Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, May 16, 2013


 15 May 2013
Tamil schoolchildren in Killinochchi sang songs honouring the Sri Lankan Army at a ceremony earlier this week, in front of the Ranaviru Smarakaya monument.

 Witness - Photo                  Witness Video




The ceremony was attended by the Governor for the Northern Province, the now retired Major General Chandrasiri, as well as several other commanders from the Sri Lankan Armed Forces including  Major General Mahinda Hathurusinghe, Commander, Security Force Headquarters - Jaffna (SFHQ-J), Major General Udaya Perera, Commander, Security Force Headquarters - Kilinochchi (SFHQ-KLN), Rear Admiral D.S Udawatte, Naval Commander for East.
According to the official Sri Lankan Army website, Tamil schoolchildren from the area presented gifts and bouquets of flowers to the Sri Lankan Army ‘War Heroes’. The website also stated,
“A special feature of the memorial service was the recital of a patriotic War Hero song by students at Kilinochchi Tamil Vidyalayam”.
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Part 2: Worries Of Bodu Bala Sena

By Rifai Naleemi -May 16, 2013 
Dr. Rifai Naleemi
Colombo TelegraphI take extra precaution when I write this series on Bodu Bala Sena. It is not my aim to hurt feeling of any religious groups or sects in Sri Lanka rather I try my best to understand the problems, challenge and social issues of Sri Lankan communities.  It is my primary objective to examine these issues objectively with sympathy and empathy from different perspectives: The majority community ought to understand the concerns, and challenges of minority communities from the perspectives of minority communities to appreciate their concerns and worries. This should be done with empathy to their feeling and needs.  At the same time minority communities ought to understand the concerns and worries of the majority community.   They should look at into them from the perspectives of the majority community with empathy to their feeling and sentiment.
I will try my best to be impartial and neutral in writing without any prejudice in my argument. I will try to substantiate my writing with some rational and logical evidence as much as possible. It is not my objective to create more divisions and more disunity among Sri Lankan communities.  Rather I would like them be united as Sri Lankans.  Sri Lankans should live as one family with Lankan Identity with diversity in our faith and culture. Multicultural nature of our communities in Sri Lanka should not be an obstacle and barrier to build a strong Srilankan identity.  It should enrich our nation.  It should bring prosperity and economic growth to our nation.  This could help each community to flourish in this Island of Paradise.
While I’m writing this series I may be wrong in my perception of some sensitive issues.  I shall be more than happy to correct or amend my perception.   Once the incorrectness and wrongness are duly and appropriately highlighted by our readers with logical and rational arguments I shall be happy to amend them.  It is my firm conviction that we need unity, peace and communal harmony among Sri Lankans today than any time in Sri Lankan history.  To that end we all need to adjust our mindsets and behaviours beyond narrowness of communal thinking. Creating that broader Lankan identity with diverse cultural identities should be the number one priority of Sri Lankans today.   If we do this collectively, all community could live in peace and build a prosperous Sri Lanka in a few decades.
It is argued that since the early periods of colonization Sinhalese Buddhists were subjected to alien cultural onslaught.  Indeed, there is no doubt that the Sinhalese Buddhist people were marginalised and deliberately neglected by the colonial powers for different political, economic and religious reasons during colonial periods.  While those who converted into Christian faith relatively enjoyed all educational and employment opportunities, the rural Sinhalese Buddhist people were totally neglected during the colonial period particularly during the Portuguese colonial period of Ceylon:  Prof. Tennakoon. Vimalananda argues that Portuguese arrival was a Dark Age in Ceylon history.
They changed the cultural heritage of Sri Lankan Buddhist history in very sense.   This process of marginalization of Sinhalese continued even during the British rule under the divide and rule policy of British Empire.  Anagarika Darmapala raised his voice against this injustice but he went further extreme to spread hatred campaign against minority communities in Sri Lanka. He tried his best to instil and infuse Sinhalese nationalist feeling among Sinhalese public.  He was in deed succeeded to some extent in his radical ideas. His speeches and writings were full of hate instigation. This nationalistic campaign was further proclaimed by SW Bandaranayke in 1958 when he made Sinhala as one and only official language of Sri Lanka.  This time it was for  a pure  political reason.
Moreover, after the independence the entire political authority of Sri Lanka was given in the hands of Sinhalese population. As they are the majority of population they have been holing the grip on the political power in Sri Lanka without sharing it with minority communities. It seems that they feel they had been victimised for more than five hundred years in Sri Lanka by successive colonial powers.  Now they feel the pinch and wanted to marginalise all minorities for tit for tat stratagem. Even in pre-colonial periods the relation between Sinhalese and Tamils was not that good. This historical enmity once again re-emerged after the independence.
Though Tamil and Muslim members of Parliament are being elected, the fundamental rights, aspiration and needs of these communities are not rightfully met to some extent.  Tamil issue is still not being solved.   Tamil language has not been yet given any official status, No Tamil/ Muslim members of Parliament has been elected as  a PM in Sri Lanka yet, this shows political marginalization of these minorities communities.  Moreover, Now Tamil and Muslim culture, language, religious heritage are in a great danger because of the Budu Bala Sena’s anti-minorities campaign in recent times. It seems that BBS is following the path of their spiritual Guru and intellectual mentor Anagarika Dharmapala in their anti- minority campaign.
BBS has got many concerns and worries in their minds. Some of these concerns are against the successive Sri-Lanka governments which they claim have failed to protect and promote Buddhism in this country.  There are some concerns in the minds of these BBS members about Sinhalese community itself for its failure to follow pure Buddhism in Sri Lanka. They have concerns about economy and population growths of Sinhalese community. Some of them wrongly assume that their race is in the brink of extinction. These are some of the internal concerns of BBS.  No doubt these may be genuine concerns of BBS and yet, they should know how to address these concerns in a democratic and polite way in this modern world.
One hand, the minorities are complaining that their culture and religious identity are in danger in Sri Lanka. They argue that after defeating the LTTE Sinhalese people are invading the North and East.  Moreover, they are occupying the cultural and religious sites with support of three forces: Sri Lankan army, navy and police. On the other hand, Budu Bala Sena argues that Sinhalese heritage and sacred places are being destroyed in the North-East.  They argue that Buddhism and its heritages are danger in all other part of country.  BBS feels that their religion, culture and heritage are threaten by all alien religious practices from Muslim, Christian and Hindu cultural invasions while Tamils in North East feel that their culture and religions are invaded by Sinhalese Buddhists.
This is indeed a paradoxical situation.  How do we reconcile between these ironical and two countertrading arguments. How do we see these contrasting arguments objectively without bias and subjectivity?   Is it true that Buddhist culture and religion are in the brink of extermination and extinction in Sri Lanka as it was claimed by BBS and its cohorts?  Is it true that Tamil culture and heritage are being destroyed by Sinhalese in the North East parts of Sri Lanka?  To what extent these arguments could be justified and to what extent these arguments are true?  Who should be blamed for these ironical situations in Sri Lanka?  Who are the  people responsible for the decline of Buddhism in Sri Lanka as it is claimed?  Is it the politicians? Is it Buddhist monks? It is Sinhalese public who want to go away from Buddhism? Or is it minority communities?  These are some of the fundamental questions that BBS and its cohorts should evaluate and gauge objectively. They should not blame other communities for the decline of Buddhism in Sri Lanka rather they should evaluate shortcomings of teaching and preaching methods of Buddhism in Sri Lanka.
It is generally argued by BBS and its cohorts that once many Asian countries were Buddhist countries in history. Countries such as Afghanistan, Iran, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Maldives and other parts of Asian countries were Buddhism countries.  Now people of those countries have become Muslims. They predict and over exaggerate that in 2050 Sri Lanka would become a Muslim country. They argue ostensibly unless necessary steps were taken to curtail rapid increase of conversion into Islamic faith and expansion of Muslim population growth this could happen in 2050.  What a superficial argument is this? This argument does not have any logical credibility rather such an enigma has been deliberately created to spread false alarm and panics in the minds of public. These are some of mere assumptions and prediction.  There is no solid evidence to suggest this would happen in three decades.  I think that this fear or phobia is unnecessary and illogical in every sense.  We shall deal with this issue next week.
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Tamil genocide then and now

Wednesday, 15 May 2013 
Remembering Tamil Genocide Exhibition atCollingwood Gallery, 292 Smith Street, Collingwood, Vic. in May 17-30, 2013. 
Official Opening: Sunday, May 19, 2-4pm.
A Photographic Exhibition by a Tamil refugee living in Australia.
Exhibition Curator: Ron Guy.
The world gasped when it discovered the full horror of the genocide in Rwanda in the 1990s. Presidents, politicians and diplomats said it would never happen again. So much for promises from presidents, politicians and diplomats.
According to the UN Human Rights Commissioner, Navi Pillay, genocide was, and is, being repeated in Sri Lanka, and once again the world is averting its’ eyes. “Rwanda’s lessons were not implemented in Sri Lanka,“said Pillay, whose authority on this matter comes from her position as president of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
During the last days of the 28-year Sri Lankan civil war in May, 2009, the outside world was shut out when the remaining monitors from the UN left the war zone fearful for their own safety.
However, the world is finally awakening to the Sri Lankan military atrocities against the Tamil civilian population through the stark, vivid images recorded by survivors, and smuggled out of the country.
One of those photographers is now a refugee in Australia. “*Nilavan”, who worked for Sri Lankan media, covered the war for many years and was there until its very last days in the north-east, where, according to UN estimates, at least 40,000 people were deliberately slaughtered.
Nilavan took more than 500 photographs as the Sri Lankan military pursued its’ genocidal actions, which a UN special commission has demanded be investigated as war crimes and crimes against humanity.
These haunting images offer proof – along with notable works as the UK documentaries “Sri Lanka's Killing Fields” and “No Fire Zone” – of the military’s pre-meditated campaign to target innocent civilians and will not allow history to hide the truth of this murderous regime.
As yet, no-one has been brought to account for what happened towards the end of the war, and the international community, including Australia, continues to compounds its’ disgraceful inaction on the events of May, 2009 by ignoring the on-going Tamil genocide in Sri Lanka. (The exhibition also has images that show undeniable evidence of recent torture of Tamils).
The war crimes of 2009 and the continuing genocide are the reasons why people flee Sri Lanka and seek asylum in Australia. Yet the Australian Government and the Opposition not only remain silent on these crimes but have a policy of engagement with the Sri Lankan Government in order to stop the boats.
It is not only cruel and inhumane, but also self-defeating. By turning a blind eye and “engaging”, our Government is giving the Sri Lankan regime the go-ahead to continue the terror that forces people to flee.
It is as plain as the scars on the backs of so many Tamil torture victims that the only way to stop the boats is to stop the terror. It is time to acknowledge the truth of the genocide in Sri Lanka, then and now; a truth told in graphic reality in this exhibition.
(*Not his real name).
Warning: Images may cause distress.
Donations towards exhibition costs welcome.
Exhibition supported by the Tamil Refugee Council.
Contact :
Ron Guy 0428173970, Aran Mylvanagam 0404 431 913, Trevor Grant 0400 597 351

Women protest against electricity tariff hike

THURSDAY, 16 MAY 2013

Women for Rights movement today staged a protest in front of the Fort Railway station against the recent electricity tariff hike. Protesters carried electric equipments to the protest and later on they smashed them as an act of protest. Pix by Kushan Pathiraja

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BBS And Wimal Weerawansa’s Big Mouth


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Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter to be Declared on May 18th - the 4th Anniversary of Mass Killing of Tamils in Sri Lanka.

SRI LANKA BRIEF

Wednesday, May 15, 2013

• Several renowned international personalities and dignitaries are attending this event to give their support.
• As Tamils envision the future and look forward to the fruition of Tamil Eelam, the Freedom Charter containing the Freedom Demands of Tamils worldwide, would be a cornerstone of Tamil’s Freedom.

- Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter will be declared on May 18, 2013. May 18th marks the 4th anniversary of the killing of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians and sexually assaulting Tamil women by the Sri Lankan Security forces during the final months of the war.

Tamil groups from around the world, coordinated by the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE), initiated the process of drafting the Freedom Charter, through extensive consultation from Tamils worldwide.

Several renowned international personalities and dignitaries are attending this event to give their support for this initiative. A three day conference will take place in the run up to the declaration, where several research papers dealing with varies issues relating to Tamil’s freedom, are going to be submitted by leading academicsfrom around the world.

This declaration will take place in the historic city of Lancaster, Pennsylvania in the USA, where Mr. Thaddeus Stevens played a leading role in legally abolishing slavery. He was also instrumental in US President Abraham Lincoln’s 1863 Emancipation Proclamation, which freed slaves.

“As Tamils envision the future and look forward to the fruition of Tamil Eelam, the Freedom Charter containing the Freedom Demands of Tamils worldwide, would be a cornerstone of Tamil’s Freedom,” said Mr. Rudrakumaran, the Prime Ministerof Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE).

“Aspiring to take the Vaddukoddai Resolution - which called for the creation of Tamil Eelam - forward, taking inspiration from Britain’s Magna Carta, the Freedom Charter of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Palestinian National Charter, the Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter will enshrine the Freedom Demands of our people”, continued Mr. Rudrakumaran.

Rs.6000 million loss to country by importing luxury cars for VVIPs


logoTHURSDAY, 16 MAY 2013 
The government has taken steps to import 12 Rolls Royce cars and 100 BMW cars stating it is for the transport facilities of state leaders who are scheduled to arrive here for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting to be held in November in Sri Lanka say reports.
Normally a Rolls Royce car would cost Rs. 60 million and a BMW 7 Series Sedan would cost about Rs.18 million.
Accordingly, Rs.2500 million will be spent to import cars for the summit. The figure is without taxes and if taxes are added the cars would cost the country Rs.8750 million.
There is no clear decision as to what would be done with the cars once the CHOGM is over but the talk going round in political circles is that the cars would be taken over by strong men in the government.
However, the tax lost to the public in importing the cars would be Rs.6250 million. Cars were imported in this manner for the IFFA festival held in 2010 but no one knows what happened to those cars.
Recently, ultra luxury racing cars including Lamborghinis were imported without taxes and in import papers it was mentioned that the cars would be taken back once the races were over.
Getting down luxury cars spending billions for a summit that is limited only for three days is an unnecessary spending say political analysts pointing out that limousines could be got down on hire to be used for such occasions. They say the decision to get down luxury cars without taxes has been taken by several individuals who are at the helm of the government.
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Winning a War in the Era of Unwinnable Wars: The case of Sri Lanka

Guy-Gabriel
Reinventing Peaceby  on MAY 13, 2013
In Total Destruction of the Tamil Tigers: The Rare Victory of Sri Lanka’s Long War, Paul Moorcraft recalls a Buddhist saying: “What the caterpillar calls the end of the world, the master calls a butterfly.” In Sri Lanka, if history is to be written by the victors – President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his followers – then the island has arrived at butterfly status. This book is less one that describes the price paid for this (though the bill is presented for inspection), more one about how it arrived at that status.

Wars of counter-insurgency (COIN), such as those (now) fought in Afghanistan and (previously) in Iraq, frequently get cast as battles which pit those with the watches against those with the time. Briefly, this amounts to the non-indigenous side leaving the theatre of war before defeating the indigenous side, simply because the pressures on them to do so are greater than the imperatives that caused them to become involved in the first place. Indigenous forces stay put.
In describing Sri Lanka, Moorcraft offers us a thought-provoking perspective when those with the time are pitted against those also with the time, bringing in to focus something so rarely achieved but dearly sought after by various powers: the absolute defeat of an insurgency, an uprising, a rebellion or whatever term is used to describe it.
Ultimately, Sri Lanka’s narrative is about the costs involved of defying the conventional wisdom that counter-insurgencies cannot be won militarily, set against the (Long) War on Terror discourse which offers little outside evidence that wars today are winnable.
The author quotes an Indian defence expert summarising the ‘Rajapaksa model’ of COIN:
  • Political will
  • ‘Go to hell’ (ignore international and domestic criticism)
  • But keep important neighbors in the loop
  • No negotiations
  • Control the media
  • No ceasefire
  • Complete operational freedom
  • Promote young and able commanders
Naturally, this neat wish list could never be quite so neat when being played out in a real scenario. But for the Sri Lankans prosecuting this war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Tigers (LTTE), certain elements came together at the right time, meaning that when final victory was sensed, the President felt secure enough to inform a very concerned Indian ‘top-level security troika’: “Even if you invade my country, I will not stop this.”
By this stage of the game, Sri Lankan leadership was tight and almost impenetrable: President Rajapaksa had one brother, Gotabaya, as Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Defence, and another one, Basil, as a senior and advisor and then Minister of Economic Development.
By contrast, the LTTE, despite being adept at using the media and Diaspora networks for support and funding, committed some serious strategic errors and was led by a dictatorial leader who believed his own hype. Using the fanatical Black Tigers, the suicide attack division, they assassinated Rajiv Ghandi of India, the regional powerhouse who through the state of Tamil Nadu had some constituent sympathy for their cause. While the Tamils alienated India, Sri Lanka kept good relations with Pakistan and China, through whom they had a friend on the UN Security Council. On the ground, profiting from armed peace during periods of supposed ceasefire bled the Tamils’ local support.
Matters reached a head in ‘The Cage’, an internationally-brokered no-fire zone which only really served to concentrate combatants and civilians into one area so that opening fire could most conveniently be undertaken. In fact, by this stage, the only shots fired in anger were fired in The Cage. No rear bases in neighbouring territory were possible. Despite the outcry resulting from the civilian loss of life, the Tamils were in effect pushed into the sea, a bellicose figure of speech used on the eve of battle that on this occasion was enacted.
Since then, peace seems to have paid dividends: the state of emergency has been lifted, the growth rate of the economy has been 7-8%, and the tourist industry is rebounding strongly. But this is the time when you find out just how ‘total’ the victory was. Given the dominant presence of the military in so much of Sri Lanka’s history, its peacetime politics are inevitably militarized.
Still, as Moorcraft muses, what would a political settlement have achieved? “Another North-South Sudan at worse or a divided Cyprus at best?” This is undoubtedly a difficult question, one which runs counter to the moral sensibilities with which we tend to view and discuss conflict today. Certainly, no outside observer or diplomat could be willing a total victory – but their influence was deflected at the crucial times.
In discussions about whether the ends justify the means, the formula rarely features an end quite so definitive as that experienced in Sri Lanka. The net result, which the author leads us to, is that when there are so few voices decrying what they see as the end of the world, observers, unaccustomed to victory, are left wondering quite how they arrived at the butterfly they are presented with, in places agonising over the costs – but nonetheless, it is still a butterfly.
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Thousands of monks bless Rajapaksa and army
15 May 2013
Sri Lanka held a ‘Jaya Pirith’ ceremony earlier this week, which saw thousands of monks gather in Colombo this week to invoke blessings upon Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sri Lankan Army.


The ceremony was initiated in 2008 and described by the Ministry of Defence as the ‘brainchild’ of Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa to ‘invoke blessings on marching victorious troops in defence of the country’.
This is the 6th consecutive year that the ceremony is being held, with over 3,400 monks in attendance, alongside several senior members of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces.
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BBS To Destroy Kuragala Islam Religious Site – Alavi Mowlana Asked MR To Intervene

Colombo Telegraph
“There has also been threats by the Bodu Bala Sena to bring thousands of Buddhists in vehicle parade to place a Buddha statute and destroy our religious site on May 18th 2013.” Alavi Mowlana, the Governor of the Western Province wrote to Mahinda Rajapaksa today.
We publish below the letter in full;

REHEARSALS FOR V-DAY…

logoMay 15, 2013 

Victory Day Parade displaying military might of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces will be held on Saturday(18) in Colombo, to mark the 4th Anniversary of the end of Eelam War against the LTTE. Pictured here rehearsals underway on Galle Road opposite the Galle Face Green. Pic by Osanda Daham Nimsara
Rehearsals for V-Day…
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Four Norwegians liable, Colombo court rules

* UK, Norway funded peace project goes sour

May 15, 2013, 9:48 pm 

article_image
by Shamindra Ferdinando

A major diplomatic dispute is in the offing with the District Court of Colombo ruling that four Norwegian foreign ministry officials, including its former Ambassador in Colombo, Hilde Haraldstad, are accountable for multiple banking transactions undertaken by local NGO, the Foundation for Co-Existence, in support of ‘peace projects’ underwritten by the governments of Norway and the UK during eelam war IV.  

The ruling comes in the wake of Norway warning of breaking diplomatic relations if Sri Lanka went ahead with the case. The dispute has sent shock waves through the local NGO community, with Norway insisting those recipients of its funding should throw their weight behind them. 

At the fifth hearing of the case, Additional District Judge Amali Ranaweera has said that of the 11 defendants, four persons, namely first defendant Ms Haraldstad, fifth defendant State Secretary Espen Barth Eide, sixth defendant Deputy Director General Kjersti Anderson and ninth defendant Foreign Service Control unit director Erik Glenne, were liable in Sri Lankan court.

The decision was given on April 30th. The hearing will resume on August 2.

NGO guru Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe had moved the District Court of Colombo against 11 Norwegian officials, including former minister Erik Solheim, who had spearheaded the Norwegian peace initiative here. According to the plaintiff, Norway had failed to honour the tripartite agreement, signed in June 2008, under which the Foundation for Co-Existence was to be paid by both the Norwegian and British governments.   

The signatories to the agreement were Tore Hattrem, the then Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo, on behalf of Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Tom Owen–Edmunds, Head of Political and Development Section of the British High Commission, on behalf of British High Commission in Colombo and Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe, on behalf of the Foundation for Co-Existence.

The agreement covered a three-year period.

The court was told that Norway had suspended payments, though the British fulfilled their part of the agreement.

Rupesinghe is seeking compensation from Norway to the tune of Rs 98,528,065.69 on the basis he obtained bank overdraft facilities on the strength of the Norwegian undertaking.

There hadn’t been any previous case similar to the ongoing legal dispute involving a local NGO and its foreign partners.

Interestingly, Norway was to fund the projects to the tune of 75 per cent with the remaining funding coming from the UK.

Having made some payments, in accordance with the agreement, Norway suspended further payments in early May 2009, just weeks ahead of the conclusion of the conflict. However, the UK met its full commitment in keeping with the agreement.

Well informed sources told The Island that Norway had strongly voiced its concern over the attempt to haul its representatives up before a Sri Lankan court. Norway through local lawyers representing the country’s interests asserted that all Norwegians cited as defendants enjoyed diplomatic immunity hence legal action couldn’t be instituted against them. Norway went to the extent of warning that diplomatic relations between the two countries could be at stake unless the case was dropped.

At one point the External Affairs Ministry intervened on behalf of Norway, though it subsequently changed its position.

Evaluation of Norwegian peace efforts in Sri Lanka, during the period of 1997 to 2009, revealed Norwegian funding for a range of NGO-run projects, with Rupesinghe being identified as the recipient of the lion’s share of Norwegian finding amounting to $ 6 mn (NOK 35 mn).

pic

Dr. Rupesinghe
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