Tuesday, January 21, 2014

காணாமற்போனோரில் 110 பேர் நேற்று இறந்தவர்களாகப் பதிவு; பாதுகாப்பு அமைச்சு இரகசிய நடவடிக்கை
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21 ஜனவரி 2014, செவ்வாய்

பாதுகாப்பு அமைச்சின் ஏற்பாட்டில் கிளிநொச்சியில் நடத்தப்படும் பதிவு நடவடிக்கையில் நேற்று 110 பேர் காணாமற்போன தமது பிள்ளைகள் இறந்துவிட்டனர் எனக் கருதிப்பதிவுகளை மேற்கொண்டனர்.

காணாமற் போனவர்களை இறந்தவர்களாகக் கருதிப் பதிவு செய்யும் நடவடிக்கையை ஊக்குவிக்கும் செயற்பாடுகள் பயங்கரவாதத் தடுப்புப் பிரிவி னரால் (ரி.ஐ.டி) கிளிநொச்சி மாவட்டத்தில் நேற்று முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்டன.

இந்தப் பதிவு நடவடிக்கையில் கலந்து கொண்ட 426 பேரில் 110 பேர் காணாமற்போன தமது பிள்ளைகள் இறந்து விட்டார்கள் எனக் கருதி பதிவுகள் மேற்கொண்டுள்ளனர் எனத் தெரியவருகின்றது.

பகிரங்கப்படுத்தப்படாத
பதிவு நடவடிக்கை
காணாமற்போனோர் தொடர்பிலான விசாரணைகள் கிளிநொச்சி மாவட்டச் செயலகத்தில் நேற்றையதினம் ஆரம்பிக்கப்பட்ட நிலையில், மறுபுறத்தில் பயங்கரவாதத் தடுப்பு பிரிவினரால் இந்தப் பதிவு நடவடிக்கை பகிரங்கப்படுத்தப்படாமல் கரைச்சிப் பிரதேச சபையின் கூட்டுறவு மண்டபத்தில் நடத்தப்பட்டது.

பாதுகாப்பு அமைச்சின் மூலம் எடுக்கப்பட்ட தீர்மானத்துக்கு அமைவாக, இறுதிப் போரில் காணாமற்போனவர்களின் தேவைகள் தொடர்பில் பயங்கரவாதத் தடுப்புப்பிரிவினர் நடத்திய விசாரணைகளுக்கு அமைய 426 குடும்பங்கள் இனங்காணப்பட்டதாகவும், அந்தக் குடும்பங்களே நேற்று பதிவுக்கு அழைக்கப்பட்டதாகவும் பொலிஸ் ஊடக அறிவித்தலில் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ளது.

கிராம சேவையாளர்கள் மூலம் திரட்டப்பட்ட தகவல்களுக்கு அமைவாக தம்மிடம் ஒரு வாரத்துக்கு முன்னர் சிலர் வந்து பதிவுகளை மேற்கொண்டதாகவும், அவர்கள் நேற்று (நேற்று முன்தினம்) எமது வீடுகளுக்கு வருகை தந்து இன்று (நேற்று) பதிவுக்காக வருமாறு தெரிவித்திருந்ததாகவும் அதற்கு அமையவே தாம் வருகை தந்தாகவும் அங்கு வந்த மக்கள் தெரிவித்தனர்.

நீதி சமாதானத்துக்கான அமைச்சு, அரச நிர்வாக அலுவல்கள் அமைச்சு, அரசபாதுகாப்பு அமைச்சு, பொருளாதார அபிவிருத்தி அமைச்சு, மகளிர் மற்றும் சிறுவர்களுக்கான அமைச்சு, சமூக சேவைகள் அமைச்சு, வேலைவாய்ப்பு பணியகம், ஆள்பதிவு திணைக்களம், புனர்வாழ்வுப் பணியகம் என்பன நேற்றைய இந்தப் பதிவு நடவடிக்கையில் கலந்து கொண்டிருந்தன.

ஆசை வார்த்தைகள்
அங்குன் தாராளம்

காணாமற்போனவர்களை இறந்தவர்களாகக் கருதிப் பதிவு செய்தால் பல்வேறு உதவிகள் வழங்கப்படும் என்று மக்களிடம் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டது. நஷ்டஈடு மற்றும் வீட்டு வசதி, கடன்கள் பெற்றுக் கொள்ள முடியும் என்றும் மக்களிடம் கூறப்பட்டு காணாமற் போனவர்களை இறந்தவர்களாகப் பதிவு செய்வதை ஊக்குவிக்கும் நடவடிக்கை அங்கு முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்டது.

இதனால் 110 பேர் காணா மற்போன தமது உறவுகள் இறந்தவர்கள் எனக் கருதி பதிவு செய்துள்ளனர். இவர்களில் 7 பேருக்கு நேற்றே தலா ஒரு லட்சம் ரூபா பெறுமதியான காசோலைகள் வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. இந்தக் காசோலை வழங்கும் நிகழ்வில் ஜனாதி பதியின் புதல்வரும் நாடாளு மன்ற உறுப்பினருமான நாமல் ராஜபக் கலந்து கொண்டார்.

அத்துடன் பங்குபற்றிய 426 குடும்பங்களுக்கும் 10 கிலோ நிறையுள்ள உலர் உணவுப்பொதியும் வழங்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.

இதேவேளை இந்த நடவடிக்கை தொடர்பில் பொலிஸ் பேச்சாளர் அஜித் ரோஹண விடம் வினவிய போது, புலிகளால் கடத்திச் செல்லப்பட்டவர்கள், அவர்களால் காணா மற்போகச் செய்யப்பட்டவர்கள், அவர்களால் படுகொலை செய்யப்பட்டவர்களின் குடும் பங்களுக்கே உதவிகள் வழங்கப்பட்டதாகக் குறிப்பிட்டார்.

குழப்பும் நடவடிக்கையா ?
இந்த நடவடிக்கை மாவட்டச் செயலகத்தின் அருகிலுள்ள கூட்டுறவு மண்டபத்தில் முன் னெடுக்கப்பட்ட வேளையில், மாவட்டச் செயலகத்தில் ஆணைக்குழுவின் அமர்வு இடம்பெற்றது.

ஆணைக்குழுவின் அமர்வுக்கு அழைக்கப்பட்ட 41 பேரில் 27 பேரே நேற்றைய தினம் அமர்வில் கலந்து கொண்டனர். பயங்கரவாதத் தடுப்புப் பிரிவினரால் முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்ட நிகழ்வுக்குச் சென்றதால் ஏனையோர் கலந்து கொள்ளாமல் விட்டிருக்கலாம் என்று சந்தேகம் வெளியிடப்பட்டுள்ளது.

இது தொடர்பில் ஆணைக்குழுவின் தலைவர் மக்ஸ் வெல் பராக்கிரம பரணகமவிடம் வினவியபோது, இது தொடர்பில் தனக்குத் தெரியா தெனவும், வெளியில் இடம் பெறும் எந்தவொரு விடயத்துக்கும் நான் பதில் சொல்ல முடியாது எனவும் தெரிவித்தார்.

SL military robs IDP registry from Thellippazhai DS Secretariat

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 21 January 2014, 16:56 GMT]
The occupying Sinhala military in Jaffna on Monday evening entered the Divisional Secretariat of Valikaamam North, situated at Thellippazhai, and robbed the registries containing the details of uprooted civilians at gunpoint from the civil officials at gunpoint. The SL military officers then instructed the DS and his officials not to talk about the incident. Informed sources told TamilNet that the robbery was carried out on the instruction by the new Jaffna commander of the occupying Sinhala military, Maj. Gen. Udaya Perera, who is trying to manipulate the statistics of uprooted people of Valikaamam North, the area where former ‘High Security Zone’ is being transformed into a Sinhala Military Zone by the SL military permanently seizing the fertile lands and properties of the Eezham Tamils.

Deploying the same military tactics he used in Ki'linochchi district for keeping the Eezham Tamils gagged, the SL commander, who has been posted to Jaffna, met the representatives of the uprooted families recently. The people residing in the so-called welfare camps were the only displaced people from Valikaamam North, he told the representatives of the uprooted people.

Only a few people of more than 51,000 persons uprooted from Valikaamam North reside in the so-called welfare camps now. In addition to the majority that resides outside the camps, there is a significant number of uprooted people among the 70,000 Eezham Tamil refugees who are in Tamil Nadu State of India.

Perera had also told the representatives of the uprooted people that there were three different statistics on uprooted people: one maintained by the SL military, one by the uprooted peoples organisations and the other by the civil administration. He wanted to count the number of people in the welfare camps.

He also met with a section of uprooted people in the camps.

“Remember that it is not Ms Navaneetham Pillay or any other international actor, but it is our president Mahinda Rajapaksa and Defence Secretary Gotabahaya Rajapaksa, who would be deciding your fate of resettlement,” he told them.

Udaya Perera was trying to make them accept the quarry lands being offered as alternative lands for their resettlement.

President Rajapaksa Sanctions Ongoing Media Attack On Keheliya

January 21, 2014

The recent spate of attacks against Government Spokesman and Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella by at least one newspaper whose owners are close to the President has been sanctioned at the highest levels, Colombo Telegraph learns.

The Nation newspaper owned in part by PresidentRajapaksa’s nephew Prasanna Wickremasuriya published a lead story on Sunday (19) charging that Media and Information Minister Keheliya Rambukwella is implicated in an irregular transaction where Rs. 3.3 million was obtained from the state run Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) for a vehicle purportedly being used for personal purposes.

Quoting highly placed government sources, The Nation newspaper said that during the period between July 2010 and August 2011, the Minister had obtained Rs. 240,000 per month from the SLRC for a Land Cruiser Jeep that was in his fleet of vehicles and the then SLRC authorities had meekly done the payment violating all rules and regulations pertaining to such transactions.

It is not immediately clear why the President and senior officials may have sanctioned the action against Minister Rambukwella but sources said the conflicts could be linked to allegations that the Minister forced out former Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation Chairman, Mohan Samaranayake. Samaranayake remains Presidential Media Spokesman and claims the Minister had forced him to quit the post.

The internal rift is the latest in simmering tensions between various rival factions within the Rajapaksa regime. It comes in the wake of a major row between Prime Minister D.M. Jayaratne and UPFA alliance partner the Jathika Hela Urumaya over the heroin scandal. The JHU is bringing major pressure to bear upon the regime over Jayaratne continuing to hold office. The Prime Minister represents the SLFP Old Guard that is engaged in a silent war with the Rajapaksas within the party.

The Nation editor Malinda Seneviratne when contacted by Colombo Telegraph said, ‘The minister may have been aware or he may have been ignorant about this issue. However, this irregular transaction has been carried out in his name. The Minister, we hope, will respond. More importantly, there is the question of irregularity on the part of officials. Rupavahini has a new Chairman. We are confident that he will look into it and clear things up. I don’t know what this ‘sanctioning at the highest levels’ is all about. What we publish is not vetted by anyone, high or low.”

Governance in Northern Province of Sri Lanka: Stresses and Strains

Gautam Sen

January 21, 2014

CV Wigneswaran, Chief Minister of Northern Province of Sri Lanka has lamented in a recent public speech on January 10, organized by a Colombo-based think tank that Colombo is not appreciative of the essence of issues of governance in his province. The Chief Minister has opined that Sri Lanka Army (SLA) is hindering governance in the northern province and that post-war context demands a different approach to governance.1 Wigneswaran has further highlighted that militarization is affecting resettlement of the internally displaced Tamils, the SLA has taken over private land and even agricultural activities and as a result "locals have to purchase produce from their own land cultivated by Army".2 The Chief Minister has also spoken on his recurring difference with the provincial Governor, Maj Gen (retd) G.A.Chandrasiri inter-alia alleging inadequate administrative structure and staff with the province as well as his administrative staff being "used to the Governor`s ways"3 are posing hurdles. Wigneswaran has, however, admitted that there has been some progress in these matters after his recent interactions with President Rajapakse.

The essence of the problem which the Chief Minister has highlighted is that there is dualism in administration in the province and that the officials of the provincial administration are often facing contradictory or overlapping instructions from the provincial government and the Governor. Some may view this as an outcome of a structural problem of the 13th Amendment. This aspect seems to have got accentuated in the Northern province as against other provinces in Sri Lanka, because of the fundamental differences between the Rajapakse regime and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) on the issue of devolution and rights of Tamils on the one hand and the Army and the TNA on the other, rendering the functioning of the northern provincial government difficult. This, according to the Chief Minister, is affecting the implementation of the policies. There are, however, reports that the present governor is not unpopular with the provincial bureaucracy including Mrs. R. Wijiayaludchumi, the chief secretary. On the contrary, there are media reports that the chief secretary has been receiving threats for not being cooperative with the TNA executive.

Wigneswaran has been having a political tussle with governor Chandrasiri even before September last year when elections brought the TNA to power and has frequently expressed his uneasiness towards the governor. The stand of Wigneswaran does not seem to arise on matters of principle because during the last presidential elections in Sri Lanka he had supported Sarath Fonseka, a retired general, against Rajapakse.4 Despite the hangover of the past, the Chief Minister and his ruling political alliance seems basically intended to ensure a more effective control of the political executive over the provincial bureaucracy. The problems are systemic because of the very limited political and administrative devolution affected to the northern province by the Rajapakse government.

It is, therefore, essential to codify the executive instructions for administering the northern province under some statutory rules issued at the provincial level with concurrence of the central government. The proposed executive instructions may apply to all the provinces. Such a measure may even be supported by the UNP and some of the other non-Tamil political parties. This may seem an apparent anomaly with statutory rules to be operative in the province suggested to be issued with central government concurrence (which should be exercised through the governor). However, there may not exist any alternative because of some grey areas in the devolution process and the de-facto overlapping jurisdiction being exercised by the northern province`s chief minister and the governor, as cited above. The statutory rules should not leave any scope for cognizance of directives or advice from the provincial governor to the provincial officials. Article 154 of Sri Lanka’s Constitution read with the 13th Amendment does not seem to pose any impediment in this regard. The only point of interface should be at the provincial apex level, i.e., between the chief minister and the governor. Unresolved or contentious issues thereafter may only be mediated at the level of the central government under a consensus. Without such an institutional arrangement, a virtual subversion of the limited devolution to the northern province would actually be taking place.

The issues at stake are significant from the standpoint of economic empowerment of the agrarian Tamil people, ensuring sustainable means of livelihood for them and overall development of their violence ravaged province, and most importantly the unity of the country. Not only the Tamil parties of Sri Lanka but some of the mainstream political parties of that country including the progressive elements like Sri Lanka Sama Samaja and Nava Sama Samaja Party have an important role to play towards ensuring that the limited devolution process in Sri Lanka.

A mature handling on the part of Wigneswaran will be necessary so that the constitutional structure is not eroded and a constant dialogue ensues between the provincial political executive and the Rajapakse administration. Attempts by the Wigneswaran government to pressurise the centre by invoking Article 154B to withdraw the governor is unlikely to yield desirable outcomes. In fact the focus should be on effective governance in the existing limited functional areas devolved.5

Views expressed are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IDSA or of the Government of India.

‘Extremism talk’ to blunt vigilance on deception

Erik Solheim

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 21 January 2014, 07:28 GMT]
A nation of people long affected by genocide exposing the past and present modus operandi of the genocide partnered by leading Establishments of the world, and claiming for independence as a Right to Protection measure through non-violent avenues, is depicted as ‘extremism’ by the ‘counterinsurgency’ mouthpieces, just as the armed struggle was painted as ‘terrorism’. But, architecting, executing and continuing the theoretical facilitations of the genocide, passing the blame on ‘stars’ when the outcome is haunting, never accepting the genocide and righteous solutions by citing ‘lack of appetite’, but audaciously continuing the deception by harping on ‘engagement’ with the gullible among the affected, pass as ‘international diplomacy’ with immunity.

The attack on TamilNet as an ‘extremist’ media of Tamils, initiated last week by Norway’s failed ‘peace facilitator’ and current OECD ‘development’ provider, Mr Erik Solheim, is not an accident transpiring from a casual twitter discourse.
In the past such attacks were orchestrated to pre-empt vigilance, mobilisation and opposition, whenever the actors were ready with a deceptive move ‘up in their sleeves’ that would imperceptibly but internationally authorise and facilitate the structural genocide of the nation of Eezham Tamils.

Sharp observers in the diaspora could figure out the authors, followers, intent and the context of such orchestrations in the past, and also the ‘quality’ of the orchestrations.

This year’s orchestration, initiated by Mr Erik Solheim, is timed for the impending March UNHRC deception. And some of the second fiddles in the

diaspora have already started writing to Tamil readers that TamilNet is an agent of China, at which the mandarins of Beijing may laugh through their back.

Tamil academic Guruparan Kumaravadivel in his latest article has aptly brought out how an utterly useless debate between Colombo and the TNA on the 13A will be kept prolonged for years in the island, by those who have a vested interest, to deliberately ‘lose’ a genuine political solution.

Orchestrations are engineered in the diaspora by the same forces of vested interests to prolong the diaspora idling with a matching debate, so that the agenda of structural genocide will be fulfilled smoothly in the meantime.

Those who could see how the Norway-initiated peace facilitation became a preparation to annihilate an otherwise-impossible-to-defeat nationalist armed struggle through the genocidal onslaught, could also see how the current deliberations by the same actors aim at the completion of structural genocide and irreversible annihilation of the nation and territoriality of Eezham Tamils.

This is the ‘lasting’ solution conceived by the current actors in making inroads into the island ‘as a whole’.

When the capacity, calibre and imagination of their minds as well as ‘appetite’ are stuck at that point, and when the people whose existence is threatened by their bulldozing callousness expose it, oppose it, argue for alternative paradigm or speak in favour of mobilisation for edification, then it is branded as ‘extremism’.

Reproduced below is the transcript of a twitter discourse initiated by Mr Erik Solheim in which TamilNet ‘extremism’ figures prominently. Further comments on the contents are not needed as regular TamilNet readers could find the truth.

The Year 1988: JVP Demands And The Coalition Government Interlude

By Rajan Hoole -January 21, 2014

Rajan Hoole

The Year 1988: The Red Moon Over Sri Lanka And The Dawn Of New Wisdom – Part 6

A particular episode is very revealing about the manner in which different parties approached the elections. The JVP was not attacking Premadasa and Premadasa was saying that the JVP was innocent and that the SLFP was behind the violence. Having given hopes to the SLFP, the JVP became a thorn in its flesh and on 21st October banned SLFP meetings in the Uva Province. It began insisting that it would remain part of the 8 party alliance only if its proverbial 11 points were met. The 7 remaining parties wrote to Jayewardene asking for a meeting to discuss these – that is the President to dissolve parliament and step down, and elections under a caretaker government.

Premadasa said at a meeting with his peculiar logic, “The JVP is not among the 7 parties asking for a caretaker government so that the violence could be brought to an end. Therefore, the JVP is not responsible for the violence. It is the SLFP that is articulating the violence”.

As an experienced campaigner, Mrs. Bandaranaike could hold her own. She said, “The Prime Minister (Premadasa) is on record saying that the JVP is not responsible for any killings. Then why are his own security forces hunting the JVP?” Yet, the drift of events was against her. The JVP was giving her dead ropes. Its only interest, if possible, was to use the SLFP to get Jayewardene to install a caretaker government and step down.

This was the time (26th October) the brutal killing of three supposedly pro-JVP students, allegedly by the son of Ratnapura MP Punchi Nilame, became an issue. (The same MP was also accused of playing a prominent role in the 1981 anti-Tamil violence.)

Jayewardene’s response (Sunday Times 30 Oct. 88) to the 11 JVP demands that were raised with him by its 7 allies, was essentially that the release of detainees was possible, if it would bring a permanent end to violence. He added that the immediate lifting of the emergency and that the dissolution of parliament could be seriously considered if the foregoing conditions are met. Then the paramilitary groups including the STF, he said, could be disbanded if they exist. He would step down, he said, if it would help the situation. He added that in that event Premadasa would become president according to the constitution and asked if they would like that. He remained a master politician to the last, who could have achieved much if his abilities were directed aright.

To be continued..

*From Rajan Hoole‘s “Sri Lanka: Arrogance of Power - Myth, Decadence and Murder”. Thanks to Rajan for giving us permission to republish. To read earlier parts click here

SC grants leave to proceed for FR case on violent mob attack against place of worship in Weeraketiya

Tuesday, January 21, 2014

Statement issued by the NATIONAL CHRISTIAN EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE OF SRI LANKA (NCEASL)
The fundamental rights case (Case Number 19/2013 SCFR) filed on behalf of the Jeewana Alokaya Church in Weeraketiya, which was violently attacked on 09th December 2012 and 18th March 2013, was granted leave to proceed after being called in the Supreme Court on 21st January 2014.

The Supreme Court granted leave to proceed based on the Freedom of Speech and Expression, Article 14 (1) (a) and the Right to Equality, Article 12 (1) and Article 12 (2) of the Constitution of Sri Lanka 1978.

Mr. Chrismaal Warnasuriya (Attorney-at-Law) Counsel for the case together with Nalaka Jayasuriya and Indika Udeshkumara, junior lawyers, appeared on behalf of the petitioners.

The National Christian Evangelical Alliance of Sri Lanka welcomes this decision, as it is a step toward recognizing the right to religious freedom and equality as guaranteed by the Constitution.

US CALLS FOR END OF IMPUNITY IN ATTACKS ON PLACES OF WORSHIP

January 21, 2014

The US today called for the end of impunity in attacks on places of worship in Sri Lanka following a meeting between US Ambassador to Sri Lanka Michelle Sison and the National Christian Evangelical Alliance.

The US Ambassador met with the NCEA in the wake of an attack on a Christian prayer center in Hikkawduwa last week by a mob led by several Buddhist monks. The mob destroyed property within the place of worship which they claimed was an illegal prayer center.

Several person including Buddhist monks were identified by police in the attack.

Following the meeting between the Ambassador and the NCEA, the US Embassy tweeted from its official twitter account that the Ambassador called for an end of impunity in attacks on places of worship in Sri Lanka.

Human Rights and Democracy 2012-Sri Lanka
The 2012 Foreign & Commonwealth Office Report

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Latest Update: 31 December 2013

The human rights situation in Sri Lanka did not improve during the last three months, although the international focus on the country’s human rights record intensified during the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in November.

There were a number of incidents during the week of CHOGM. On 13 November, family members of the disappeared from the north were prevented by security forces from travelling to Colombo to attend a human rights festival. The festival itself was attacked on 14 November, allegedly by pro-government protestors who previously attacked the Sri Lankan Opposition Leader’s vehicle. A Tamil youth at the event was temporarily detained and allegedly attacked by the police. The police obtained a court order preventing protests and processions in Colombo during the 15and 16 November, resulting in the cancellation of a candlelight vigil by human rights defenders. Part of the British Channel 4 team in Sri Lanka for CHOGM decided to cut short their visit, citing extensive intimidation and surveillance, including an apparently government-orchestrated protest which prevented the train they were travelling on from reaching the North.

During his CHOGM visit, British Prime Minister David Cameron said that the UK would be forced to use its position in the UN Human Rights Council to support the call by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to establish an independent international investigation, if Sri Lanka failed to set up a credible, transparent and independent domestic process by March 2014. The Prime Minister also urged the Sri Lankan government to agree a meaningful political settlement with the North, including demilitarisation, and to fully implement Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) recommendations. The Prime Minister was also able to undertake a visit to Jaffna, the first visit of any Head of Government to the Northern Province since Sri Lanka’s Independence in 1948. This visit allowed him to see the situation on the ground for himself, and speak to some of those affected by the conflict to hear their concerns directly. The Prime Minister was accompanied to Jaffna by media organisations such as BBC, ITV, Sky and Channel 4, which helped to contribute to increased scrutiny on human rights and accountability issues in Sri Lanka during CHOGM. Foreign Secretary William Hague called on Sri Lanka to end the culture of impunity on violence against women during an event addressing civil society, members of the Sri Lankan government, campaigners and the media on preventing sexual violence in conflict. The Foreign Secretary and Minister for Sri Lanka and the Commonwealth Hugo Swire met a wide range of Sri Lankan civil society actors and human rights defenders, including media activists, families of the disappeared, those working on torture prevention, and women’s rights activists. We have emphasised to the Sri Lankan government that the human rights defenders, journalists and members of the public whom Ministers met during CHOGM should not face any reprisals. Our High Commission in Colombo is closely monitoring this situation post-CHOGM.

Concerns continued over the culture of impunity in Sri Lanka. On 14 October a Sri Lankan court released on bail 12 Special Task Force personnel accused of killing five Tamil students in the eastern town of Trincomalee in 2006 (the ‘Trinco 5’). The case had been re-opened for investigation in July this year. On 3 December French NGO, Action Against Hunger (ACF), in a report on the assassination of 17 ACF humanitarian aid workers in Sri Lanka, alleged that the aid workers were assassinated by members of the Sri Lankan security forces and the crime was covered up by “top Sri Lankan authorities”. In December, newspapers reported that the Sri Lankan Human Rights Commission had postponed the National Inquiry on Torture that was due to be set up with assistance from the Commonwealth Secretariat, on a request from civil society. Prominent civil society actors have disassociated themselves from the request.

There were a number of custodial deaths of suspects under questionable circumstances during the period, in addition to two reported abductions. One of the alleged victims returned days later while the other remains missing. In a statement, civil society activists condemned the detention of seven Tamil youths under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) following their arrest in November. All seven remain in detention. Activists were concerned that the arrests were unfounded and would perpetuate the climate of fear and insecurity of the people of the North. A 10 December Human Rights Day demonstration by the families of the disappeared in the eastern town of Trincomalee was attacked by unidentified masked men. EU Heads of Missions in Colombo in their Human Rights Day message encouraged the government to extend further invitations to facilitate outstanding visit requests by other UN special mandate holders, including the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances. There were also a number of attacks on Christian churches and mosques during the period, including three on Christmas Eve.

Positively, the Sri Lankan External Affairs Minister told diplomats in December that a proposed Witness Protection Bill was nearly at the end of the parliamentary process. The Commission investigating wartime disappearances extended its deadline to receive complaints. The Commission’s mandate was also extended by six months. Dr. Chaloka Beyani, the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), visited Sri Lanka from 2-6 December. He noted Sri Lanka’s “impressive strides in rebuilding infrastructure” and highlighted the need for more durable housing, access to social services, and the creation of livelihood opportunities. He also noted that of equal importance is an environment allowing the resettled and remaining IDPs to exercise their property rights, receive information on missing family members and access legal services.

Update: 30 September 2013

The overall human rights situation in Sri Lanka remains of concern, with mixed developments over the past three months.

Positive developments included: the transfer of police oversight from the Ministry of Defence to a new Ministry of Law and Order (both fall under the jurisdiction of the President); progress in investigations into the 2006 murder of five students in Trincomalee, with arrests of 12 Police Special Task Force (STF) personnel; the appointment of a Commission of Inquiry on Disappearances tasked with investigating disappearances in the north and east from 1990 to 2009; proposed amendments to the Penal Code to criminalise enforced disappearances; and assurances that the military would return some private land in the north within the next three months (however, reports persist of moves to regulate the compulsory acquisition of private land already taken over by the military).

WORLD REPORT 2014-Sri Lanka

Sri Lankan Tamil women hold up photographs of their missing sons during a protest against the Sri Lankan government in Colombo on March 5, 2013.

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The Sri Lankan government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa made little progress in 2013 in addressing accountability for serious human rights abuses committed during the country’s nearly three-decades-long civil war, which ended in 2009. In March, the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC) adopted a second resolution in as many years that called on Sri Lanka to implement the recommendations made by its own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) and provide accountability for alleged war crimes committed by both sides in the civil war. The government claimed it was implementing the LLRC recommendations, but its claims were difficult to verify and accountability efforts lacked credibility.

The year saw an escalation in attacks by militant Buddhist groups against Hindus and Muslims.

The independence of the judiciary came under question after the Rajapaksa government orchestrated the impeachment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake in December 2012 after she had ruled against the government in a major case.

Elections for three provincial councils were conducted in September. Independent observers reported dozens of incidents of intimidation, violence, and improper military interference. The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) won a large majority in the Northern Provincial Council, an ethnic Tamil-majority area that was the site of much of the fighting during the civil war.

By September, the government was detaining 230 of the estimated 12,000 members and supporters of the defeated Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) held at the end of the civil war for “rehabilitation.”

Accountability

Sri Lanka’s failure over several years to address war crimes allegations prompted the HRC in March to issue a resolution calling on Sri Lanka to independently and credibly investigate violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. The resolution also called on UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay to give an oral update on the human rights situation in Sri Lanka during the HRC’s September session, and to present a written report at the March 2014 session.

Following the HRC resolution, the government issued several updates regarding its implementation of LLRC recommendations, including investigations into a few war crimes allegations. Many of its claims were difficult to verify due to lack of government transparency, and, even if accurate, in important respects fell far short of the steps called for in the resolution.

Special army courts of inquiry established in 2012 wholly exonerated the army of any laws of war violations despite significant evidence to the contrary. While the government arrested 12 members of the policeSpecial Task Force as part of its investigation into the murder of five Tamil youths in Trincomalee in January 2006, it failed to arrest senior police officials implicated. In response to LLRC concerns about enforced disappearances, the government established the latest in a long line of special commission with a limited mandate and no clarity as to whether the government would publicize its findings.

No improvement in HR in Sri Lanka says UK

Tuesday, 21 January 2014

The UK has said that the human rights situation in Sri Lanka did not improve during the last three months.

The UK has stated that it remains concerned over the culture of impunity in Sri Lanka continue.

Issuing the quarterly update to the 2012 Human Rights and Democracy Report covering the October-December 2013 period, the Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) has reportedly said that despite the international focus on the country’s human rights record intensified during the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in November there were a number of violations during the week of CHOGM.

The report has noted an incident where the security forces had prevented the family members of the disappeared and missing from the
North from attending human rights festival in Colombo.
It has also cited the protests held by the Sri Lankan public against the Britain’s Channel 4 news team preventing them from visiting the
North as an apparent government orchestrated plan.

Referring to the release of 12 Special Task Force personnel accused of killing five Tamil students in the eastern town of Trincomalee in 2006 on bail in October, the FCO has said concerns continued over the culture of impunity in Sri Lanka.

There were also a number of custodial deaths of suspects under questionable circumstances during the period, in addition to two reported abductions, the FCO update has also observed.

Australia advise it's citizens to exercise a high degree of caution to visit Sri Lanka!

This Advice was last issued on Friday, 17 January 2014. It contains new information under Entry and Exit (ensure you apply for the correct visa for your visit to Sri Lanka. You risk deportation for engaging in activities outside your visa conditions) and Health (update on dengue fever incidence in Sri Lanka). We advise you to exercise a high degree of caution in Sri Lanka at this time because of the unpredictable security environment.

We advise you to exercise a high degree of caution in Sri Lanka at this time because of the unpredictable security environment.

Security forces maintain a visible presence throughout the country. Military and police checkpoints are present along some roads and road closures can occur without warning.

You should avoid all demonstrations and large public gatherings as they may turn violent or be a target for politically-motivated attacks. Police have used tear gas in response to protests.

In the Northern Province of Sri Lanka, which includes Mannar, Vavuniya, Mullaitivu, Kilinochichi and Jaffna Districts, post-conflict security force activity is ongoing.

In both the Northern and Eastern Provinces you should stay on main roads and pay close attention to signs warning of danger from landmines.

Foreign passport holders, including diplomats and international and local non-government organisation personnel, no longer require approval from the Ministry of Defence to travel to the north of Sri Lanka. However, individuals and groups intending to visit military establishments or High Security Zones or to meet military officials still require specific approval from the Ministry of Defence.

Pay careful attention to the type of visa you apply for. Travellers risk deportation if they engage in activities outside their visa conditions.

All regions of Sri Lanka experience outbreaks of the mosquito-borne dengue fever. Almost half of the cases in 2013 were reported in Western Province, where Colombo is located. See Health Issues below for more information.

Because of the prevailing security situation, we strongly recommend that you register your travel and contact details with us so we can contact you in an emergency.

Be a smart traveller. Before heading overseas:

organise comprehensive travel insurance and check what circumstances and activities are not covered by your policy
subscribe to this travel advice to receive free email updates each time it's reissued.

For firmer growth, Sri Lanka needs China's soft power

MARWAAN MACAN-MAKAR, Contributing writer-January 9, 2014

HAMBANTOTA, Sri Lanka -- Billboards promise a futuristic paradise on the road that leads to this sleepy fishing town on Sri Lanka's southern coast. Smiling pictures of the country's president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, appear on most of them. Others include his siblings or sons -- members of the large Rajapaksa clan who hail from this region and effectively run post-conflict Sri Lanka.

For Firmer Growth, Sri Lanka Needs China's Soft Power by nelvely

SL creates medical history – Beneragama ‘cheating solution’ to replace Benedict’s healing solution !

(Lanka-e-News-21.Jan.2014, 10.00AM) Do you know our health department under the lawless corruption steeped Medamulana Rajapakse regime , if an individual wishes to secure a loan in millions or more has no need any longer to apply to a Bank . He can secure that from the health Ministry by committing robbery with the collusion of the Ministry. Later, after excusing himself , ‘this occurred because of no fault of mine,’ secure the opportunity to repay the robbed amount in installments in 5 to 10 years sans interest. Mind you there are other benefits too conferred on the rogue – a promotion too is bestowed on him!

SL creates medical history – Beneragama ‘cheating solution’ to replace Benedict’s healing solution ! by nelvely