA Muslims’ as well as from Muslims among the opposition. Whether the mufti’s stand was right or wrong is a different matter. The fact remains he shouldn’t have dabbled in politics. One thing is sure, nobody can accuse Muslims of voting on the basis of religious identity never mind the status of the candidate. By and large Muslims have identified themselves with the UNP and the proclivity stands still even to this day.
Why should Muslims vote for the UPFA? Read More
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