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Monday, January 27, 2014
Racism alive in India: Story of Kim Barrington Narisetti, an African-American professional
As a darkskinned African-American woman who lived in New Delhi for nearly four years, the stories quickly brought back memories of my daily experiences and the assumptions that were made about me and how I was treated.
Never judge a book by its cover. When you assume, you make an ass out of you and me. The last two seem to be the most relevant as they apply to racism and racist acts in India. It saddened me to hear about the recent attacks on Ugandan women in Delhi.
As a darkskinned African-American womanwho lived in New Delhi for nearly four years, the stories quickly brought back memories of my daily experiences and the assumptions that were made about me and how I was treated. I constantly felt I was on display. I was stared at in restaurants, elevators and even in my car on the street.
Random people would come up to me when I was shopping at Khan Market (usually men) to let me know that they knew someone from Uganda, Nigeria, or the Congo. My response would be: That's nice. I'm American. The most disturbing incident happened when my husband, Raju, and I were walking back home from a restaurant down the block from our house in New Friends Colony.
A young boy of about 8 was riding on the back of his bike with his father. As they passed us, he hurled a huge rock the size of a fist at me. It landed with a thud on my sunglasses and my head snapped back. If I weren't wearing huge aviator sunglasses, I likely would have lost my eye. My chivalrous husband chased down the bike, pulled the boy off and gave him and his father a tongue lashing in Hindi and made him apologise.
The boy conceded that he threw the rock because he thought I was African. Therefore, his rock-throwing would certainly have been justified. Daily, I would have my cook pack up in foil any leftover breakfast, whether it were omelettes, idlis, crepes or just bread and butter. I would hand it out to the kids begging for food on the street on the way to my children's school. When I rolled down the tinted window, the same kids who were begging for something to eat seconds earlier, would then proceed to laugh and point at me.
I easily could have gotten angry and refused to continue to do what I did or cower and have my driver do it instead, but I didn't. That's not the kind of person I am. They made assumptions about me and there was really nothing I could do about it. But the racist acts toward me also came at the hands of people who were obviously well educated, well-traveled and should know, well, better.
At the Oberoi Hotel in Rajasthan where we stayed when my family came to visit from Maryland, a boy started jumping up and down like a monkey and pointing in our direction as we were relaxing on the sofas in the lobby. His parents laughed. They stopped laughing when I went over to them and asked them what was so funny.
Surely they and their son had seen pictures of people who looked like me. Obama was my president; Will Smith was the biggest movie star in the world at the time (my apologies to Shah Rukh Khan); and "That's so Raven" was one of the top kids' shows on Disney in India.
Coming back to Delhi from the US after summer vacation, we were held up at customs by an official who turned my daughters' OCI cards and my PIO card over and over and over again. The questions came fast and furious: How did we get it? How long have I been married? Where exactly in Hyderabad is my husband from. He stopped short of asking what could have compelled a Hyderabadi boy with a wheatish complexion to marry an African-American.
I drew the line when one of the men in the small crowd that had gathered proceeded to touch my youngest daughter's hair and stroke the arm of my eldest. Did he think the colour would rub off ? Having visited India for 13 years as a tourist to meet my husband's family and friends, before living in Delhi for the four years, I realise a lot of the behavior toward me and people who look like me stems from the infatuation that Indians have with light skin. Unless I told people I was American, the assumption was that I was African. But that is really neither here nor there.
Dark skin has a lot of negative connotations attached to it whether you're Indian or of African descent, hence the bustling skin lightening market. I could only hope that attacks such as these don't continue to happen. We recently celebrated Martin Luther King Jr's birthday in America on January 20. He hoped that one day we would live in a nation where people will not be judged by the color of their skin, but the content of their character.
(Kim Barrington Narisetti is publisher of Urban Crayon Press. She also held editing positions at The Wall Street Journal, TheStreet.com; Advertising Age and The Source magazine.)
Sunday, January 26, 2014
2013, boom year for Ceylon Tea
- Plantation Industries Minister
https://www.facebook.comமலையக ஆய்வு மற்றும் ஆவண காப்பகம்
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- Plantation Industries Minister
January 24, 2014, 8:33 pm
Mahinda Samarasinghe
Plantation Industries Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe said yesterday that 2013 was a boom year for Ceylon Tea, both in respect of production and foreign exchange earnings.
He said tea performed as never before. Production topped 340,338, million kilos and foreign exchange earned was 1, 540,411,814,.97 or in readable terms, 1.540 billion dollars. Earned funds were recorded as the highest ever. Crop performance too was the highest recorded.
He applauded small holders for their contribution to register these enhanced performances and also the Tea Factory Owners Association for their contribution to reach the degree of forex earned.
Additionally, he said, although performance of the Regional Plantation Companies recorded lower levels of achievement, it was of relevance that other contributory factors of ethical management had to be taken into account. The cost factor of labour and other ancillary services, including social development, health services, sanitation, water, housing, child care, maternal health, were all expenditure items which had to be paid for from earned income.
Comparing 2012 and 2013, he said the crop recorded a physical increase of some 11.2 million kilos, or 4 % over 2012.
2013 price realization at the auctions was Rs. 414. 75 per kilo; again the highest ever net sales average achieved. 2012 saw a price average of Rs.392.03.
Such good performances also benefited the tea small holder. The tea small holders earned an average of about Rs. 78. per kilo of green leaf supplied to the factories. In some instances, he said, their earnings topped Rs. 93 per kilo. This price gave them a healthy profit and put them at good income levels.
The level of prices earned was the end result of good practices maintained by the tea factory owners and their adherence to standards. Additionally, the RPCs too, not to be outdone, had contributed to the outstanding performance of the tea industry in 2013.
The future looked good, he said. He was certain 2014 performances in prices will be higher than already achieved.
The minister also said the replanting subsidy was increased to Rs. 350,000, through the intervention of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Answering the press on re-planting extents, he said the target of 2 % could not be achieved, although such was the norm when estates were managed by the state. But the small holders will achieve about 1 %. The RPCs would take some time to achieve this figure.
‘Taming and vanquishing’ of the judiciary
- Sunday, January 26, 2014

In the wake of the untimely demise of Justice S. Sriskandarajah, President of Sri Lanka’s Court of Appeal this week, it may be opportune to look at the state of the Sri Lankan judiciary one year after the 2013 impeachment of Sri Lanka 43rd Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake. The late Justice Sriskandarajah had presided over the Bench which quashed the findings of a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on the impeachment. And has been observed in the wake of his death by others, this was a judge who had been successively overlooked by the President for promotion. At least in public perception, this bypassing was not entirely delinked from the part that the late judge played in that critical judicial process.
Formidably simple judicial reasoning
As may be recalled, the PSC operated without proper procedure. The Chief Justice was denied the right to cross examine adverse witnesses, was insulted and not given adequate time to answer the several allegations leveled against her.
Responding to the issue referred to it by the Court of Appeal, the Supreme Court’s reasoning was simple. First, the basis of the Constitution is the supremacy of the Rule of Law as opposed to arbitrariness. Second, the power of removal of a Superior Court judge conferred on the President upon an address of Parliament is a check provided by the Constitution to sustain the balance of power between the three Organs of Government. This power is not to be exercised to resolve conflicts so that one may ‘tame and vanquish the other.’ Rather, it exists as a check to be exercised, where necessary, in trust for the people.
As may be recalled, the PSC operated without proper procedure. The Chief Justice was denied the right to cross examine adverse witnesses, was insulted and not given adequate time to answer the several allegations leveled against her.
Responding to the issue referred to it by the Court of Appeal, the Supreme Court’s reasoning was simple. First, the basis of the Constitution is the supremacy of the Rule of Law as opposed to arbitrariness. Second, the power of removal of a Superior Court judge conferred on the President upon an address of Parliament is a check provided by the Constitution to sustain the balance of power between the three Organs of Government. This power is not to be exercised to resolve conflicts so that one may ‘tame and vanquish the other.’ Rather, it exists as a check to be exercised, where necessary, in trust for the people.
Third, the constitution of a Select Committee under Standing Order 78(A)(2) was not proper as it did not provide for matters relating to proof, mode, burden and the degree of proof in relation to an impeachment process and was therefore unconstitutional. Those aspects needed to be provided by statute to avoid any uncertainty as to the proof of the alleged misbehaviour. Room should not be left for the body conducting the investigation to subjectively decide on these issues.
The shameful reducing of the judiciary
Faced with this ruling of the Supreme Court, the appellate court had little option but to issue a writ of certiorari quashing the findings of the PSC. The alternative would have been unthinkable. Yet for this act of judicial necessity, threats were issued against the judges and members of their families. This was the shameful state that the Sri Lankan judiciary was reduced to.
Faced with this ruling of the Supreme Court, the appellate court had little option but to issue a writ of certiorari quashing the findings of the PSC. The alternative would have been unthinkable. Yet for this act of judicial necessity, threats were issued against the judges and members of their families. This was the shameful state that the Sri Lankan judiciary was reduced to.
Indeed, what is often missed in these discussions is that the Appeal Court’s decision was in actual fact, not a ‘crusading’ judgment in any sense of the word. Even those professionally closest to him would probably hesitate to categorise the late Justice Skandarajah as a judicial crusader.
On the contrary, his marked reluctance to embark on judicial expansion, (or as some would term it, adventurism), in writ law against impugned government actions often resulted in dark mutterings on the part of counsel when writ applications were refused. Among his rulings before he ascended the Court of Appeal bench was a rare High Court conviction of a state officer accused of torture under the 1994 Anti-Torture Act. In the appeal court, he also delivered a judgment in which the Court refused to intervene in instances where the indictment of a police officer for torture and the consequent interdiction resulted in that officer’s promotional prospects being affected.
Barbarians inside the sanctorum
The point is that these were not ‘adventurist’ judgments Even though impeccably fair in his treatment of counsel appearing before him, this was essentially a conservatively inclined judge who was however, governed by a strict sense of judicial propriety.
The point is that these were not ‘adventurist’ judgments Even though impeccably fair in his treatment of counsel appearing before him, this was essentially a conservatively inclined judge who was however, governed by a strict sense of judicial propriety.
To a judicial officer of that bent, the nonsensical exercise of a Select Committee acting on pure political prejudice against a sitting head of the judiciary, would have been anathema. But in the background of the impeachment which saw bare-bodied ruffians dancing outside the Chief Justice’s residence when Parliament passed the impeachment motion, (as technically flawed as that too was), such niceties were no longer relevant. The barbarians were not outside the gates, they were inside the sanctum sanctorum and Sri Lanka was pushed outside the pale in the eyes of the civilized world.
There was, of course, a historical context to these events which are best dealt with in spaces other than a newspaper column. Let history alone, if the legal community had bestirred itself to uphold the integrity of the Bench even a decade ago when the late Justice Mark Fernando retired prematurely from the Supreme Court stating that he could no longer serve honourably in that position, the calamity which visited the Court in 2013 may have been prevented. Elsewhere in South Asia, the Pakistani Bar took to the streets against executive interference in recognition of the fact that it is the Bench and the Bar that would be devalued in the final result and ultimately forced a powerful military backed President out of office.
The judiciary as the first victim
Sri Lanka’s experiences have unfortunately been far different. Displacing the 17th Amendment which stipulated procedures for the fair promotions of judicial officers, the 18th Amendment gave back unfettered powers to the President in that regard. A principled stand was not taken against this constitutional amendment by the Bench and the Bar at that time. In fact, judges and lawyers jostled to accept appointments even when the 17th Amendment was in force and was being ignored by the politicians.
Sri Lanka’s experiences have unfortunately been far different. Displacing the 17th Amendment which stipulated procedures for the fair promotions of judicial officers, the 18th Amendment gave back unfettered powers to the President in that regard. A principled stand was not taken against this constitutional amendment by the Bench and the Bar at that time. In fact, judges and lawyers jostled to accept appointments even when the 17th Amendment was in force and was being ignored by the politicians.
A year on, a Chief Justice is dragged to the bribery courts and promotions are held over the heads of honourable judges like tempting carrots. Even now, this Government fiercely opposes any move to change the procedure of impeachment of superior court judges to conform to the recommendations of the Supreme Court. In the same breath, it shouts to the heavens to witness its commitment to the law and to the Constitution. What hypocrisy is this?
Pressure On Justice Sriskandarajah’s Family To Change Funeral Arrangements
January 26, 2014
The funeral of Justice Sriskandarajah is scheduled for this morning at the General Cemetery, Borella, where several speakers including the Bar Association President and the acting President of Court of Appeal had been requested by the family to deliver funeral orations. President Rajapaksa did not appoint Justice Sriskandarajah to the Supreme Court on several occasions, though he was the President of the Court of Appeal. Justice Sriskandarajah presided over the Court of Appeal bench which set aside the impeachment findings of the Parliamentary Select Committee recommending the removal of the 43rd Chief Justice, Shirani Bandaranayaka. The Bar Council of the Bar Association, the representative body of bar, expressed their sorrow at today’s Council meeting over the death of Justice Sriskandarajah.
Despite the previous intimations, the family of the late Justice Sriskandarajah has now indicated to the acting President of the Court of Appeal and the President of the Bar Association that their family is under threat over possible criticism of the government during funeral orations, and that therefore they do not wish to have any orations at the funeral. The seniors lawyers who were contacted by Colombo Telegraph expressed their anger, stating that while Justice Sriskandarajah was alive, he was humiliated and threatened, and that even after his death, the regime continues with the harassment of this distinguished judge because of the independence and impartiality he displayed in the impeachment proceedings.
Sri Lanka in OHCHR report
While the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay will be presenting a report on Sri Lanka to the UN Human Rights Council at its 25th session in March, she has also made references to Sri Lanka in her annual report which will be submitted to the Council separately.
In the annual report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), Pillay notes that last year OHCHR continued to support the development of national capacity on human rights monitoring by means of training for civil society organizations, for instance from Maldives and Sri Lanka.
She also notes that in May, she and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees presented a joint paper to the Inter-Agency Standing Committee on the protection of human rights in humanitarian crises, bearing in mind the conclusions made in the report of the Secretary-General’s Internal Review Panel on United Nations action in Sri Lanka.
“One of the most notable developments during my term has been the remarkable recognition of the importance of human rights within the United Nations system and as one of the three pillars of the Organization, together with peace and security, and development. Most recently, the report of the Secretary-General’s Internal Review Panel on United Nations action in Sri Lanka, together with the subsequent “Rights Up Front” plan of action, reaffirmed the centrality of human rights to the work of the United Nations, and provides critical recommendations for the whole system to be more responsive and responsible in preventing and addressing promptly human rights issues. OHCHR is committed to playing a leading role in ensuring follow-up to this landmark document, which, if effectively and collectively implemented, will contribute significantly to peace and security and to development,” Pillay says in her report, a copy of which has already been submitted to the Council ahead of the March session.
Pillay is scheduled to submit a separate report on Sri Lanka which focuses on her visit to Sri Lanka last year.
Sunday, January 26, 2014
The exclusion of intellectuals and their input in the making of public policy — foreign policy in particular — and the consequences thereof, was a recurring theme at a recent public discussion on the upcoming UN Human Rights Council session in March 2014. Nativist, xenophobic tendencies were coming to the fore and “We don’t know how to converse with the world anymore,” warned Dayan Jayatilleke, the keynote speaker. Dr Jayatilleka is best known as the former UN ambassador in Geneva who led the team that defeated a hostile resolution brought against Sri Lanka at the Human Rights Council Special Session in May 2009, soon after the military defeat of the LTTE. Sri Lanka lost two subsequent US-led resolutions in 2012 and 2013.
The discussion held at the auditorium of the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) was organised by the Liberal Party and moderated by its leader Rajiva Wijesinha, a National List MP and Secretary to the (now dismantled) Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP). Prof Wijesinha noted the absence of input from independent think tanks in foreign policy decision making, and lamented the failure of the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute and the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies in this regard.
The exclusion of intellectuals and their input in the making of public policy — foreign policy in particular — and the consequences thereof, was a recurring theme at a recent public discussion on the upcoming UN Human Rights Council session in March 2014. Nativist, xenophobic tendencies were coming to the fore and “We don’t know how to converse with the world anymore,” warned Dayan Jayatilleke, the keynote speaker. Dr Jayatilleka is best known as the former UN ambassador in Geneva who led the team that defeated a hostile resolution brought against Sri Lanka at the Human Rights Council Special Session in May 2009, soon after the military defeat of the LTTE. Sri Lanka lost two subsequent US-led resolutions in 2012 and 2013.
The discussion held at the auditorium of the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) was organised by the Liberal Party and moderated by its leader Rajiva Wijesinha, a National List MP and Secretary to the (now dismantled) Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP). Prof Wijesinha noted the absence of input from independent think tanks in foreign policy decision making, and lamented the failure of the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute and the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies in this regard.
Jayatilleka has been arguing consistently in the media that the cold war the country faces is an intellectual battle. A bibliography on Sri Lanka has developed over the years with a number of documents being produced, but though these were studied in the West there was no significant discourse in Sri Lanka he said, on his fortnightly TV talk-show ‘Vantage Point’ aired Thursday on ‘MTV Sports.’ “We are going into battle without knowing the history.” He said it was unthinkable that the GoSL did not respond to the flawed report of the UN Secretary General’s Advisory Panel (the ‘Darusman report’). There were two brilliant critiques of it that had been disregarded. One was by the Marga Institute, a much respected independent think tank, and the other a study titled ‘The Numbers Game’ by a group of highly educated Western-based Sri Lankans. Listing some of the other literature on the subject he mentioned the Petrie report, Gordon Weiss’s book ‘The Cage,’ The Routledge Handbook on R2P, and a UK House of Commons research paper in 2009 titled ‘War and Peace in Sri Lanka,’ which traced the campaign against Sri Lanka originating much earlier than the ‘last stages of the war.’
Outlining how he saw the aftermath of a third resolution against Sri Lanka in Geneva in March unfolding, Jayatilleka said an international inquiry mechanism (on alleged war crimes) could take the form of either a UN Special Rapporteur or a Commission of Inquiry. The squeeze on Sri Lanka won’t follow immediately on the heels of the resolution, but will more likely be felt after the report of such an inquiry — which will be unjust — is debated in individual parliaments in the West, and also closer home, in the context of Sri Lanka’s non-cooperation with a UN mandate. Countries could use Universal Jurisdiction (legislation that allows courts to prosecute visiting foreign politicians over alleged war crimes) and/or economic sanctions.
Describing this scenario at various forums including the OPA discussion, Jayatilleka has repeatedly outlined a situation where Opposition Tamil politicians could launch a non-violent agitation over the numerous complaints they have articulated. This could trigger the ‘neoconservative-militarist’ section of the state to react imprudently, with force, to suppress the campaign. Such a reaction would be exactly what the radical elements in the TNA, under pressure from the Tamil Diaspora, want. The radical sections could then call upon the international community and Human Rights Council to intervene on the grounds of R2P (Responsibility to Protect). The HRC would argue that five years after the war’s end there is still no domestic inquiry into alleged war crimes, that the Northern Provincial Council election was good but power hasn’t been devolved etc. The GoSL has fallen into this trap.
This situation opens ‘the window of vulnerability.’ Disregard for the erosion of India’s support is a ‘crass error’ he said. There has been an erosion of Sri Lanka’s ‘soft power.’ We would be deluded to think that support from Israel and China would ‘save’ Sri Lanka.
In response to an audience question on ‘what is to be done’ he urged three lines of action: Firstly president Rajapaksa should chair a taskforce drawn from those who can face the international challenge, and they should sit in committee daily until March 2014. He suggested Dr. Sarath Amunugama, D.E.W Gunasekara, Rajiva Wijesinha and Milinda Moragoda as suitable candidates. The second move was to implement the core recommendations of the LLRC report, which called for an inquiry into some specific allegations it listed. As potential chairpersons of a domestic committee that might inquire into these incidents Jayatilleka named Judge C G Weeramantry or Sir Desmond de Silva QC. If they declined they could be asked to recommend someone else. The third requirement was a dialogue with the Tamil political leadership and the 13th Amendment. “No one — not even the US — asks us to go beyond the 13th Amendment. But if we do nothing, the 13A may no longer be on the table.”
Jayatilleka also suggested that the help of Russia, China and Cuba be sought for the purpose of making a diplomatic intervention on behalf of Sri Lanka at the HRC.
Among those who contributed to the OPA discussion was Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe, an academic and activist whose work has a focus on conflict resolution. “We are going through a self fulfilling prophecy” he said. It might become a reality that this country will be divided. The (prevailing) ‘mindset’ doesn’t like intellectuals.
“The West is going for regime change; we are doing everything possible to fuel it. We may win the (upcoming provincial) elections, but what are the consequences?” he asked. He congratulated the speakers for their ‘excellent rationality’ but ended on a pessimistic note saying “Yours are voices in the wilderness!”
Among those who contributed to the OPA discussion was Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe, an academic and activist whose work has a focus on conflict resolution. “We are going through a self fulfilling prophecy” he said. It might become a reality that this country will be divided. The (prevailing) ‘mindset’ doesn’t like intellectuals.
“The West is going for regime change; we are doing everything possible to fuel it. We may win the (upcoming provincial) elections, but what are the consequences?” he asked. He congratulated the speakers for their ‘excellent rationality’ but ended on a pessimistic note saying “Yours are voices in the wilderness!”
India for genuine reconciliation
India today urge all stakeholders in Sri Lanka to engage constructively, in a spirit of partnership and mutual accommodation adding that only such a cooperative approach will pave the way for genuine reconciliation and a political settlement.
The Indian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, Y.K. Sinha said that the end of the armed conflict presented an unparalleled opportunity to build a brighter future for all the people of Sri Lanka.
He also noted that the Government of India had already welcomed the successful culmination of elections to three Provincial Councils, including the Northern Provincial Council, in September 2013.
The High Commissioner was speaking at the celebrations held at India House in Colombo to mark the 65th Republic Day of India which falls today.
Speaking about the state of India-Sri Lanka relations, the High Commissioner said that a strong and mutually beneficial relationship with Sri Lanka continues to remain at the core of India’s neighbourhood policy.
He reiterated that India is committed to Sri Lanka as a partner for realizing peace, harmony, growth and development. Our bilateral relations have been built on a rich legacy of civilizational, cultural, religious and linguistic interaction.
The High Commissioner also stressed the need to expedite the implementation of the Sampur Power Project so that the energy needs of Sri Lanka are addressed. A host of other projects and initiatives in diverse areas are in various stages of implementation.
He said that the problem of fishermen of both countries straying across the international maritime boundary line dividing both countries requires to be handled with sensitivity, taking into account the humanitarian and livelihood dimensions. The meeting between fishermen’s associations on the two sides, scheduled to be held in Chennai on 27th January, is expected to lay the foundation for a long term resolution of this issue. (Colombo Gazette)
Pin Adi King Of The Sri Lankan Media
By Pin Adi Nayake -January 26, 2014
RAJ-PUL PIN-ADI NAYAKE, Editor of the Daily News is in a class of his own, one must admit. His poison-pen outpourings, even directed at his own journalist Chairman, Mr. Bandula Padma Kumara and others of his tribe betrays a large chip on his midget frame.
Just last week he slammed Padma Kumara in a leader article asking why he didn’t apologise to President Chandrika Kumaratunga when he was charged for criminally defaming her as editor of Lakbima. He completely ignored Padma Kumara’s credentials as being in the forefront of the media campaign that led to the repeal of criminal libel – a law that would today haunt the likes of Raj-Pul Pin-Adi Nayake no end for his gutter, nay sewer brand of writing.
Then, this week, he betters himself by writing in the once venerated Daily News editorial about a web-sitewhose only crime was to publish a photograph of Raj-Pul Pin-Adi Nayake accepting a lap top (from which he spits venom) from his Lord and Pay Master at whose feet he must serve. Did it prick the pint-sized prick to hurt so much?
Doesn’t the management of Lake House led by Padma Kumara read what this deprived, depraved moron writes in what the rag has the audacity to brag under its masthead as “Sri Lanka’s national newspaper”. National newspaper, my foot. Taste and decency, my ass. There probably are still decent people left who read the Daily News for old times sake. Raj-Pul Pin-Adi Nayake’s personal ‘shortcomings’ (pun intended) is a sure fire fix to shoo them away. Read More
Social media : A possible threat to national security in Sri Lanka
Saptha's Blog -By- Saptha Wanniarachchi
Fig 1 : Dreams and expectations vs organized propaganda
The balance between estate military and electronic/cyber power has become a questionable and valuable fact on national security. Thanks to ethical hackers and cyber security experts who has taken this topic to the market, so that we are aware of the situation where cyber security is also a critical element in national security.
Since war has ended and the country is moving towards its development, many organizations and groups have taken steps to prevent the country from making its progress. As a country, we experience many external attacks sponsored and organized by Diaspora, politicians, NGO’s etc. Most of them are visible and we can practically take an action to defend them. But despite the visible threats, the latest weapon they took in hands is electronic media.
A Language Called Sinhala Through A Glass Darkly

What makes certain social sciences scholars of Sri Lanka interesting is a strange fallibility in acquiring the basic text book information on subjects they write about. Even a cursory trawl through academic writings falling under Sri Lankan studies will flush out scholars, some of them quite high profile, who have left for posterity, evidence of this fallibility. Ranjini Obeyesekere, a medievalist scholar in Sinhalese literature wrote (A Survey of The Sinhala Literary tradition[i], 1979); “It can be claimed that the introduction of Buddhism to Sri Lanka in the third century, B.C., resulted in the creation of the Sinhala language, literature, and nation.” What causes such sentences to be written is the erroneous belief that in the third century BC, missionary monks from the Mauryan Court arriving in Lanka in shiploads, brought with them a language which they taught to the inhabitants in order to enable them to use the new language to dedicate caves to the newly established monastic Buddhist Order; and that it was this new missionary language, which eventually spread to the masses and evolved into the present Sinhala language. What could have helped Ranjini Obeyesekere to avoid such an error is the information that by the time Buddhism was introduced to Sri Lanka, the Sinhala language had already undergone several centuries of ‘creation’ within the shores of Lanka and the ‘creators’ were the pre-Buddhist teeth, palettes and the tongues of the island population. The easiest way to acquire this information would have been through a tete-a-tete with a friendly linguist or a competent ancient period historian. A more hard-working way would have been to plod through texts.
Around 1960, specialist in the making, Saddhamangala Karunaratne made a certain remark in his Ph.D. dissertation[ii] approved by the University of Cambridge that may have caused R. Obeyesekere to imagine a fusion between the language of the Buddhist missionaries and the language of the 3rd century BC Lankans out of which(according to her conceptualization) emerged the Sinhala language. The remark was; “The earliest inscriptions of Ceylon are short records containing stereotyped phrases of the Buddhist monks. The language of these records may well reflect, for some time at least, the language of the Buddhist missionaries, and not the original Sinhalese.” Read More
A Cry For Answers
By Easwaran Rutnam- Sunday, January 26, 2014
What do we tell the children about their father? How do we run the households? These were some of the questions that weeping women asked the Presidential Commission on Disappearances which had public sittings in the North last week.
Anandi Sasitharan, the wife of former LTTE Trincomalee District political head S. Elilan was among those who met the Presidential Commission on disappearances and lodged a complaint about her missing husband.
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