Marxist Philosophy

Marxist Philosophy – Introduction-Aug 24, 2009

Frederick Engels delivers the core of Marxist philosophy: “The real unity of the world consists in its materiality, and this is proved . . . by a long and protracted development of philosophy and natural science. . . . But if the . . . question is raised: what then are thought and consciousness, and whence they come, it becomes apparent that they are products of the human brain and that man himself is a product of nature, which has been developed in and along with its environment.”¹

The philosophy of dialectical materialism is the Marxist-Leninist approach to understanding and changing the world. Many of the attributes we as Christians ascribe to God—eternality, infinitude, an uncreated being, indestructibility, the Lawgiver, the Life, and the Mind—Marxists-Leninists ascribe to dialectical matter. Marxist philosophy affirms matter as ultimately real, rather than God. Thus it is a godless philosophy.

Karl Marx wrote in a letter to Frederick Engels, “[A]s long as we actually observe and think, we cannot possibly get away from materialism.”²Engels explained his epistemology by writing, “The materialist world outlook is simply the conception of nature as it is.”³
Marxist Philosophy – Materialism
Marxist philosophy holds that the matter we see in nature is all that exists. This materialistic interpretation of the world is an essential ingredient of Marxist thought.

Lenin wrote, “Matter is primary nature. Sensation, thought, consciousness are the highest products of matter organized in a certain way. This is the doctrine of materialism, in general, and Marx and Engels, in particular.”⁴Lenin further contended that matter is a philosophical category denoting objective reality—people, plants, animals, stars, and so on. “Matter is the objective reality given to us in sensation.”⁵

When Lenin says that matter is primary, he means that matter is eternal and uncreated, that life spontaneously emerged from non-living, non-conscious matter billions of years ago, and that mind, thought, and consciousness eventually evolved from it.
Marxist Philosophy – Epistemology
When it comes to Marxist philosophy, science plays a crucial role in the Marxist theory of knowledge. According to Lenin, “The fundamental characteristic of materialism arises from the objectivity of science, from the recognition of objective reality, reflected by science.”⁶ Marxist epistemology, like that of the Secular Humanists, places faith in the truth of science and denies all religious truth claims. Putting their faith in science as the infallible source of all knowledge logically follows from Marxist beliefs about reality. According to Lenin, “Perceptions give us correct impressions of things. We directly know objects themselves.”⁷ The objects Lenin speaks of are strictly material—“Matter is . . . the objective reality given to man in his sensations, a reality which is copied, photographed, and reflected by our sensations.”⁸

In contrast, anything supernatural lacks objective, material reality, so according to Marxism we have no means of perceiving it or of gaining knowledge about it. Thus, Marxists deny the supernatural. They distinguish between knowledge of the material world and what they term true belief in an attempt to allow for scientific speculation while ignoring speculation about God. “What we call ‘knowledge’ must also be distinguished from ‘true belief.’ If, for example, there is life on Mars, the belief that there is life on Mars is true belief. But at the same time we certainly, as yet, know nothing of the matter. True belief only becomes knowledge when backed by some kind of investigation and evidence. Some of our beliefs may be true and others false, but we only start getting to know which are true and which are false when we undertake forms of systematic investigation. . . . For nothing can count as ‘knowledge’ except in so far as it has been properly tested.”⁹

Therefore, Marxist epistemology declares that we can never know belief in the supernatural as “true belief” because we cannot test it scientifically or empirically. We can determine as true beliefs only our speculations about the material world because only these can undergo systematic investigation. Thus, knowledge can apply only to the material world.

Marxists believe that practice—testing knowledge throughout history—is also a valuable tool for gaining knowledge. We can test knowledge by applying it to our lives and society, and this application will eventually determine its truth or falsity. By examining history, we can determine which beliefs are true and which are not.

Marxist epistemology is inextricably tied to Marxist dialectics. In fact, it is virtually impossible to separate Marxist materialism, dialectics, and epistemology. This is true largely because Marxists claim that dialectics operates in the place of metaphysics in their philosophy.
Marxist Philosophy – Conclusion
Dialectical materialism, the philosophy of Marxism, contains an epistemology, a cosmology, an ontology, and an answer to the mind-body problem. For the Marxist, science and practice refine knowledge; the universe is infinite and all that will ever exist; matter is eternal and the ultimate substance; life is a product of this non-living matter; and the mind is a reflection of this material reality. But the Marxist philosophy embraces an even broader view of the world than is generally meant by the term philosophy. In truth, dialectical materialism is an entire method for viewing the world—it colors the Marxist perception of everything from ethics to history.

Marxist philosophy as a worldview must be understood by anyone who claims to support the Marxist cause. “One cannot become a fully conscious, convinced Communist without studying Marxist philosophy. This is what Lenin taught.”¹⁰ Why? Because, according to Marxism, the dialectic can explain every process and change that occurs. Marxist philosophy is process philosophy. This process is written not only within the metaphysical make-up of our matter, but also in the evolution of humanity and the evolving social and historical context of our existence. This materialist belief affects the Marxist view of history, causing Marxists to view the bourgeoisie and the proletariat as thesis and antithesis, clashing to form a synthesis. This clash is in essence an evolutionary struggle. While evolutionists believe that animals evolved certain physical characteristics to aid in their survival, Marxists believe their philosophy of dialectical materialism evolved to meet the needs of the proletariat.

Every knowledgeable Marxist recognizes this and is prepared to act in accordance with dialectical materialism. While many philosophies are chiefly theoretical, Marxism is concerned with theory and practice. Dialectical materialism is a worldview and a philosophy of evolution and revolution—the call to action is implicit in its makeup. Every good Marxist understands his philosophy and is prepared to act upon it, because Marx himself requires it: “The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it.”¹¹

Unfortunately from a Marxist point of view, all such change is merely transitory, because each new synthesis (including the long-anticipated communist classless society) inevitably becomes a new thesis in the never-ending process of dialectical materialism. Even the victorious dictatorship of the proletariat will be but a brief moment in evolutionary history. Communist dialectics decrees that communism itself is transitory. The synthesis of communism today will become the new thesis of tomorrow, and new struggles will evolve according to the laws of dialectical materialism.

Protest against SL military seizure of lands gains momentum in Jaffna

[TamilNet, Monday, 29 April 2013, 16:16 GMT]
More than 800 uprooted people gathered Monday morning in front of the Divisional Secretariat at Thellippazhai, situated near the entrance to the former High Security Zone (HSZ), which is now being permanently seized by the occupying Colombo aiming a permanent Sinhala Military Zone (SMZ) in Jaffna. Despite the refusal by the SL Police to stage any protest march on the KKS Road, the people who rallied peacefully from 8:30 to 11:30 in front of the DS office, started to block the entrance of the DS office and embarked upon a spontaneous march towards the entrance of the HSZ. The riot control police commandos and the SL military men blocked them in front of the SL Police Station located on KKS Road. 



The SL police had delayed to give permission to the protest till Sunday night. The organisers were told not to allow the people to stage any protest march. They were also told that the rally should not disturb the work of the employees at the divisional secretariat and that the traffic should not be disturbed.

In the meantime, the SL military and its intelligence operatives were deployed in threatening the uprooted people not to attend the rally. The SLA was restricting the movement of uprooted people who are staying in so-called welfare camps. Private bus owners were warned not to provide their buses to the organisers of the protest.

However, the people braved the hurdles to attend the rally, which also saw the participation of Tamil National Alliance, Tamil National Peoples' Front, Democratic Peoples Front politicians, civil society activists and religious dignitaries.

The uprooted people of Mayiliddi, who were on their way to the protest from Tho'ndaimaanaa'ru and Inparuddi in Vadamaraadchi were blocked from proceeding further. However, a section of them managed to attend the rally in vehicles arranged from Thellippazhai, news sources from the area said.

Severe arguments ensued between the protestors and the SL police when the uprooted people, who were on a march towards the HSZ were confronted by the riot police.

Colombo has stepped up its genocidal militarisation as India and the USA, locked in a geopolitical competition with China, continue to sustain the necessary ‘time and space’ for Colombo through a carefully ‘balanced’ carrot-and-stick policy designed to win their interests using the plight of the Eezham Tamils, said alternative Tamil political activists in Jaffna, citing the ‘legal’ appropriation of 6400 acres of Tamil civilian lands at Jaffna HSZ and another 6000 acres in Vavuniyaa, openly for Sinhala military cantonment purposes, within one month of passing the Geneva resolution.

Dharmaratnam Sivaram: Murder of a brilliant journalist

POST 17 JUNE 2012

BY VIRAJ MENDIS

On Thursday 28th April, at about 7.30 pm German time I received the shocking news from Sri Lanka  that the Tamil Journalist Dharmaratnam Sivaram had been abducted by 4 men in a SUV type vehicle. From that time, for the next Eight and a Half hours, we were engaged in frantic activity to try to save Sivaram's life. At 4am (Friday morning) German time I heard definitively that his body was found. The depth of the collective sorrow was unbearable. 

Tamils, Sinhalese, Europeans etc., weeping uncontrollably on the phone lines - with a common feeling of hopelessness engulfing us. Each an every one of us, who were engaged in this action had many past experiences of sudden death, the loss of people who were special to us and who were special to the struggle - but there was something else to the sadness that we felt. It was to do with what Sivaram's death represented.

Sivaram had succeeded in bringing the Tamil struggle into the light in a world dominated by big media. This was a sensational achievement in a world dominated by media spin, where the voice of the oppressed had no chance of being heard. It was a special sadness because Sivaram was at the peak of his powers and surging forward with all aspects of his work. He combined the exceptional analytical skills, lucid writing, acute understanding of media, a deep grasp of the cultural base of the oppressed Tamils who he was giving voice to, understanding of economic, political and military forces at play in the world, together with a familiarity of the technical possibilities offered by new media like the Internet. He made an incalculable contribution to success of the website Tamilnet. This website is a model to all oppressed people in the world.

His work had many facets. His weekly column in the Sri Lankan mainstream daily English newspaper The Daily Mirror, had, like its editor said, a massive following. People from all parts of the world waited with baited breadth, every Tuesday night, to read the Internet version of it. He was one of the best military analysts in the world. Most of his articles were miniature classics, profound but written simply and lucidly. His political articles had such sharp and faultless logic that even those who opposed his views looked forward to reading and enjoying them. But he was never arrogant. As, when the Tamil theologician Prof. S. J. Emmanuel complimented him recently at an international conference about his deep and quick insights, he had immediately - in his characteristic humility, laughed at it and stated, 'Father - I am a simple fellow collecting information with the help of a computer and putting it together'. Sivaram proved Galileo's words that 'in matters of science the authority and the power of millions is worth less than the calm reasoning of one person'. And Galileo certainly knew what it cost to fight against the ideas of the powerful status quo of his day.

Nearly one year ago he was in Germany. I accompanied him to several meetings with influential people here. I was taken aback by the completely direct and convincing way in which he explained how the US/British interests in Trincomalee harbour destabilised the peace process and how people in Germany should play an active role in supporting the peace process before the needs and the pressures of the US war in the middle east destroys it (See the video interview). In fact we had planned a series of meetings in different parts of Germany at the end of this month with Sivaram as one of the main speakers.

Sivaram was not just an effective propagandist who was able to package the information cleverly for western consumption. He was immersed in the politics of the Tamil society from which he came. The depth of his involvement in the internal politics of the Tamil society came into light with his stunning intervention in the Karuna affair. Karuna a renegade commander of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, threatened to cause a big disruption in the Tamil movement and in Tamil society. Karuna, who was from the East of island like Sivaram himself, was well known to him.

Karuna, by virtue of being an important LTTE commander during the time of war had gained a support base among the Tamil people in the east. As the propaganda war erupted inside the Tamil community there was inevitable confusion and fear that a fratricidal war will erupt. The effectiveness of Sivaram's political intervention in the Tamil community contributed greatly to the de-escalation of the crisis. In is inimitable direct style and faultless logic he explained to Tamil people what was at stake. He explained which of the arguments were genuine and which were opportunistic. He explained who will gain if this conflict were to escalate. He explained the importance of the cohesion of society and the protection of the sovereignty of the people - which had been so hard won. Sivaram had much experience about the effects of society breaking down in many parts of the world. When he was in Bremen he went to great lengths to explain to us how the western big business gains from the death and destruction in the Congo. How the different centers of power with various warlords benefits certain big companies in the west because it allows them to buy the normally extremely valuable substances like Coltan (Columbite-Tantalite - essential for mobile phones and certain electronic devices) for very low prices. When there is a complete breakdown of society and groups of war lords compete to sell Coltan and other substances - it will reduce the price dramatically. So as millions of people die in the Congo, Coltan will be cheap for the mobile phone industry. With the Karuna affair he not only intervened effectively from deep within the Tamil community but his positions and analysis was also reflected outside it - even in the International media. I, as a Sinhalese gained most insight into the Karuna affair through Sivaram's English language writings. So there was a unity to his thoughts and actions inside and outside the Tamil community. He explained the reality in its totality as he saw it - with refreshing honesty. He treasured and defended his intellectual sovereignty with the same vigour as he defended the sovereignty of his people. In this sense he was not a propagandist but a searcher and a fighter for the truth.

All the different aspects of Sivaram's work were combining with a beautiful synergy at the time he was murdered. But the multifaceted reality of his work meant that he had many enemies. Who was responsible for his death?

Will the killers be found? History is against us on this one. His colleague Nadesan was killed while Sivaram was in Bremen last year. Sri Lankan government has found no one yet. Another one of his colleagues Nimalrajan (who also worked for the BBC) was killed several years ago and the perpetrators are still unknown - according to the government.

Who is responsible? I think of it a little like the Agatha Christie mystery 'The Murder on the Orient Express'. It turned out that all the suspects were involved in the murder. All the people he was exposing had a motive to see him dead - all those who benefited from exploitation, all those who sowed division among the people, those who promoted racism, external powers who wanted control over parts of the island for their strategic interests etc etc. Although which of these forces collaborated to organise the assassination of Sivaram is not definitively known – the fact that they all benefited from his death is clear.

His physical murder is not enough for his enemies. They want to discredit the ideas that he fought for. There are attempts by various people to reconstruct him according to their wishes - to distort him and his work. Unable to refute his brilliance Sinhala commentators like Dayan Jayathileke try to separate the form of his argument from its content. They try to disconnect him from the struggle of his people. They praise him in order to destroy what he stood for. The reality is that he managed to give expression to a risen people. The struggle of the Tamil people cannot be dislocated from the brilliance of Sivaram. Prabhakaran had described the period of war as a period of moving inside a tunnel and the peace process as coming out of the confines of this tunnel. With this, Prabhakaran had signaled that the necessarily narrow contours that democratic processes take during war must be rapidly changed and the boundaries must be expanded to give expression to a lively debate. Sivaram's abilities thrived under these conditions. When the struggle was transformed from the domain of guns to words, Sivaram was the supreme warrior. His aim was true - through 'the barrel of his pen'. Whether he was writing in the Tamil press about the necessity to push forward the class struggle within Tamil society, or the dangers of the peace trap or whether he was writing in the Colombo based English press (also translated into Sinhala) about Sinhala chauvinism and Western interests or when he was speaking in the rich industrialist countries about why the war was threatening to break out, he was effortlessly convincing.

As Dr. S. Sathananthan commented, 'what antagonised Sinhala chauvinism most' is that 'Mr. Sivaram employed Lenin's dictum to devastating effect. He confined himself to describing what is actually happening; he did not engage in impotent speculations about possibilities...'

To people who like Dayan Jayathilleke, who try to separate Sivaram from the LTTE led struggle of the Tamil people, I would direct the question: Is the fully fledged development of an intellectual possible without an ongoing development of the people, the society around him? Did not the brilliance of someone like Beethoven reflect the rising confidence of the German bourgeoisie, standing  up against the aristocratic forces? In the same way, albeit in a different epoch, Sivaram's development and effectiveness was an intellectual expression of the confidence of the risen Tamil people.

The JVP seems to go one step further that Dayan Jayathilleke. On the 3rd May, on "Lakhanda" radio station, Dharmashri Kariyawasam, speaking on behalf of the "Lanka newspaper" argued that in his view it was the LTTE that had killed Sivaram! People might think that a statement like this coming from an organisation that had a campaigned against Sivaram, just a week ago, that he was a Tiger and provoking people to attack him is a just a joke - but there is more to it.

The JVP argumentation is that, as recently, Sivaram had been writing articles 'sympathetic' to the JVP, that would imply that he was critical of the policies of the LTTE, and that led to the LTTE killing him! Knowing how easily the media in Sri Lanka can manipulate reality, I am obliged to try to deal with this argument.

One of the outstanding features of the character of Sivaram was his openness. He was reachable by everyone and he was open to everyone’s ideas. The range of people who regarded Sivaram as their friend was phenomenal. He was completely non-sectarian. He was endlessly optimistic, endlessly searching for a way in which Sinhala people could unite with the Tamils. I know that during the time of the Indian Peace Keeping Force's (IPKF) occupation of the north and east, Sivaram was hopeful that the JVP and the Tamil movement would get together to work towards this goal. Since substantial part of both the Tamils and the Sinhala people were opposing the IPKF there seems to be the basis for a principled unity. There seems to be a possibility that the deep seated chauvinism against the Tamils can be broken - because of the common interests. I understand this very well as I too (completely independently of Sivaram) was trying to do this. During the terrible days of 1989, I met and worked (on human rights issues) with several outstanding student leaders from the JVP axis who had a genuine commitment to the mass of the Sinhala people. The heroic way that they continued to keep struggling even in spite of the fact that the state forces slaughtered tens of thousands of them was inspirational. The intense armed conflict, the danger to their lives, and the revolutionary atmosphere also opened up the mind of these JVP supporters to think about all things in a new and revolutionary way - including, their attitude towards the Tamil people. The physical conflict, suffering, and sacrifice, also created conflicts in the mind and opened up their mind and heart with regard to the Tamil question. I had deep and penetrating discussions while we were hiding from the death squads. My closest comrade Gayan (from Students for Human Rights) was arranging to translate Rohana Wijeweera's book on the Tamil question into English so that I and others could more fully react to the arguments in it. (Shamefully, being away from Sri Lanka for a long time, my grasp of Sinhala was not good enough to understand the complex language that was used by Wijeweera). I know now that one of the other people that the book was so quickly translated was for Sivaram. Because, from a very different angle he was trying to do a very similar thing.

I certainly thought, at that time, during the heat of the struggle, with so much at stake, the JVP leadership itself could change their position from a backward, provincial, Sinhala chauvinist line to a principled position based on Lenin on the national question. I am sure that Sivaram had the same optimism. But does this mean that I had in any way changed my support for the Tamil liberation struggle? No, nor did Sivaram, I am sure.

With the Tsunami and the wave of external powers and NGOs invading the country, Sivaram was, I am sure looking within Sinhala society to see which sections had the possibility to retain their sovereignty. He was deeply suspicious of the motivations for western help of any type.

As Condoleezza Rice said th January that the tsunami as "a wonderful opportunity" that "has paid great dividends for us". This fits in with the Bush administrations Carlos Pascuals earlier plan for changing "the very social fabric of a nation". Their plan is not to rebuild old states but to create 'market-oriented' ones. So his re-constructors might help sell off "state-owned enterprises that created a nonviable economy". As he explained, sometimes, rebuilding means tearing apart the old.

It is true that the terrible tragedy caused by the Tsunami waves brought out a massive humanitarian response from people from all over the world. The trouble is that it is not just a group of victims on one side and a group of people who want to help on the other. There is also something in between. When the practical support comes, the policies of the western governments, sometimes covered in the attractive clothes of the western based NGOs, transform the original intentions of the openhearted people who gave the aid. Then, it is often the case that, it is the material interests of the dominant western powers that are the driving force behind the whole operation.

Sivaram, I am sure, wanted the Sinhala people to defend their sovereignty from these external pressures and the agenda's of the External powers, like the Tamil liberation movement had done so successfully. He, no doubt thought that the JVP is more capable of resisting this external pressure that any other part of Sinhala politic.

Like the Kenyan writer Ngugi wa Thiongo said several decades ago, I am sure he wanted the Sinhala people to say:

'Now we know the secrets of all the robes that disguise your cunning. You commit murder, then you don the robes of pity and you go and wipe the tears from the faces of the orphans and the widows. You steal food from the peoples stores at midnight, then at dawn you visit the victims wearing your robes of charity and you offer them a calabash filled with the grain that you have stolen. You encourage lasciviousness solely to gratify your own appetites, then you put on the robes of righteousness and urge men to repent, to follow you so that you may show them paths of purity. You seize men's wealth, then you dress in robes of friendship and instruct them to join in the pursuit of the villain who robbed them.'

Like in the late 80s when the IPKF came into the island, Sivaram again tried to see some good in the JVP - and reached out to them. But such is the mean-spiritedness of the JVP that it tries to use the very fact that he reached out to them as a means to insult his memory.

In the Sinhala Tamil cultural conference organised by the Hiru and held on October 2003 in Colombo, Sivaram was asked  why he lives in Colombo when there is such danger to him? He answered that if a Tamil journalist cannot operate in Colombo without getting shot dead - the final condition for a separate state for the Tamils will be fulfilled. In being brave enough to live in Colombo, Sivaram with great risk to his life gave expression to the possibility of solidarity  between the Sinhalese and Tamil people. Have his killers made it impossible? It is only our actions which will give an answer to that question.

Viraj Mendis  has been living in exile as a political activist and human rights campaigner for over three decades. He is the chair-person of the International Human Rights Association in Germany, a refugee based organization. This obituary was written on the 03rd of May 2005, a week after the assassination of Dharmaratnam Sivaram and was published in Sinhalese.

LADAHK INCURSIONS – CHINA – SRI LANKA AXIS MESSAGE TO DELHI TO SLOW DOWN FOLLOW UP PRESSURE ON U

by Vssubramaniam for The Ground Report India    April 28, 2013

LADAHK INCURSIONS – CHINA – SRI LANKA AXIS MESSAGE TO DELHI TO SLOW DOWN FOLLOW UP PRESSURE ON UNHRC RESOLUTIONS

Proloy Bagchi characterized Delhi’s UNHRC vote against Sri Lanka’ as most muddled to cause China’s instant response in Ladakh.. The Colombo rumour mill in has it that though Delhi did not expect China to act this speedily on India’s Northern borders to support Colombo and restraint Delhi’s pressure on SL over implementing the UNHRC resolutions this indeed was part of Delhi’s muddled South Block diplomacy.  

A commenter in ‘South Block (Liam Fox like) scribes ...(strive) to save Sonia/Rajapakses from UNHRC genocide crimes’ also in Ground Report 6, April 2013, incisively examines the mindset of scribes who grieve over the Rajapakse/Sonia South Block partners facing UNHRC proceedings for the genocide crimes on the Tamils. Bagchi’s grief is more over the TN interfering with the money making IPL machine overlooking as he does the grief amongst Tamils for the massacres of forty thousand plus Tamil civilians by the Rajapakses.

An aggrieved international community moved resolutions in the UNHRC to hold the Rajapakses (and indirectly the anti-Tamil South Block M K Narayanan, S S Menon and others) accountable for their active role in heinous massacres of Tamils (the anti-Tamil Sonia led South Block in the Centre were illicitly complicit in the Rajapakse crimes) and how this crowd strives to frustrate the efforts of the international community including the UNHRC on delivering justice to the Tamils.

Unlike the South Block Delhi, the patriotic TN state banned IPL players from SL from playing in Chennai. Bagchi criticizes the Centre for failing to assert itself and override TN pressure and voting on UNHRC resolutions and displease the Rajapakses.

India’s vote on this occasion despite Colombo flaunting the China card according to Bagchi was the result of Delhi’s muddled policy. Delhi opted to go along with Nateri Adigal’s caution discussed in ‘Tamil Nadu being forced to go the Eelam way – a revisit’ – ground report 27 October 2010. Nateri Adigal bemoaned as early as 2008 the ominous drift in Delhi’s foreign policy hurting India’s standing, regional and worldwide, the unity of India itself, bringing the China threat closest ever to India’s security. This was the handiwork of the South Block in the UPA2 period. India had to vote for the US resolution not on humanitarian grounds but not to totally isolate itself from the world community.

However South Block Delhi’s platitudes of SL being its friendliest neighbour and its support to crush the Tamil resistance did not prevent Colombo seeking China’s Ladakh incursions to counter balance the Delhi secretive moves against SL. Delhi’s platitudes of SL were resented TN Tamils it was more Delhi’s  cynical betrayal of TN Tamils. SL was un-impressed as customary with Delhi’s platitudes and the China’s sudden incursions into Ladakh are evidence of Delhi’s dismal diplomacy. Accordingly Nateri Adigal China’s presence in SL constituted the gravest proximal threat to India’s southern front and remained fixated to its record of being unmindful of threats China or any other to TN. Accordingly TN needs to assert its stance getting Delhi to underwrite its survival and security above the numerous vague geo-political interests that has been bandied for pleasing the Rajapakses excessively.

Northern Provincial Council Elections: Important Step In The Process Of National Reconciliation

By Javid Yusuf -April 29, 2013 

Javid Yusuf

The announcement by President Mahinda Rajapakse that the  Northern Provincial Council Elections will be held in September this year gives rise to the hope that at long last the process of devolution set in motion in 1987 will proceed towards completion.

Despite increase in the intensity of the voices that have been raised against the holding of elections to the Northern Province Council in recent times, it is a welcome decision of the Government to give effect to the scheme of devolution that is currently provided in the Constitution.

Since the Indo Lanka Accord of 1987 which gave rise to the Provincial Council system, there have been many criticisms of this second tier of governance. Among the more common criticisms has been the argument that although Provincial Councils  were originally intended to meet the demand of the Tamil people for a degree of self governance, Provincial Councils were set up everywhere except in the North. This criticism will be addressed once the elections are held in September.

Another criticism is that it creates additional expenditure that the country can ill afford by creating another layer of governance. This is an exaggerated criticism because the bulk of the administrative structure would still have remained even if there was no Provincial Council system.

But the current call by the anti devolution segment of the polity tries to play on the fears of some that a Provincial Council system will set in motion a process which will lead to the secession of the Northern Province. Whether it is a genuine fear or merely a reflection of the ideological opposition to devolution is a moot question.

It is more likely that it is the latter reason because the opponents of devolution do not suggest an alternative to the demand for a degree of self governance by the Tamil community of the North. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission too in its  report has recommended that a political solution be found for the National question. The Provincial Council  system that exists today has within it the seeds of a political solution or if viewed differently can be looked upon as interim to the political solution that can be eventually worked out.

Another reason trotted out by those who argue against holding the Northern Provincial Council elections is the fact that the Muslims and Sinhalese who were displaced from the North should be first resettled before elections are held. In normal circumstances this would be an important factor in deciding on an election. However four years after the armed conflict has ended this should not be held as a reason not to hold elections particularly because Presidential and Parliamentary Elections have been held in the North even during the period when fighting raged in that part of the country.

In any event the deprivation of the voting rights of the displaced Muslim and Sinhalese can be largely mitigated by the adoption of the system of clustering polling booths which the Elections Department implemented during previous elections in the North.

The fear of separatist tendencies can also be addressed in at least two ways. Firstly there are Presidential powers in the Constitution  to prevent such fears becoming a reality. However such powers should not be used taking into account political  or other extraneous considerations but rather having regard to the need to give effect to the principles of devolutionary government.

Secondly by the Central Government providing a constructively supportive role to the elected Provincial Government and to the people of the North a sense of loyalty to the Centre will be developed. No political party or movement will obtain the support of the people for such secessionist tendencies if they realize that the Central Government cares for their welfare and treats them as equal citizens. Every segment of Sri Lankan society  has much to gain if they remain a part of one Sri Lankan nation and feel that they are equal and valued citizens  and only a process of societal or government exclusion can make them even think of a contrary course of action.

Elections to the Northern Province will result in several other benefits to the country. Firstly it will bring the people of the North into the process of governance and make them stakeholders in chartering the future direction of the Sri Lankan Nation. This will also to some extent give dignity to the people of the North who are currently demoralized and feel a sense of alienation from the Sri Lankan State.

Secondly it will give the Government an opportunity to test the feelings of the people of the Northern Province with regard to the resettlement of the displaced people as well as the large scale infrastructure development that has taken place in the  North.

Thirdly it gives the Northern people an opportunity to taste and practice the working of democracy  which was not available to them during the days the LTTE held sway. A new layer of political leadership will emerge in the North who will be honed in the ways of democracy and the empowering effect of discussion and debate which will enure to the qualitative upliftment  of Tamil politics and eventually of the Sri Lankan nation.

Fourthly through these representatives the Sri Lankan State will be able to feel the pulse of the Northern people and understand their aspirations better. Through these process they will be able to understand and correct the mistakes that are currently being made in the reconciliation process.

Fifthly the elections will also provide an opportunity for the main National parties, the SLFP and UNP,  to reassess their role vis a vis the minorities and play an important role in the reconciliation process. In recent times the two National parties have chosen the path of least resistance and preferred to outsource their dealings with the minorities to communal parties which are both opportunistic and self serving.

These parties shift their allegiances to whichever party is in power in return for perks and privileges without any enduring benefits to the communities they represent. This is particularly noticeable in the case of Muslim political parties.

The Northern Provincial Council Elections can be used as an opportunity by the two National parties to create a new leadership in the region which subscribe to the policy of inclusivity and working with other communities to create a new National vision without compromising  the needs of the communities which they represent.

These new leaders can constitute a breath of fresh air to the internal policy formulations of the National parties by bringing the concerns of the people they represent to the table when Party policy is being formulated, After all it is the policy (or lack of one) of National parties that determines the trajectory of Government policy when decisions are taken at the highest levels.

It will also give an opportunity to the national leadership of these two parties  to get a true picture of the thinking of the Northern people rather than depend on individuals who have the ear of the leadership and may not accurately reflect the concerns of the minority communities.

But to successfully achieve this the two National parties must select candidates who genuinely subscribe to the policy of the respective National party while being at the same time principled men and women of integrity who will not  sway with the winds of political change.

In this selection process, the pitfalls for the Sri Lanka Freedom Party are greater.

Being in Governmental office, the SLFP today attracts all types of opportunists out to enjoy the privileges and perks associated with Governmental office. Addressing SLFP members of local bodies elected to office at the first local government elections held after his assumption of office in 2005, President Mahinda Rajapakse warned them to be on guard against new friends who would befriend them after their electoral success.

Not only has this happened but today the quality and mettle of those in active politics has reached such a low that practically everyday one hears of public indiscretions of politicians ranging from rape and murder to assaulting public officers. The level of public contempt for politicians can be judged by a recent incident.

Last week a television station reported in their 7 pm news broadcast that a politician and his supporter riding on a motorcycle had been stopped by two police officers. In the ensuing incident the politician and the police officers got into a fight which resulted in both the politician and the police officers sustaining injuries. The news item did not reveal details of the incident but went on to conduct a poll via sms to ascertain the thinking of the viewers as to who was likely to have assaulted the other first-the politician or the police officers.

The results of the poll was announced  in their 10 pm news broadcast on the same day. Over ninety percent of  the viewers expressed the belief that the politician had started the fight. They came to this conclusion without the benefit of any details of the incident which is a telling indictment on the perception of politicians in the eyes of the public.

In their choice of candidates for the elections to the Northern Provincial Elections, the two National parties must not look towards wresting power at the forthcoming Elections. Rather they should look towards getting a foothold in the Province by getting as many as possible men and women of integrity from their party elected to office so that they in turn can draw in the people of the Northern Province to the National polity at future elections.

To do this the Government has to implement a number of confidence building measures between now and the September elections.

The Civil administration in the North must be restored and the military should recede to the background. If as is claimed security considerations require a military presence in the North that could be ensured in an unobtrusive manner. But it should not extend to impacting on the democratic process and the space for the conduct of a free and fair election should be ensured.

The Rule of Law and impartial policing should ensure all violators of the law  be brought to book. If 38 attacks have taken place on the Uthayan Newspapers and the perpetrators of such attacks have not been brought to book in even one case it does not inspire much confidence in the Law enforcement machinery. It is stretching the imagination too much to believe that our Police is so inefficient that they cannot complete their inquiries and apprehend  the perpetrators in at least 10 (or even 5)  of the 38 incidents relating to the Uthayan newspaper.

The Tamil National Alliance (and other Tamil political parties) should act prudently and not make rash statements that are counterproductive to the process of restoring democracy to the North. The recent call by some sections of the Tamil polity and civil society for an interim administration apart from defying reason is unhelpful. It will also give momentum to the call of those who do not wish the Northern Province elections to be held.

The Tamil National Alliance must immediately prepare and place before the people a Manifesto which they intend implementing in the event they gain office at the Northern Provincial Elections. This will help to  gradually  transform their mindset to that of becoming administrators  in addition to being spokesmen for Tamil grievances.

The early release of such a manifesto will also compel the National parties to give their mind to what they can offer the Northern people and to place before them a manifesto that will address their concerns. This will also serve the National Interest by helping the process of increasing the degree of national consensus in post conflict issues.

It is therefore imperative that the Northern Provincial Council be held without any further delay in order to restore democracy in the North as well as a step in the process of National Reconciliation.

*Comments to javidyusuf@yahoo.com

6400 Acres of Private Lands Belonging to Tamil People in Valikamam North to be Acquired by Govt for Military Cantonments

6400 Acres of Private Lands Belonging to Tamil People in Valikamam North to be Acquired by Govt for Military Cantonments

M.A.Sumanthiran M.P-Sunday, April 28, 2013

People's protest against land grabbing at Valikamam North (photo: TamilNet)

Last week saw a hugely dangerous move by the government. Section 2 notices under the Land Acquisition Act were pasted on trees in Valikamam North in the Jaffna Peninsula indicating that an extent of approximately 6,400 acres of private lands belonging to several thousand Tamil people would be acquired for Military cantonments. 

Strangley, the notice says that the claimants are not traceable! The owners of these lands live just outside the so called illegal High Security Zone, in camps maintained by the government itself. They have lived there for over 25 years. And although their title to these lands were checked and cleared by a Committee appointed by the Supreme Court in 2006, they were not permitted to go and resettle on the false assertion that de-mining was not complete. 

That it is false is demonstrated by the sight of soldiers cultivating these lands from which the owners were kept away. Now suddenly, the government has shown its true face: these lands will be taken and given to others to occupy, who will become voters in the North. Similar notices have been issued in the Kilinochchi Distrct also. In the Eastern Province, instructions have gone out to acquire all the land that the military deems necessary for its purposes.

 Issues relating to land have always been at the centre of the national question. In the past, misuse of land powers by the state resulted in violence and the worsening of ethnic relations between communities. Despite having ‘won the war’ however, the Sri Lankan government seems to be reluctant to learn lessons from this history in order to win the peace. 

Alarmingly, the history of land grabs seems to be repeating itself. People of the North and East, who according to the government were rescued by the military in a ‘humanitarian operation’ find their lands and with it their livelihoods, way of life, and birthright snatched from them by the selfsame military.

The issue of land grabs by the military in the North and East is one that that has been continuously raised by the Tamil National Alliance from as far back as 2009, soon after the end of the war. I myself have raised the issue repeatedly, including in status reports I tabled in Parliament in July 2011 and October 2011. However, no efforts have been made to address the issue, and such land grabs have continued unabated to date. 

In 2006, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka decreed in an order that displaced people should be resettled. Further, President Mahinda Rajapaksa undertook to resettle all those displaced by the war by the end of 2009, in his joint communique with the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon on 26th May 2009. Subsequent to this, several other cases have also been filed in the Supreme Court challenging the military occupation of land in both the North and the East. All of this however, has done nothing to arrest such land grabs. 

Recent weeks have seen a steep rise in the number of land grabs in the North and East. Last week the Tamil National Alliance announced its intention of launching continuous protests against the military’s acquisition of lands in the North. Protests were staged last week organised by the TNPF against these land grabs. In addition to protests, the Tamil National Alliance has also announced its intention of taking legal action to challenge such ‘acquisition’ of private land by the military. 

Such land grabs have taken place in various places in the North including Jaffna, Mullaitivu, Mannar, Vavuniya and Killinochchi. Military personnel in the North are now putting up notices on the lands that they intend to ‘acquire’. Most of this land belongs to private individuals, who hold valid deeds granting them legal ownership of the lands in question. Other incidents of land acquisition by the military, Buddhist monks and Sinhala civil officials also took place in the East in recent weeks. The acquisition of such a vast amount of private properties is said to be for ‘military purposes’. The need for the military to acquire such vast amounts of land is unknown. 

One of the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, which was appointed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2010 was to release the private land being used for ‘security purposes’ at the time. Another recommendation was that the government disengage security Forces from all civil administration related activities as rapidly as possible. The Tamil National Alliance welcomed these, among several other recommendations, on the release of the Report. Instead of implementing the positive recommendations of the report such as this one however, the government is now permitting the military to take acquire even more private land belonging to people who, for several generations, have lived in these lands. 

Such vast amounts of land being taken over for the military, for no known reasons, gives rise to serious concerns of colonization. The Tamil National Alliance has always made it very clear that peoples of all communities are most welcome in the North and East. The phenomenon of colonization, however, is the process by which deliberate attempts are made to alter the demography of a particular area. This has been raised as a serious concern by the Tamil National Alliance since the end of the war in 2009. Such concerns are confirmed by reports of various streets and villages in the North and East with Tamil names being renamed and given Sinhala names. 

Another serious concern the Tamil National Alliance has consistently raised from 2009 is the destruction of numerous Hindu places of worship and the proliferation of new Buddhist shrines. The government and the military are relentlessly engaged in transforming the cultural, linguistic and religious makeup of the North and East and forcibly imposing the dominant culture on those areas. Land grabs and subsequent colonization are clearly attempts to alter the ethnic demography of the North and the East. Such attempts are clearly meant to undermine the political influence of the Tamil people. This concern is made even more serious with the Northern Provincial Council Elections scheduled for September this year. President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s claim following the end of the war that ‘there will be no minorities’ takes on new meaning in this context. 

The Tamil National Alliance has repeatedly raised the serious implications of such policies and actions on reconciliation. The government declares that it has ended the war and has now ushered in an era of peace and reconciliation. However, as I have repeatedly stated in both this column and elsewhere, reconciliation will not come when people are shut out of the homes and land that belong to them. For true reconciliation the trust and amity that has been lost between communities must be rebuilt. 

Reconciliation will not come if the Tamil people in the North and East see those of other communities take over their land and their livelihoods while they languish with no roof over their heads. This can only push reconciliation further away.

These land grabs by the military, together with activities relating to colonization of the North and East are part of the attacks on the democratic rights of the Tamil People in the North and East. These attacks are clearly carried out with the active support, sanction and collusion of the Sri Lankan government. They are part of the many vain and counterproductive attempts to suppress and persecute Tamils for their political aspirations.

The Tamil National Alliance has called on the Sri Lankan government to immediately cease these acts of violence directed against the Tamil People. In order to prevent a non-recurrence of the past, Sri Lanka must expeditiously commence a meaningful and genuine process of reconciliation. Land grabs and colonization will only hinder such a process.

Stay away from Colombo on May Day – Police

Police asked the public to refrain from entering Colombo City on May Day (May, 1) due to the numerous rallies that have been scheduled to take place.  

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Getting ready for the red day

MONDAY, 29 APRIL 2013 

May Day celebrations of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) will be held at the BRC Grounds, Thimbirigasyaya tomorrow. Picture shows the supporters arranging the stage for the day. Pix by Pradeep Dilrukshana

Worries Of Budu Bala Sena

By Rifai Naleemi -April 29, 2013 

Dr. Rifai Naleemi

Do we really need to response to the provocations and hated campaigns of this tiny group of extremists in Sri Lanka?  Much has been said and written about them in various news papers and TV broadcasting. It has been highlighted in recent media presentation and press release.  Reading through what has been said and written about them I could notice that there are two schools of thought in our response to the provocations and activities of this group. One school of thought argues that BBS should be left on its own and we should not response to their provocation and activities. It will meet its doom day naturally.

The more we response to them the more they will be encouraged to provoke Muslims and therefore, it would be better to leave them alone to shout as much as they like. This school of thought is maintained by some of highly respected academic and venerable monks in this country. It is noted that one of the venerable monks remarked that BBS will be eliminated within the periods of two Poyas:   In a sense, this observation is right and timely needed observation. I partially agree with this highly respected academic and venerable monk. The BBS will shout for some times and after a short period when they will calm down and even disappear from the scene.

Such notion is somewhat acceptable given the human nature and habit of majority of Sinhalese people. it is true some of them get emotions then after sometime they forgive and forget all what happened.  Most of Sinhalese people are pure in their hearts and they  do not hide enmity and hatred at all. Most of them are honest and open minded people. They do not have any hidden jealously in their hearts and for that reasons I could convincingly say that BBS agenda would not get grounding among Sinhalese people.

The second school of thought on the matter is to challenge and encounter BBS, to challenge their ideologies, to encounter their vigorous criticism, face them intellectually and academically, psychologically and spiritually. Not to be silent but to face them and encounter them rationally, morally and politically from different platforms. Initially, I was skeptical and of two minds, whether to challenge unfounded accusation of this handful people: Some of them do not have any academic backgrounds and some of their arguments do not have any academic or intellectual credits.  Why should I waste my time and energy in responding to all these allegations?  Of course, most of these allegations are baseless and unsubstantiated with logical or rational evidence. Yet, it came to my mind that I do not reply to these unfounded accusations and allegations, the ideological philosophies of BBS could influence and shape public opinions and they could give bad impression about Islam and Muslims in this country so that I was compelled to pen down my response to their allegations and accusations.

Muslim community is under attack in Sri Lanka. Muslim community and Islam are under attack in Sri Lanka politically, spiritually, psychologically and even physically and to be silent at this crucial juncture would be moral bankruptcy of Muslim intellectual if any Muslim intellectual did not reply to these false allegations. It is imperative that Muslim academics and intellectual should respond to them with rational arguments. To be idle and do nothing in the face of these barrage of hostile and hatred campaigns against Muslims and Islam would be moral crime. Moreover, if there is no intellectual responds to BBS ideologies and activities from Muslim perspectives what would happen for public perception of Islam and Muslim in Sri Lanka?  Moreover, silence of Muslim intellectuals could send many negative impressions about Islam and Muslims in Sri Lanka.  Moreover how do public know the truth about Islam and Muslims? And public would not have alternative sources to know about the true picture of these allegations if Muslim intellectuals provide them with clarifications and explanation,

For these reasons, I shall try to write series of articles in responding to some of the allegations made by BBS. I shall try to be objectives in my writing and I shall be making some constructive criticism: It is not my objective here to damage communal harmony in Sri Lanka rather to enhance communal harmony and peace between communities in Sri Lanka. We should use our brains and gauge these issues and problems logically and rationally. We should try to understand different cultures and ways of life. This is in the greater interest of all communities in Sri Lanka. When I write this I do not intend to offend any one or any religious faith or doctrines. It is my humble request to Sri Lankans irrespective of their religious attachment to read my articles completely until final parts to come to some solid conclusions;

BBS and its Ideological philosophies 

The historical origin, motives and philosophies of Budu Bala Sena should be examined and analysed in the context of its concerns and emotional feeling. Every one knows that it has been pouring its sensational emotions since its inception.  The psychological, moral, political, and socio- religious mindsets of these people should be examined in light of sociological and historical perspectives. Why these people are so emotional and why these people are so angry? What makes them so angry? Why do they feel that their cultural, religious heritage, customs, traditions and way of life are in jeopardy?  Is it really because of minority communities or is it because of the failure of successive Sri Lankan governments to protect Buddhism in this country or is it because of the failure of religious leadership of Buddhist clerics to reach out to Sinhalese public in professional and scientific ways and methods with Buddhism? Or is it because of the western influence in Sri Lankan.

With modern technological advancement and intrusion of internet and Web culture young generation goes away from religious faith and practices not only in Sri Lanka but also all over the world. This is a general trend in all communities and communal and socio-religious values and principle are peril in all countries. This is a reality of the world we live in and Sri Lanka is not an exceptional to this general rule.

These are some of genuine questions and we should examine them in light of modern development in Sri Lanka. Rather than challenging or debating these clerics it is the duty of each and very Sri Lanka to try to understand their problems and their worries. I think that it is a collective duty of all Sri Lankans.  Their worries and problems would affect all Sri Lankans in one way or another.  Today live in Sri Lanka as a one family unite and we can not ignore these problems at all.

We should understand problems and worries of these people objectively without any bias with sympathy and empathy.  What went wrong with Buddhism in Sri Lanka to make these people so angry?  Why that Buddhism is is in decline as it is claimed by some of these monks? Who is responsible for such decline/?   One wonders whether these people are trying to follow Anagarika Dharmapala who tried to revive Buddhism in Sri Lankan in early 20th century.  It seems that these people have been using same slogans and mottos as Anagarika Darmapala did. It is often said that he succeeded to some extent to generate nationalistic feelings in his days.  One wonders as if history repeats itself now in Sri Lanka today.

In one of his TV interviews the President of Budu Bala Sena venerable Kirama Vimalajothi clearly outlined BBS’s objectives and missions in Sri Lanka. He said that he and his fellow members were worried and concerned about the status of Buddhism in Sri Lanka right now.  He said that he was worried about alien cultural intrusion and influence among Sinhalese Buddhist communities.  He argues that 2000 years Buddhists culture is in peril and has been threaten by different cultural invasion and influence.  Particularly he contends that since independence Sinhalese community is subjected Christian missionary onslaught of converting poor Sinhalese people from Buddhism to Christianity. He claims that hundreds of NGO are working day and night in Srilanka with hidden agenda of converting Sinhalese into Christianity.  He claims that these NGOs are working in disguise as Montessori, nurseries and charities as missionary agents with the intention of converting people.

He said that Sinhalese Buddhists are losing their cultural identity.  Western way of life is intruding in Sinhalese community. For instance he lamented that Sinhalese are celebrating “Mothers day” in Sri Lanka now.  It is a western concept and how did this intrude into our culture. We care and love our parents 24 hours a day and 365 days in year unlike western people.  He further lamented that alien languages, food, songs and even Cinemas are dominating Sri Lanka.  Sinhalese people like to wear as westerners wear.  They like to eat as westerners eat and they like to behave as westerners behave. Venerable Monk says if this trend continues what would happen to our culture and our way of life. Where does this country of ours go?  What would happen to our people and our culture? He says that some patriotic Sinhalese people are asking these genuine questions. He further noted that a lot of people today are worried about this new trend.

Hence it could be said that BBS was instituted primarily with the objectives of purifying Sinhalese Buddhist community from alien cultural and religious influences. Venerable Kirama Vimalajothi clearly said in his TV interview that their primary objective was “to clean our garden from all types of dirt and filth”. Therefore, BBS main concerns and worries are not wage wars on other religious faiths and practices as it is assumed by some its followers.

Venerable Monk says that we had 30 years of wars and we do not want to create any more problems in this country and we know how much we suffered during these thirty years.  We are here to protect our race and our country.  We are not racists and we do not have any racist agendas. We are not against any race or any religion. We are here to speak on behalf of our people and we are here to protect our community. These are some of worries of these monks. I personally do not see any problems in these concerns and these are really genuine concerns and worries. No one should doubt about it. Yet, how these address these concerns and how do they try to find solutions to these problems and concerns.