Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, February 15, 2013


Commotion at Satyagraha in Jaffna

FRIDAY, 15 FEBRUARY 2013
There was a commotion during the Sathyagraha launched by the IDPs in Jaffna today when a handful of people started to hoot soon after Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe had left the place after giving a speech.

The IDPs were on a hunger strike urging the government that they be resettled in the original home lands owned by them.

Eyewitnesses said that the incident began as soon as Mr. Wickremesinghe ended his speech. They said a handful of men had started hooting at Mr. Wickremesinghe when large crowds gathered there started attacking them.

They said the army which rushed to the place had taken these men away.

TNA MP M. A Sumanthiran confirmed that Mr. Wickremesinghe had completed his speech and had left the location of the hunger strike when the hooting began.

He said this group of men had subsequently started assaulting the crowd gathered at the site. However Mr. Sumanithiran said the crowd that out numbered these men began to hit back at them when the army had arrived. He said the army took four suspects away.

UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake said it was sad to see the people who were on a fast being disturbed.

“This cannot be condoned as the IDPs were only exercising their rights to protest,” he said.(Yohan Perera)
.......................................................................................................

PLOTTING TO TAKE OVER?

A protest fast was launched his morning in Thelippalei, Jaffna participated by several representativesand supporters of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), United National Party (UNP) and several other opposition parties, calling for the establishing of a democratic rule and an end to alleged illegal land grabbing in the North. Pictured here Ranil Wickramasinghe, M. A. Sumanthiran and Mano Ganeshan seen in discussion during the protest. It was later reported that an unknown group had attacked the protest fast today (15) after the opposition leader had left. 
Plotting to take over?

SRI LANKA: IMPUNITY PERSISTS FOR CRIMES UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW AS SRI LANKA ESCALATES ATTACKS ON CRITICS: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S WRITTEN STATEMENT TO THE 22ND SESSION OF THE UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL

Sri Lanka: Impunity persists for crimes under international law as Sri Lanka escalates attacks on critics: Amnesty International’s written statement to the 22nd session of the UN Human Rights Council

Download: 
Index Number: ASA 37/004/2013
Date Published: 12 February 2013
Categories: Sri Lanka
Impunity persists for crimes under international law as Sri Lanka escalates attacks on critics: Amnesty International’s written statement to the 22nd session of the UN Human Rights Council (25 February- 22 March 2013)
ASA 37/004/2013
12 February 2013
Human rights defenders in Sri Lanka continue to face threats and physical violence for peacefully opposing government policies and practices. The government’s intolerance of dissent – even from those using the country’s judicial system, combined with its unwillingness to rein in abusive members of its security force and political supporters or account for their actions, has led to violations of the right to freedom of expression, undermined rule of law and threatens to derail post-conflict reconciliation.
Sri Lanka’s unwillingness to account for alleged crimes under international law committed by its armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the last stages of the armed conflict that ended in 2009, or indeed to investigate and prosecute other alleged serious violations of human rights, has fostered a climate of impunity where arbitrary detentions, torture and other ill-treatment, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial executions continue unchecked. Almost four years after the armed conflict with the LTTE ended, these violations continue to be reported. Sri Lankans demanding human rights accountability have been treated with particular hostility by Sri Lankan officials, especially when their demands have been communicated outwards, to the international community.
Since October 2012, lawyers and judges have also been attacked for denouncing alleged attacks on the independence of Sri Lanka’s judiciary – an issue that reached a climax in January with the Parliament of Sri Lanka’s impeachment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake despite a Supreme Court ruling that found the impeachment process unconstitutional. On 7 October, less than three weeks after JSC Secretary Manjula Tilakaratne, a high court judge, released a statement on behalf of Sri Lanka’s Judicial Services Commission (JSC) complaining of interference and intimidation, armed assailants attacked pistol whipped him and attempted to drag him from his car. In January, two Appeals Court judges received threatening phone calls warning them not to go to court the next day when they were scheduled to rule on the Chief Justice’s impeachment; senior lawyers who opposed the impeachment have received anonymous death threats.
Sri Lanka continues to employ the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), which Amnesty International has long said should be abolished. The PTA restricts freedom of expression and association, permits extended administrative detention, and reverses the burden of proof where torture or other ill-treatment of detainees is alleged. Dissenting Sri Lankans have also been the victims of smear campaigns in the state-owned press, anonymous threats and acts of intimidation by unidentified assailants.� Physical violence against the Sri Lankan government’s detractors also happens with disturbing frequency: critics of the Sri Lankan government have been abducted, assaulted, and shot. Grenades have been thrown at their homes�; they have been victims of enforced disappearances and murder. None of the incidents have been effectively investigated or prosecuted.
In December 2012, Sri Lankan authorities arrested more than 50 people in northern Sri Lanka under the PTA in the wake of student protests demanding freedom of expression after security forces broke up a lamp lighting ceremony at the women’s hostel at Jaffna University held to commemorate “Heroes Day,” a day of remembrance established by the LTTE that has been banned by the Sri Lankan army. Two student leaders are still detained without charge until mid-February for “rehabilitation;” more than 40 others alleged by authorities to be former LTTE members, were detained for interrogation by the Terrorist Investigation Division of the police. These events illustrate how little progress Sri Lanka has made in implementing promises to improve respect for human rights and accountability, or achieve national reconciliation.
Resolution 19/2 adopted by the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) on 22 March 2012 welcomed recommendations made by Sri Lanka’s Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) “including the need to credibly investigate widespread allegations of extra-judicial killings and enforced disappearances, demilitarize the north of Sri Lanka, implement impartial land dispute resolution mechanisms, re-evaluate detention policies, strengthen formerly independent civil institutions, reach a political settlement on the devolution of power to the provinces, promote and protect the right of freedom of expression for all and enact rule of law reforms.”� It urged Sri Lanka to formulate a “comprehensive action plan” to implement the recommendations. The resolution noted with concern that the final report of the LLRC did “not adequately address serious allegations of violations of international law”� and so called on Sri Lanka to go beyond the LLRC recommendations to “address alleged violations of international law.”�
Resolution 19/2 stressed the need for the “credible and independent”� action, but Sri Lanka’s National Plan of Action (the Plan), unveiled in July 2012 failed to commit to new or independent investigations, relying instead on agencies associated with violations to investigate and police themselves. Amnesty International reiterates its severe criticism of this approach; the Ministry of Defence, armed forces and police cannot credibly investigate alleged violations by their own personnel possibly acting on the orders of senior commanders and government ministers.
A recent report by an Army Board charged with developing its own Action Plan on LLRC Recommendations perpetuates the same flawed logic -- proposing new military structures to investigate allegations against the military where the LLRC, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka,� and a host of international and domestic human rights organizations have called for independent investigations of alleged violations of human rights and humanitarian law.
While Sri Lanka attempts to silence its critics at home, on the international front it continues make empty promises about protecting human rights and the rule of law.
The UN must not allow procrastination to continue when it comes to ending impunity for human rights violations in Sri Lanka or where accountability for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity are concerned. Since the Government of Sri Lanka has proved unwilling to end the cycle of impunity in Sri Lanka, the UN must act. The Human Rights Council should establish a Council mechanism devoted to monitoring and reporting to the Council on the current human rights situation in Sri Lanka. An independent international investigation is also necessary into allegations of crimes under international law committed by the Government and the LTTE in the country’s armed conflict.
In addition, the Human Rights Council and UN member states should call on Sri Lanka to:
Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission
Initiate prompt, effective and independent investigation of alleged violations of human rights or humanitarian law identified by the LLRC or otherwise. No amnesties should be considered or granted for perpetrators of such violations, regardless of their status or role in the government. Agencies associated with alleged violations must not be tasked with investigating their own personnel.
Freedom of Expression and Association
Urge Sri Lankan security forces and armed groups acting in alliance with them to stop all attacks and acts of intimidation against people expressing dissenting views or suspected of holding dissenting views; and end practices such as censorship, closure of media outlets, and monitoring and surveillance of individuals that do not conform with Sri Lanka’s international obligations.
Anti-Terrorism Legislation
Repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act and abolish Sri Lanka’s system of administrative detention;
Release all individuals arrested under emergency or anti-terrorism laws, including all persons held in “rehabilitation camps”, unless they are charged with recognizable criminal offences and remanded in custody by an independent, regularly constituted civilian court. Any trials must be held promptly and in regularly constituted civilian courts with all internationally recognized safeguards provided and without recourse to the death penalty. Implement all court rulings (such as Supreme Court decisions in fundamental rights cases and writs of habeas corpus) ordering release of detainees without delay.
Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances
Further to HRC resolution 19/2, facilitate without delay the visit requested by the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances.
� In the run up to and aftermath of the 19th session of the Human Rights Council (HRC or the Council) in March 2012 Sri Lankan politicians and government media labeled Sri Lankan lawyers, journalists and staff of human rights and policy organizations who spoke in favour of Resolution 19/2 or attempted to cooperate with UN human rights mechanisms as “traitors” and threatened some with bodily harm. A similar campaign against critics began building before the 22nd Human Rights Council sessions.
� JC Weliamuna, one of targets of recent death threats for protesting attacks on the independence of the judiciary was the former head of Transparency International in Sri Lanka. In 2010 he was the target of a smear campaign in the government media falsely alleging misuse of funds by his organization. On the night of 27 September 2008 two grenades were thrown at his residence. The motive for the attack was never determined although he believed that the attack was linked to his work as a human rights lawyer. The perpetrators were never identified.
� Promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka, A/HRC/RES/19/2, preamble.
� ibid
� ibid, OP2.
�Ibid, OP1.
� Report of the Secretary-General’s Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka, 31 March 2011
S Africa initiative must not be allowed to mislead - ICG


 Friday, 15 February 2013
Whilst the Swiss government has expressed support for what has been dubbed the 'South African initiative' - an effort to promote negotiations towards peace and reconciliation between the the Sri Lankan government and the TNA, led by the South African government and civil society groups - Alan Keenan of the International Crisis Group has cast doubt on the whole affair, stating that it was "hard to be optimistic".
Speaking to Swiss Broadcasting Corporation, Keenan said:
“If it has any value, it is only as a long-term channel for eventual trust-building between the parties. But the onus is on the Sri Lankan government to show a willingness to match the many compromises that the main Tamil party has made recently … I don't see this happening any time soon.”
It is very important that both the Swiss government and the South African government make this lack of progress clear to the world and not allow the Sri Lankan government to mislead the world on this point. Both the Swiss and the South African governments should support a strong resolution at next month's session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva,”
The Swiss Broadcasting Corporation reported:
'He [Keenan] accused the Sri Lankan government of having no interest in fair negotiations with Tamil political parties, no intention to devolve meaningful power to the Tamil-majority northern province or the Tamil-speaking majority eastern province, and of going back on its many promises.

Current policies towards Tamils, especially in the northern province, were undermining their rights and damaging the prospects of a lasting political settlement, he added
.'
His comments echoed that of the TNA's, who in a statement released during their visit to South Africa earlier this month said:
"In this context we are acutely aware that the GOSL will seek to show the world that some progress has been made, by pointing to the current visit by the TNA to South Africa. 
Therefore, we wish to make it clear that our engagement with the South African initiative is NOT a process that we have commenced with the GOSL and that appropriate action at the UNHRC is absolutely necessary to persuade the GOSL to comply with the said resolution and to discontinue with its harmful agenda against the Tamil People of Sri Lanka."

Economic Sanctions On Sri Lanka?

 citing new OHCHR report, urges the Indian Government and the International Community to follow Chief Minister Jayalalithaa’s lead in calling for economic sanctions against Sri Lanka in a new UNHRC resolution

( February 15, 2013, Toronto, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) welcomes Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Dr Jayalalithaa’s call to the Indian government to move a separate resolution to impose economic sanctions against Sri Lanka at the UNHRC and calls upon all governments to follow her lead.

Nimal Vinayagamoorthy, TGTE Minister for Economic Development and Environment said he is pleased that the Chief Minister has once again called for economic sanctions against Sri Lanka: “I welcome the strong stand the Chief Minister has taken in calling for economic sanctions against Sri Lanka and her reiteration of the resolution passed by the Tamil Nadu Assembly. I urge the Indian government to heed her demand and for all other governments including UNHRC members to follow her lead and give their support for such a resolution,” the Minister stated, renewing TGTE’s call for a UN Security Council sponsored embargo against Sri Lanka and for an ICC referral to look into the charge of genocide against Sri Lanka’s political and military leaders in addition to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

TN Assembly resolution of June 2011 had asked the Indian Central Government “to initiate action by working with other nations for imposition of an economic embargo on the Sri Lankan government and declare perpetrators of genocide as war criminals, till the Tamils living in camps are resettled in their own places and allowed to live with dignity, self-respect and equal constitutional rights on par with the Sinhalese."

“Not only has the Sri Lankan President ruled out any autonomy for the Tamil people, he has rejected all calls for accountability for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide” the Minister added, expressing condemnation “at the ongoing structural genocide that’s taking place in the NorthEast to obliterate the Tamil Nation, not to mention the breakdown of the rule of law, the complete erosion of democratic values, torture and detention without charge and disappearance without trace of Tamils under the PTA, rape and violence against Tamil women and the impeachment of the Chief Justice among other.”

Citing Reuters and referring to the latest UN High Commissioner Ms Navi Pillay’s report, post UPR, that found “abductions and killings continue in Sri Lanka,” which decried the “lack of progress in war time investigations,” the Minister was clear-cut in his views that the international community cannot idle anymore. Underscoring Ms Pillay’s call to “authorities to allow international experts in criminal and forensic investigations to help resolve outstanding wartime crimes and end impunity,” the Minister urged the international community to initiate an international independent investigation.

“The moment of truth has arrived, time for India and the UN to act and act decisively,” the Minister said.

The TGTE is a political formation to win fundamental civil, political and human rights including the right to self determination for the Tamil people in the NorthEast of the island of Sri Lanka, providing a political space to articulate and realize their aspirations, that’s not available to them in the island. The TGTE upholds democratic values, non-violence and abides by the laws of the countries that its elected members and the Senate represent.


Commonwealth SG Kamalesh Sharma promises to help politically controlled institutions to become more stronger

Thursday, 14 February 2013 
Issuing a statement at the end of his 3 day visit to Sri Lanka Commonwealth Secretary-General Kamalesh Sharma promised to strengthen the Human Rights Commission and Press Council of Sri Lanka among other such promises.
Both institutions are politicaly controlled by the Rajapaksha government. NHRC has in the recent past has proved its pro Rajapkasha bias on number of occations. It remains in B status in the International Coordinating Committee of National Human Rights Institutions since 2008. Sri Lanka NHRC is not an independent body according to Paris Principals of the ICC. Instead of calling for an independent NHRC Kamalesh Sharma has promised to strengthen this political tool of the regime.
The Press Council of Sri Lanka is a censorship mechanism which was revived by the regime few years ago. All major media organisations, including the Editors Guild of Sri Lanka and the Free Media Movement has opposed the re establishment of the Press Council. It has been opposed by all international press freedom organisations well. Now Kamalesh Sharma instead of asking to repeal it has promised to strengthen it.
Strange enough Kamalesh Sharmahas stated that the Commonwealth will support the freedom of expression in Sri Lanka by strengthening the Press Council and another bankrupt institution, Sri Lanka Press Institute. Former director of its media training arm now runs President Rajapaksha's social media.
Further more Kamalesh Sharma has welcomed the proposed changes of law related to the impeachment of superior court judges, a move that has been strongly criticised by independent lawyers. This proposed 19th amendment will be another blow for the independent of judiciary according to senior lawyer S. Sumanthiran , a TNA MP.

A Comment On The Report For Promoting Reconciliation And Accountability In The Country

Colombo TelegraphBy Basil Fernando -February 15, 2013
Basil Fernando
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms. Navanethem Pillay, on February 11, 2013 issued the Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on advice and technical assistance for the Government of Sri Lanka on promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka. This report is in terms of Resolution 19/2 of the Human Rights Council and in preparation for the debate on the resolution which will take place in Geneva in March of this year. The Sri Lankan government has virtually dismissed the report and yesterday (February 14) the government spokesman, when answering a media question about the report said that with regard to internal matters and matters relating to the Constitution the government is not answerable to anybody.
Reviewing the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) the High Commissioner has highlighted the following areas of concern: The rule of law and the administration of justice; credible investigations of widespread allegations of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances; detention policies; internal displacement and land issues; the right to freedom of opinion and expression; demilitarization and reconciliation and reparation.
The High Commissioner has rightly raised the rule of law and the administration of justice as the first issues in her list of concerns. In her opening paragraph Ms. Pillay states:
In its report, the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission stress that an independent judiciary, transparent legal process and strict adherence to the rule of law are essential for peace and stability.
This statement alone suffices to sum up the lack of any prospect of a genuine or fruitful dialogue between the High Commissioner’s Office as well as the Human Rights Council by the Sri Lankan government. Quite simply, the problem of the rule of law and the administration of justice are problems that arise from the very nature and the structure of the political system of Sri Lanka. The government of Sri Lanka relies completely on the system of governance which has been developed as a system where the executive president has absolute power. To question that is to question the very basis of the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. Naturally the regime will resist any kind of challenge to the manner in which it rules Sri Lanka as interference into the internal affairs of the country.
Thus, the discourse on Resolution 19/2 begins in a deadlock. All the problems that the High Commissioner has highlighted from the recommendations of the LLRC are issues that challenge what the government has been doing on the basis of its interpretation of the 1978 Constitution, which is further strengthened by the 18thAmendment to that Constitution. The government’s express wish is to go even further and to perfect the powers of the executive president as the absolute ruler. This position is in direct conflict with the issues raised by the High Commissioner as well as the movers of Resolution 19/2.
There is no way to get around this fundamental conflict between the nature and the structure of the Sri Lankan government and the fundamental issues raised by Resolution 19/2. The Mahinda Rajapaksa regime operates on the basis that the rule of law and the administration of justice are of no concern to the government. Anyone who does not understand this fact simply has no grasp of the operation of the political system in Sri Lanka at all.
The government has illustrated its approach to the rule of law and the administration of justice in the manner in which it acted and continues to act in relation to the impeachment of the Chief Justice, Shirani Bandaranayake, and the appointment of the new chief justice. To all those who raised their concerns from among the local community, as well as from all the authoritative international agencies, the government stated in plain language, “Just go to hell”.
It is quite logical for the government to take that position. It knows that the style of rule it has developed in the country is incompatible with the basic norms of the rule of law and the administration of justice. Internally, the government has taken the position that it will ignore all these rules and undermine the judicial institutions as much as is needed to safeguard its style of rule.
In yesterday’s briefing to the media the government spokesman said that the government may be willing to discuss any specific issues raised but it will certainly resist any discussion into matters which are internal affairs and which are related to Constitutional matters.
The problem with the LLRC was that it pointed out some very key issues which undermine the rule of law and the administration of justice in Sri Lanka. However, it did not go far enough to point out that all the problems it has identified arise from the very nature of Sri Lanka’s Constitution itself. Of course the LLRC perhaps could not go that far as its own mandate was derived from the president and entering into a direct assault on the presidential system itself was perhaps, not within its mandate. What the LLRC did was to make a critique by way of implication. In local parlance this is called “Taking medicine without the knowledge of the throat”.
This is the very same problem that the movers of Resolution 19/2 and the High Commissioner will be faced with. The problems enumerated by the High Commissioner arise from the very operation of the Constitution itself. When the government says that what it does is justifiable in terms of the Constitution it is, in fact, telling the truth. It is using the best excuse it has by asking, “Do you want us to act against our constitution”?
That was also the question it asked from all those who criticised them about the government’s approach to the removal of the chief justice of the country without even affording her a decent inquiry. The government blatantly said that it was not obliged to provide such a decent inquiry as the Constitution has allowed it to act in any barbaric manner it wishes. “If the constitution was bad that is not our fault”, was the government’s excuse.
Can the movers of Resolution 19/2 and the High Commissioner face this argument by the government openly and directly? That is the issue that anyone who is seriously concerned about the rule of law and the administration of justice in Sri Lanka should deal with and no other issue regarding human rights can be dealt with unless this problem is addressed.
This is also the issue that the Tamil Diaspora is unable to deal with. The Diaspora calls on the government to provide justice for violations of the rights of the Tamil people. However, dealing with justice for those wrongs cannot be done as long as the Sri Lankan Constitution remains what it is. When the total structure of governance is incompatible with the rule of law and the administration of justice it is simply an illusion to demand justice on some issues under the same constitution.
This is also the issue that prevents the Sri Lankan opposition from coming together with an effective political programme for ensuring the rule of law and the administration of justice in Sri Lanka. The leading opposition party, the United National Party (UNP), refuses to take the issue of the Constitution head on. It says that if the 17th Amendment to the Constitution is restored it will be satisfied. However, there is no way that a government which has gone so far as to establish the  18th Amendment and wants to have even further amendments to make its rule absolute, is going to reinvent the 17th Amendment. As long as the UNP is unable to disown the 1978 Constitution and promise to do all it can to see the abolition of this constitution altogether, it has no honest political message for the country.
Thus, the UN High Commissioner’s recommendations and the debate on Resolution 19/2 will only once again highlight the political deadlock that Sri Lanka is faced with. All attempts to deny this deadlock will only further strengthen the attacks of the Rajapaksa regime on the rule of law and the administration of justice.
The full report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights may be found here
Transitional adminstration in NE is a 'matter of urgency' - TNPF

Tamil Guardian 14 February 2013


In a statement released at a press conference held in Jaffna on Tuesday, The Tamil National People's Front criticised the failure of the international community "complete failure of the UN and the international community in its obligations under the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to have intervened on behalf of the Tamil Nation," and called on the members of the UN Human Rights Council to "to resolve to invoke the doctrine of R2P to the Tamil Nation and to set up a transitional administration in the Tamil homeland comprising of the North East provinces in Sri Lanka, as a matter of urgency."
See statement in English and Tamil. An extract is reproduced below:
It is under these circumstances that the TNPF also wishes to draw the attention of the members to 1) the Report by the Panel of Experts appointed by the UN Secretary General to look into accountability issues in Sri Lanka, 2) the recently leaked internal UN Petrie Report 3) the Report by the OHCHR to the 22nd session of the UNHRC, specifically the reiterated call for international independent investigations.

What is now public knowledge of credible allegations of what transpired during the last stages of the war, amply points to the complete failure of the UN and the international community in its obligations under the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to have intervened on behalf of the Tamil Nation. Political expediency on the part of the UN and the international community in wanting to see the defeat of the LTTE in the name of eradicating “terrorism” resulted in the Tamil Nation having to pay the ultimate price of a genocidal war. However, three and a half years since the end of the war, the Tamil people continue to face the onslaught in the form of structural genocide of their Nation.

Accordingly, the TNPF reiterates its call for an independent and credible international investigation regarding the breach of international law, including the crime of genocide; Further, the TNPF calls upon the members of the UNHRC to resolve to invoke the doctrine of R2P to the Tamil Nation and to set up a transitional administration in the Tamil homeland comprising of the North East provinces in Sri Lanka, as a matter of urgency. The said transitional administration will have to necessarily lie outside the present constitutional apparatus. Such a step is vital to not only stop the further dismantling of the existence of the Tamil Nation, but also to safeguard any future prospects of finding a negotiated solution to the Tamil National question. It is also our view that the establishment of a transitional administration will also be the only realistic way for not only evidence collection for a credible accountability process to succeed, but also to safeguard the available evidence.
 Situation in Jaffna peninsula is getting deteriorating. Tamil National Alliance express to Australian High Commissioner


Compared to last year, this year, the condition in Jaffna peninsula is getting deteriorated. An anti-democratic atmosphere is getting originated here. A situation has cropped up of living in fear was said by Tamil National Alliance parliament members to Australian High Commissioner.

Australian High Commissioner for Sri Lanka who was on a visit to Jaffna district two days back met Tamil National Alliance Jaffna district members Suresh Piremachandran, E.Saravanabawan, S.Sritharan and had discussions.

Regarding this meeting, Tamil National Alliance Jaffna district parliament member Suresh Piremachandran said, people in Jaffna district had not still got resettled.

Jaffna district Military Commander and President had stated that their lands belong to military. They are adopting a monocracy attitude. This is what happening today in Jaffna which we told him.

During this meeting Australian High Commissioner asked us what is the state of Jaffna, compared to last year.

In reply we said; continue to move under military pressure. Newspapers were scorched, unreasonable arrests continue, understanding between ethnics is getting disturbed by government activities.

This fluctuate racial multiplying in the north. A situation has cropped up for people to live in fear.

To solve this, international society should assist. Our ciris could be settled if our rights are granted. By understanding this, the international society should pressurize the government was expressed.

Friday , 15 February 2013

Female Journalists Walk on Eggshells in Sri Lanka

Dilrukshi Handunnetti holds the wallet containing the media accreditation card of slain journalist and editor Lasantha Wickrematunge. Credit: Amantha Perera/IPS
Dilrukshi Handunnetti holds the wallet containing the media accreditation card of slain journalist and editor Lasantha Wickrematunge. Credit: Amantha Perera/IPS
COLOMBO, Feb 14 2013 (IPS) - The year was 1998 and porters at the wholesale vegetable market in the Sri Lankan capital Colombo had gone on strike, virtually suspending vegetable distribution in the city and its suburbs.
A national news channel, Sri Lanka Maharaja Television, had dispatched a crew of reporters to cover the porters’ union general meeting; the atmosphere was charged and tension was palpable.
“Suddenly,” recalled a female journalist who was just a young cub reporter at the time, “I was surrounded by hundreds of bare bodied men, some holding metal hooks and sweating profusely, all wondering what the hell this young woman was doing there”.
She told IPS that she soon realised the throng of men “wanted only one thing: they wanted the attention of my team, all of them wanted to tell the story.”
The incident, memories of which have stayed with her throughout her entire career, is just one example of how even a relatively mundane assignment can turn out to be a dangerous encounter for a female journalist, she said.
A decade and a half later, women continue to tread on eggshells as they navigate an incendiary media landscape in this South Asian country of 20 million people.
The island’s overall press freedom indicators are not glowing. A recent compilation of global statistics by the Paris-based media rights watchdog Reporters Without Borders (which goes by its French acronym RSF) ranked Sri Lanka 162nd out of 179 countries on its press freedom index, sandwiched between Rwanda and Saudi Arabia.
According to the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), 19 journalists have been killed in the past two decades, nine of them in the last eight years. To date no one has been convicted for the crimes.
On Jan. 28 over 100 journalists gathered in Colombo to protest against assaults on the media. The ‘Black January’ commemorations have become an annual event to remember assassinations, attacks and intimidations of colleagues.
Though attacks against the press have been on the decline, the bleak forecast for the future is that those responsible for violence, disappearances and even murder will continue to roam free.
“A Black January 2014 seems almost inevitable,” according to a blog post by CPJ’s Asia Coordinator, Bob Dietz.
Within the general climate of fear and repression of the media, women face a unique set of challenges. The latest protests were a grim reminder to female reporters that they are walking on thin ice.
“Sometimes the threat levels become more severe because you are a woman,” a female foreign correspondent with over two decades of working experience in Sri Lanka told IPS.
Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema, associate editor of the weekend newspaper ‘The Sunday Leader’ shares this view.
The mother of a young daughter, Abeywickrema feels that female journalists face even more pressure when they have families to consider.
“I am a mother and a wife — what will happen to my family if something happens to me?” she asked.
“Many female journalists walk down the safe path, and may not touch sensitive stories that they would have done in the past,” she said, because of concerns for their families’ safety.
Dilrukshi Handunnetti, senior deputy editor at the daily ‘Ceylon Today’ believes the intimidating environment has led to “a change in our newsrooms over the past few years, a collective (decision) to practice self-censorship”.
Abeywickrema and Handunnetti are intimately familiar with the fatal consequences of disregarding personal safety. Both were senior journalists at ‘The Sunday Leader’ when its founding editor, Lasantha Wickrematunge, was killed in broad daylight, just five minutes from their office, on Jan. 8, 2009.
Abeywickrema drove past the site of the attack – which involved four armed men on motorcycles – minutes after it had taken place.
No one has been charged so far for the gruesome murder. Wickrematunge’s widow, journalist Sonali Samarasinghe, and his successor at the newspaper, Frederica Jansz, both now live in exile due to threats on their lives.
Jansz in particular received several death threats after she took over the paper in mid-2009.
She complained that unidentified motorcyclists followed her home just a few days before her flight out of the country. In exile, she told media that she valued her role as a mother to her two sons more than that of a “hero journalist”, which prompted her decision to leave.
The current editor of the newspaper, Sakunthala Perera, is also a woman.
It is not uncommon for women to hold senior positions in newsrooms. Many female journalists agree that women have gained ground in the Sri Lankan media scene, especially in English-language and electronic formats.
“One positive indication that women are breaking ground in Sri Lanka is the (presence) of female sports reporters in our news team,” Ceylon Today’s Handunnetti told IPS. “That is something that was unheard of when we joined newspapers.”
But she sounded a cautionary tone about gender equality in the field, explaining that while women have made huge advances as professional news-gatherers, they continue to be largely excluded from some niche areas.
She stressed that women rarely receive training on reporting from hazardous areas such as post-disaster sites or conflict zones, adding that few newsrooms take precautions against the specific dangers women face in the field.
Abeyawickrema recalled that when she covered the aftermath of the 2004 Asian tsunami in Sri Lanka, she did so without any formal training, entering potential high-risk zones without any knowledge on how to ensure her personal security.
Another female reporter who worked at ‘The Sunday Leader’ in 2004, but has since left, told IPS that she once spent the night in a camp set up for tsunami victims where she could “feel men moving near my tent all through the night”.
“I was completely vulnerable,” she said, adding that neither her colleagues nor her editors at the time understood the trauma of that experience.
According to Abeyawickrema, female journalists are constantly reminded of their vulnerability to attacks, especially of a sexual nature, during field assignments.
“I am experienced enough to know when to stop pushing the envelope,” she said. “But I don’t think many juniors are aware of the risk.”
A female journalist working in the eastern city of Batticaloa told IPS that she has now limited her work to stories involving women and development, because she felt unsafe reporting on incidents of a more political nature.
“Once (in 2011) members of an armed political group crowded around me when I went to report on an incident involving one of their members and a village woman who rejected his advances. Some of them were so close that I could feel their breath — the silent message was: ‘You know what could happen, right?’”
One positive development, Abeywickrema said, has been an outburst of peer support in response to the murky media environment for women.
She said female journalists are diligent about looking out for each other and offering advice to juniors. “I think we are a lot more conscious about the environment we operate in than we were in the past,” Handunnetti concluded.