Sampanthan says Gotabaya is not govt. MONDAY, 27 MAY 2013  “Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa has said police and land powers would not be given to the Northern Province. I am not ready to talk to him because he is not the government,” said ITAK leader R. Sampanthan at the Trincomalee District General Meeting of the ITAK yesterday. The meeting was held at the New Silver Star Inn to appoint electoral agents, re-structuring party branches and to explain the current political situation. “The problems of Tamils have reached the United Nations. UNHCR conducted discussions with regard to Sri Lankan Tamils. Therefore, we cannot give up our principles for the sake of a 2 km road,” he said speaking at the meeting.  “Except for the 50 acre-land acquired for the Sampur Electricity Scheme, all other lands will be released; that was the promise given to me by Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa, however, in spite of the promise the lands are still not released. Countries which helped to destroy LTTE, should place a solution before Tamils, be it the USA or India; we need a solution and they are duty-bound to provide it,” Mr. Sampanthan said. He further said “We have shared Rs. 5 million received from our decentralised budget among eleven temples. Had we joined the government, we would have received even Rs.100 million for development, but we will not deviate from our principles.” (Singaravelu Sasikumar) Uncertain of holding the northern election. Sambanthan notify yesterday Monday , 27 May 2013 There is doubt in holding the Northern Province election. If election is held and  to prevent a minute of powers going to the hands of Tamil people, government will implement all the issues before it, said Tamil National Alliance Leader R.Sambanthan     The meeting was held at the New Silver Star Inn, Trincomalee yesterday morning and he made this statement.      He said, shortly a bill will be introduced for the diaspora people to cast their vote. It will strengthen our voting power. By targeting the north province election, this bill will get introduced which I believe.   If one member was increased from the three districts in the eastern province council, today the province administration would be in our hand.   If our people have shown more concern in voting, that would have happened. People, who are temporarily displaced, should be attentive in registering themselves. In some areas people may not be living, but it is a mistake of not getting registered.   Moreover, human rights violations, and humanitarian crisis are specially ignored by our rulers, and it attempts to deny our rights and to counter attack, the one and only way is our vote strength.   Government is not prepared to give a political status to the Tamils. Today our crisis has gone beyond our periphery and have reached up to United Nation Council.   We desire to merge and live with the majority society.  We are prepared to accept a settlement according to our ancestry traditions.   Many countries assisted to eliminate the liberation tigers. Those countries have a responsibility. We were born in this country.   The right you have here belongs to us too. We did not ask anything new.  We are asking the rights of various communities living in many  countries said Sambanthan

A New Political Regime Post – 2010 In Sri Lanka: A Hybrid Regime

By Laksiri Jayasuriya -May 27, 2013 |-Introduction

A New Political Regime Post – 2010 by nelvely

Tamil Nadu gives us fresh impetus to continue our freedom struggle. - BTF

Monday, 27 May 2013

The speech of general secretory of British Tamil Forum

We have gathered here to remember our kith and kin who were massacred in the genocidal war against the Tamil people.

Four years ago, here in London and across the world, we had gathered in large numbers in order to prevent the biggest genocide of the century. We pleaded with the international community to invoke the R2P doctrine to halt the war and save lives.

But they let the Sri Lankan state to massacre more than 100,000 of our people and forced the survivors into the hands of the Sri Lankan state only to be brutally incarcerated. It continues to defy calls to release the details of over 18,000 who either surrendered or were forcefully taken into custody.

Now, as we highlight the plight of our people under the control of this racist oppressive state, instead of seeking a solution for permanent security of our people, all we see is the international community focusing on placating the regime.

Tamils world over, along with many human rights organisations, are calling for an international independent investigation into the massacre and the continuing structural genocide. At a time when call for an International Investigation is getting stronger around the world, the commonwealth is preparing to hold its summit in the blood soaked Island of Sri Lanka and to give the chairmanship for the next two years to Rajapakse who presides over the genocide of Tamil people. This makes a mockery of the recent Commonwealth charter proclaiming its commitment for human rights, democracy, rule of law, good governance, separation of powers and other principles, all of which are blatantly violated by the Sri Lankan state.

Attendance at the Summit in Sri Lanka by the British prime minister and other dignitaries representing this country, will seriously damage the quest for justice by the Tamil people. The British position with regards to the commonwealth summit in Sri Lanka totally contradicts its principled stance at the UNHRC.

It is true that the balance of power in the national conflict between the Tamils and the Sinhalese had tilted in favour of the Sinhala nation, after 2009. This is the cause, for the Sri Lankan state's unbridled oppressive rule over the Tamil people. It was to counter this imbalance, Tamil people around the world started their democratic, diplomatic activities which have made major impact on the international stage. These activities are winning us friends as well as exposing those who are working against the freedom struggle of the Tamil nation. It is absolutely essential that we move with vigilance against these elements which are scheming to divide us and destroy our freedom struggle.

The Sinhala state is moving on the premise that longer it drags on, the Tamil people and their freedom organisations will dissipate and that it through its extensive land grab and Sinhala colonisation programmes could alter the demography of the Tamil land in its favour. We will press for international intervention to conduct a referendum amongst the Tamil people to arrive at a political solution and to halt the on-going genocide. Sri Lanka is waiting in the hope that, in this very slow process the Tamil people will become fatigued and give up. We have to prepare ourselves for a long drawn out freedom struggle.

We cannot and will not relent in our freedom struggle because it is our land. Tamil people’s security and survival in that island rests on gaining our freedom from the Genocidal Racist Sri Lankan state.

People who want their freedom from an alien oppressive occupier cannot be held down for ever. We will garner the strength of our people's power and take the case of our freedom struggle to all international arenas. Through our campaigns such as "Boycott Sri Lanka" and "Economic Sanctions ", we will isolate the genocidal Sri Lankan state from the international community.

The support of our brethren in Tamil Nadu and the uprising by the student community are major turning points in our journey. They give us fresh impetus to continue our freedom struggle.

Every Tamil person has a part to play in the freedom struggle. Let us pledge on those lives of our people, that we will play our part and will not flinch until we liberate our land and the people for whom they gave their lives.

We will win

Thank You

The Tamils Yearn for an Independent Tamil Eelam

Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter Declared by Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam


The Transnational Government of TamilEelam declared Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter on on May 18, 2013.

May 24, 2013 /EIN Presswire/ -- Tamil groups from around the world, coordinated by the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE), initiated the process of drafting the Freedom Charter, through extensive consultation from Tamils worldwide.

Aspiring to take the Vaddukoddai Resolution forward as the TGTE moves towards realizing its goal, and taking inspiration from Britain's Ma'gna Car'ta, the Freedom Charter of the African National Congress (ANC) as well as the Palestinian National Charter, the Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter "will enshrine the 'Freedom Demands' of the people." the Prime Minister Visuvanathan Rudrakumaran said. 

In the historic city of Lancaster (Pennsylvania, U.S.A) the birth place of Thaddens Stevens, the immortal 19th century egalitarian and a leading champion for the emancipation proclamation, the Prime Minister of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam, Rt . Hon. Viswanathan Rudrakumaran solemnly unveiled the Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter in the presence of a host of academics, Human Rights activists, legal luminaries, TGTE MPs and Senators, political pundits, and professionals from Norway to Australia and India to Italy were present at this historic event. 

Enumerating the cardinal principles of the Tamilnationhood, historic homelands with the Right of self-determination, the Prime Minister eloquently read out the proclamation consisting of 21 articles of freedom 

A two day International Academic conference exploring the means to realize the legitimate political aspirations of the Tamils of Eelam was held prior to the proclamation of the Freedom Charter.

Professor Francis Boyle a leading advocate for Freedom to the oppressed national communities was the resource person at this conference at which Prof. Josef Alkatout (Germany), Prof. Peter Schalk (Sweden), Prof. Manivannan (Chennai), Prof. Sornarajah (London), Dr. David Suntha (UK), Prof. David Matas (Canada), Prof. Frederic Fapanni (Switzerkland) Prof. Chandrakanthan (Canada), Dr. Paul Newman (Bangalore), Prof. Saraswathy (Chennai) and Prof. James Summer (UK) Prof. N. Sriskandarajah (Sweden), Dr. Brian Senaviratne (Australia), Mrs. Usha Sriskandarajah (Canada), Mr. V. Thankavelu (Canada), Dr. Nimmi Gowrinathan, (Canada) presented research papers on an array of topics related to the Conference theme. 

Following the proclamation of the freedom charter Dr. Nuran Nabi a freedom fighter once considered the brain behind the Bangladesh Mukti Bahini, Dr. Ramsay Clark, former attorney General of the USA and Hon. Daniel Mayan from South Sudan (SPLM) reiterated their support and emphasized the historic importance of the freedom charter. 

Tamil Eelam, the Freedom Charte

Positions: 

1) We, the people of Tamil Eelam, have an inherent right to self-determination. Subject to Genocide at the hands of successive Sinhala national governments and as an essential measure of protection we wish to establish our own independent and sovereign State of Tamil Eelam.

2) The creation of an independent and sovereign State of Tamil Eelam remains the only viable option to lead a life with security, dignity and equality, both individually and collectively.

3) For over six decades we have struggled, through both non-violent means and armed resistance, to protect ourselves from state sponsored Genocide. We demand the international community organize a referendum to enable us to exercise our right to self-determination and also take all measures to bring to justice the perpetrators of Genocide against the Tamil people.

4) The North-East of Sri Lanka is our traditional homeland and will be the territory of the State of Tamil Eelam. The maritime and aerial limits of Tamil Eelam will be established according to international laws.

5) The independent state of Tamil Eelam will embrace wholeheartedly the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and all international human rights and humanitarian treaties and conventions.

6) A Constituent Assembly, elected by the people, shall draft the Constitution. The Constitution will avoid any concentration of power in one authority or person and enshrine the independence of the Legislature, the Executive and Judiciary. 

7) Tamil Eelam shall be a Republic adhering to the laws enacted by a Parliament of elected representatives chosen through direct voting by the people. The people shall have the right to recall their elected representatives.

8) No religion shall be given the foremost place in Tamil Eelam. The freedom to worship and the cultural right to practice religious traditions shall be ensured.

9) Tamil Eelam will prohibit capital punishment.

10) The state of Tamil Eelam shall guarantee Constitutional protection of individuals, families and communities from any form of discrimination on the basis of religion, ethnicity, language, caste, gender or sexual orientation.

11) The rights of all minority groups in Tamil Eelam will be respected and safeguarded.

12)The distinct identity of Muslims will be recognized. They shall have the right to participate in formulation of their role in Tamil Eelam. 

13) Whenever the hill country Tamils choose to settle in Tamil Eelam, citizenship rights will be extended to them forthwith and the state shall implement special programs for their welfare.

14) All freedom fighters shall be honored as national heroes. All those who sacrificed their lives shall be honored as martyrs. The welfare of the families of the martyrs and cadre shall be the responsibility of the state. 

15) All civilians who lost their lives during the freedom struggle shall be remembered through a national monument. 

17) May 18 will be established as a National Day of Mourning and November 27 will remain as the National Maaveerar Day.

18) Foreign Policy

a) Tamil Eelam shall maintain close relations with all nations that have democratically elected governments. 
b) Expressing solidarity with the people of India and to foster peace and security in the Indian Ocean region, Tamil Eelam will forge a special relationship with India. 

19) Economic Policy

The economic policy of Tamil Eelam will be shaped with the needs and resources of the people of Tamil Eelam in mind and to cultivate global cooperation as well as recognizing the significant role of the Tamil diaspora. 

20) Language Policy

Tamil, Sinhala and English shall be the official languages of Tamil Eelam. 

21) Education Policy

22) Education shall be compulsory and free for all.

23) Health Policy

Health will be a fundamental right and all citizens will have access to free healthcare.

24) Development Policy

Development includes economic as well as social, human resource and cultural development in a sustainable way. An important goal of development policy would be to create social equity and minimize disparities.

25. Some of the objectives of development projects in Tamil Eelam will be to ensure that all citizens have:

- their own shelter;
- basic livelihood
- adequate nutrition, especially for children, pregnant mothers and the elderly
- protection from infectious diseases

26) Environment Policy

Land, water and space resources within the territory of Tamil Eelam will be conserved. Large-scale reforestation projects, especially of the Palmyra resource destroyed during the war, will be undertaken as a priority.

27) Emphasis will be given to renewable energy forms such as solar, wind and wave. All non-renewable resources will be used cautiously keeping in mind the needs of future generations.

28) Citizenship Policy

Citizenship will be extended to all those born in the homeland or descended from those born in the homeland. Provisions will be made for obtaining citizenship through naturalization and also for holding dual citizenship.

About TamilEelam Freedom Charter : www.tamileelamfreedomcharter.org

For informations contact : pmo@tgte.org 

Nimal Vinayagamoorthy
Chair Conference Committee
nimal.vinayagamoorthy@tgte.org

video link : http://youtu.be/37ihctXlUj0

# # #
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The Search For Loved Ones Is Not A Conspiracy

By Jehan Perera -May 27, 2013

Jehan Perera

In most of the country, there is still a considerable amount of freedom for political parties and civic organizations to work with the people, to create awareness amongst them and to mobilize them on issues as befits a functioning democracy.  The government’s recent decision to question the director of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation is a step beyond which may be intended to send a signal to other international organizations working in Sri Lanka that there are limits to their work in the area of good governance and it that should not be overstepped.  This follows a seminar that FNF had organized for some parliamentarians and other elected officials from the main opposition party on improving the opposition’s performance by better campaign methods. The government has claimed that it is investigating FNF as it is concerned about a conspiracy against the government.

However, the government’s readiness to see conspiracies extends in a much more systematic manner to the former conflict zones of the north and east.  In the north and east of the country there is an entirely different system of control and surveillance at work that is not seen in the rest of the country.  There is a need for civic organizations and NGOs to get permission from special government bodies and even the military of the area, before they can do their work. This is justified by government spokespersons on the basis that the LTTE, or its rump, and the Tamil Diaspora and others are still intent on dividing the country.  But there is a more important issue at stake that impacts on the sense of security of government leaders and which drives their desire to control.

One of the main concerns of the government during the last phase of the war was to limit the flow of information about what was happening on the battlefields of the north.  To this end, it required international humanitarian organizations and media to leave the war zones, for their own safety as the government claimed.  There were claims and counter claims about civilian casualties.  Even after the end of the war, there is restrictiveness towards the work of humanitarian and human rights organizations in the north and east of the country, which were the areas where the war was fought.  It is clear that the government would also like to close the chapter on what happened during the war, especially in relation to civilian casualties and allegations of war crimes.

 Real Concern 

The government’s most serious concern that looms above all others is that sections of the international community are utilizing the issue of alleged large scale human rights violations that occurred at that time to enter the country with intrusive international investigative mechanisms.   A fact finding committee appointed by the UN Human Rights Commissioner Navaneetham Pillay which visited Sri Lanka earlier this year recommended the setting up of an independent international investigative mechanism to probe what happened during the last phase of the war.  The issue of the alleged human rights violations in the end phases of the war resurfaced at the UN Human Rights Council session held in Geneva in March of this year.  The question about what happened at that time in the battlefields of the north continues to haunt the government.

At the last session of the UNHCR a resolution sponsored by the United States was passed by the majority of countries over the objections of Sri Lanka.  Among other matters, it called upon the government to conduct an independent investigation into the violations of international humanitarian law (war crimes) that may have occurred during the last phase of the war.  While the government would be concerned with protecting those of its armed forces and political leadership who prosecuted the war to its successful conclusion, it is also irked by peripheral and limited interest shown in LTTE violations.  The LTTE and those who supported it materially and politically cannot be exonerated for its role in what transpired during the war.  There needs to be a holistic approach to this issue that encompasses all who engaged in the war, both as perpetrators and as victims.

A recent seminar conducted by the Marga Institute titled “The Numbers Game—The politics of Retributive Justice” brought out these points in a powerful manner.  Earlier in March 2011 it had organized another seminar on the report of UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts on accountability issues in the course of the war (Darusman Report).  Once again, the Marga discussion stressed the importance of gaining a further knowledge of civilian casualties and the human tragedies in order to move forward to national reconciliation.  This was also the spirit of the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission that came out in November 2011, which looked at accountability, human rights, humanitarian law, compensation and governance from the primary standpoint of reconciliation.

Behind Numbers 

There is a big variation in the estimates of civilian casualties ranging from the government’s initial denial of any significant number of them to the UN’s initial estimate of 7000 and going up to the Bishop of Mannar’s submission of 146,000 of those trapped in the war zone being unaccounted for at the end of the war.  The discussion at the Marga seminar pointed to the difficulties of coming up with an accurate number.  There were observations as to the unreliability of the figures given by local government authorities at that time, as they were under LTTE control, and therefore could be bloated. The LLRC report recommended a conducting a household survey covering all affected families in all parts of the country.  But there were also observations that even a household survey could not capture the entirety of civilian losses, as some entire families would have been wiped out while others would have gone abroad and have no one left to report on their behalf.

The currently prevalent figure internationally for civilian deaths is 40,000, which arose from earlier estimates that gave a range of 20,000 to 40,000.  The Marga seminar did not hone in on a single number, but it did bring out another important point that must not be lost sight of.  This observation is that behind every number, was a person who died or went missing, and each of these figures contained a narrative and a human story of suffering and loss.   It is like that story from Colombia in South America, which has had one of the longest running insurrections in the world.  This is a story found in a textbook on conflict resolution an authoritative academic figures, John Paul Ledarach, and it tells of a Colombian farmer who goes to his coffee plantation after many years during a time of ceasefire.  He hears his long lost brother-in-law’s voice coming from out of the ground, saying “I am here, get me out.”  When that site is dug up, a skeleton is found along with his brother-in-law’s clothes.

Whether in war or in normal human life, the dead do not go away, those missing continue to linger in memory.  Last week in Vavuniya a legal case came before the high court, submitted by five women whose husbands went missing in the last days of the war.  Their complaint was that they saw their husbands surrender after the army announced on loudspeaker that those of the LTTE who surrendered to them would be safe.  Their story was that 800 got on buses of which there were 15, and amongst them was a Catholic priest who negotiated their surrender, Fr  Francis Joseph,  who is also missing to this day. The case was postponed for six weeks to give the state more time to answer.  Their search for their loved ones will undoubtedly continue for years to come, even as the bodies of some of those who went missing in the JVP insurrection of 1988-89 are now being dug up in Matale.  It would be better if government institutions recognized this, and deal justly and kindly with them for the problem will not go away. It is not a conspiracy against the government that drives them to the courts of law, the last bastion of Sri Lankan justice, but the most primordial of human sentiments, which is the commitment of family members to one another.

The US failure to shut down the Guantanamo camp is an example of the struggle against terrorism failing to uphold human rights

Ties with Beijing were not an 'exclusive one'-SL MONDAY, 27 MAY 2013  Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa arrived in Beijing on Monday on a 4-day state visit, his sixth, with Colombo saying that its ties with Beijing were not an "exclusive one" and would not harm interests of others. This is Rajapaksa's first visit after the new leadership headed by Xi Jinping assumed power. China was expected to announce more aid for various development projects in Sri Lanka in addition to heavy infrastructure projects like Hambantota port in Rajapaksa's home town. Colombo will embrace China's rise, and its friendship with Beijing is "not an exclusive one" and wouldn't harm the interests of other countries, Sri Lankan Foreign Minister, G L Peiris said in an interview. "China has contributed very significantly to our economic development by assisting us with infrastructure after the eradication of terrorism," Peiris said. Sri Lanka perceives China's rise as an opportunity, while some of China's neighbours remain skeptical toward Beijing's growing power, state-run Global Times said, referring to India's concerns over growing influence of China in the island nation. The close ties between Sri Lanka and China have raised suspicions among other powers like India that it may be used against them, the report said. In his interview to the daily, Peiris said such fears "have no foundation". "Sri Lanka has friendly relations with other countries as well, but there has never been a conflict, because China has never sought to use her relations with Sri Lanka in order to put any other country in peril or to jeopardise interests of any other countries," he said. As for bilateral ties, Peiris said while the political relationship is "as good as it can be," Sri Lanka hopes to expand trade ties with China by exporting more value-added goods so as to narrow its trade deficit. The daily's report also highlighted Chinese assistance to Sri Lanka to enable Colombo to crush the LTTE. Sri Lanka will benefit from the shift in the world's economic gravity to the Pacific Rim, Peiris said, noting that China is becoming a power which is more outward-looking and that this could benefit the island nation in the Indian Ocean. Over 70 per cent of China's imported energy resources go through the Indian Ocean. Peiris noted that Sri Lanka has no apprehensions or fears of China's rise. "On the contrary, we think that as China's position becomes stronger in the world, Sri Lanka could benefit from that, because of the nature and quality of our relationship," he said. China backs Sri Lanka in Colmbo's efforts to ward off pressure from the international community over probe into the killings of civilians during the last stages of the war against LTTE. In March, China supported Sri Lanka against a US-backed resolution at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, while India backed the resolution. China has provided loans to the war-ravaged country to develop infrastructure and Chinese enterprises are active in building highways, railroad systems, harbours as well as energy facilities in the country. More Chinese aid was expected to be announced for various projects in Sri Lanka. (PTI) The US failure to shut down the Guantanamo camp is an example of the struggle against terrorism failing to uphold human rights Monday, May 27, 2013 Human Rights Council 23rd Session;  Opening Statement by  High Commissioner Ms. Navi Pillay  Mr. President, Distinguished Members of the Human Rights Council,  Excellencies and colleagues,             It is, as ever, an honour to open this session of the Human Rights Council. I come to this task today in the hope that we will be able to spark tangible action to stop theescalating bloodshed and suffering in Syria, which after 26 months has become an intolerable affront to the human conscience.            Ties With Beijing Were Not an 'Exclusive One'-SL by nelvely

Mismanaging Sri Lanka’s Relations With India & America

By Rajiva Wijesinha -May 27, 2013 |

Prof Rajiva Wijesinha MP

In discussing, as suggested, recent American moves on Sri Lanka and the Sri Lankan reaction, I am struck most of all by the failure of those in theory responsible for foreign policy to understand those moves. After the recent visit by Bob Blake, who had been ambassador here during the conflict period, and had a relatively positive if patronizing approach, I was assured by a senior External Affairs official that relations between Sri Lanka and America were excellent. He claimed that the negative reports in the papers were exaggerated.

Similarly, I was assured by those who claimed to have the ear of both the President and the Americans that there would be no American resolution against us in Geneva this year. Now it is conceivable that the Americans deliberately misled us, but I do not think that was the case. Not only from the pronouncements Blake made, but also from the comments made by both his successors, it was evident that criticism was the order of the day.

Why was this not understood, and why were we lulled into complacency? After all, there were several things we could have done that would have dealt with the more reasonable criticisms that were made, while also ensuring that the Americans would not find it so easy to build up a coalition against us. But we did nothing, and then affected surprise when not just the Americans, but a large majority in the UN Human Rights Council, came down on us like a ton of bricks.

Our failure to deal with this is primarily because we do not look at what has gone wrong in the past, and we fail to follow up on decisions taken. In short, we have both a failure of intellect and procedure. It may seem strange to say this since the Minister of External Affairs is supposed to be the brightest intellect in Parliament, but he does not seem to use his intellect at all in his current position. While it is possible that he decided that analytical skills had to be forgotten if he was to keep rising higher on the political ladder, and unpleasant advice would be unwelcome, a kinder explanation is that he knows follow up is not possible in the Ministry as it is currently constituted, so he might as well keep quiet and hope for the best.

As a result, we have sudden and inconsistent reactions to American moves, and no efforts at all to anticipate those moves and forestall them. Thus this year, after the debacle in Geneva, we are told how wonderful relations with America should be, and we are now paying enormous amounts to an American public relations firm to promote them. It is forgotten that in fact we have been paying enormous amounts to different American public relations firms over the last few years, and that that strategy has failed completely.

However, though wasting money is not something we should be doing given the worsening economic situation, at least this is not a vindictive and destructive reaction. In contrast, last year elements in the Foreign Ministry attacked anyone who had stood up previously to American pressure, and decided, in the memorable words of a Communist sparring partner at University, that since the Americans wanted to bugger us, we should roll over and let them. Therefore the Foreign Ministry sacked Tamara Kunanayagam from her ambassadorial position in Geneva, and ensured fore that we would not be able to build up any resistance to American moves.

An analysis of what was motivating the Americans however would have suggested how we could have dealt with the situation with relative ease. One reason for American irritation was what was seen as increasing dependence on China. In addition to their own worries in this regard, they used this to apply pressure on India. But we could have dealt with this very simply by making very clear the special relationship with India which has been the foundation of any foreign policy successes we ever had.

Unfortunately there are elements in the Ministry who are determined to destroy that relationship, based on the way J R Jayewardene ran foreign relations in the eighties, and the Minister is completely incapable of controlling them. So we are left with extremists, some of whom want us to run behind America, and others, who are not in the Ministry but still interfere in foreign policy, who think we can hide behind China. The simple fact that we should maintain a good understanding with India, and also cooperate actively with China while making it clear that this is not intended to be at the expense of anyone else, is not something our decision makers understand.

Secondly, we have not dealt sensibly with the diaspora, an influential part of which is driving the American agenda. The answer to this is to deal systematically with their allegations, whilst also coopting the moderate members of the diaspora who simply want a better deal for Tamils. However the very sensible recommendations of the LLRC in this regard have been completely ignored. Though recently the LLRC Action Plan was revived with the appointment of Mrs Wijayatilaka, who had been sidelined previously, to head it, I do not think we will get action at the speed and efficiency we need until we have a fully empowered Ministry for Reconciliation.

Finally, we need to improve our Human Rights record, since it is actual lapses in this regard that lend credence to allegations about lapses that did not take place. With regard to the war, where our Indian friends have made clear, even while supporting the resolution against us, that the question of war crimes is nonsense, we need simply to move quickly on the allegations that the LLRC has deemed credible. There are very few of these, and as in the case of the Trincomalee killings of seven years ago, we owe it to our own people to make it clear that cold blooded killing is not acceptable. Unfortunately we still have amongst us individuals who think – as the Americans do when their own security is involved – that anything is acceptable, and individuals should not be charged with actions against known enemies (or even their dependants, as happened with the poor child killed when Osama bin Laden was executed).

But even more important is to ensure that we re-establish the Rule of Law. Though many incidents that have occurred recently do not relate to the conflict, they can be used to paint a picture of a lawless society. We must therefore move quickly to strengthen the police and ensure proper investigation and prosecution with regard to heinous crimes. We must also make sure that those determined to stir ethnic and religious tensions are dealt with firmly when the peace is breached. At present we seem to be entrenching double standards, and that must be changed, if we are to regain the moral ascendancy that allowed us to deal so successfully with Western moves against us in the conflict period, between 2007 and 2009 – and we had better make use of intelligent and principled people like Dayan Jayatilleka, instead of getting rid of them